Skip to main content

Full text of "Windsor castle; an architectural history, collected and written by command of Their Majesties Queen Victoria, King Edward VII & King George V"

See other formats





. r- 




¥* ,V*'; 


W& 


_A,V . A . - 


H MB 

*'^ l -.‘ , %.W+ ! ; i ! ■ *>' ■ '-. S~.- 1 . 

fem» 

8HpW3.'^l^ r; 

Iffi 


;3*fe 






W 




^wl 


1P& 


!%fl 




■“• • : .- ■ ’ - '-*- ■'■■■c- ?rrj • 




fr&WtV? •%%$. ^ ytti 

«**&• A v ;: 

.**' ■-■ • 1 * y *• ’’w - V -*i;- ^• r ''.-‘ . > * , ,i.i 

k £«r£"w* . . v^V- ' > ' V vi •• > >< 


as lisSfl ■.; 


iA»-^j{* -*i\ #;. • > 


WM : 

-VVI'B LJlPpir W V***‘4 ! ' 

;/* ■ " **^/ji*V 


&8 &m 


5«*« 

S'S!* 




;m- 


■■ ■ 

■ 

-«snji ’Hni - 


«telfillli 

# ' . •■ ^./7> *'" * 




•■ • *.y ■ ■ - • 

l\r.» ■ J -v. •'*'.! : 


•- --r.- iV’-, -• .: 




■ ,..., 

S&5w? t $ 


Vs ". -s' VOs,*' ^ ■* *■ *' ■ ' - - 


>-^f; 





•'.t^-r-s rv. V.' nii-s — r»°f ' ' 

*■» .A* «V#* • ,*- " ’ -**' - • * 

-w. • /*?**■ - jk^-s*** r- •* ** *V * " r 

•• 3 »4v »• • •<* 

1 4 — ^ -r-. • ■*• -*• ■' 

h|^S 1 


r 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2016 with funding from 
Getty Research Institute 


https://archive.org/details/windsorcastlearc01hope 





This Edition is limited to 
One Thousand and Fifty 
Copies of which this is 


No. u-ig 





HUDSON & KEARNS 
LIMITED, PRINTERS 
LONDON, S.E. 










Hope's Windsor Castle. Frontispiece. 



Veeru erf the Hundreds /Steps 

with the Battery , now destroyed . 

From a drawing by Paul Sandby in the Royal Library. 




















■ 





























































i . 








■ V 







WINDSOR 

CASTLE 

AN 

ARCHITECTURAL 

HISTORY 


Collected and JVritten by Command of 
Their ^Majesties 

QUEEN VICTORIA 
KING EDWARD VII. 

& KING GEORGE V. 


W. H. ST. JOHN HOPE 

Litt.D., D.C.L. 

Part I 


LONDON : 

Published at the Offices of 

COUNTRY LIFE 


MCMXIll. 


Windsor Castle. v ‘>- 


CONTENTS. 

PART I. 

CHAPTER I. page 

History of the Site . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i 

Notes to Chapter I. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 

CHAPTER II. 

The Castle Under the Conqueror . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 

Notes to Chapter II. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 

CHAPTER III. 

The Castle Under the Norman Kings : William I, 1066—1087 ; William II, 1087 — 1100 ; 

Henry I, xioo — 1135 ; and Stephen, 1135— 1154 . . . . . . . . 10 

Notes to Chapter III. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 

CHAPTER IV. 

The Castle During the Reign of King Henry II, 1154 — 1189 . . . . . . . . 15 

Notes to Chapter IV. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 

CHAPTER V. 

The Castle During the Reigns of King Richard I (1189 — 1199) and King John (1199 — 1216) 23 

Notes to Chapter V. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 

s 

CHAPTER VI. 

The Castle During the Reign of King Henry III. 1216 — 1272 . . . . . . . . 31 

Notes to Chapter VI. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 

CHAPTER VII. 

The Castle During the Reign of King Henry III, 1216 — 1272 ; Continued . . . . 49 

The Outer or Lower Bailey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 

The Inner or Upper Bailey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 

The Great Tower . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 

The Royal Lodging . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 

Other Buildings in the Inner Bailey . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 

The Garden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 

Notes to Chapter VII. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 

CHAPTER VIII. 

The Castle During the Reigns of King Edward I (1272 — 1307) and King Edward II 

(1307—1327) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 

Notes to Chapter VIII. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 

CHAPTER IX. 

The Castle During the Reign of King Edward III (1327 — 1377). I. 1327 — 1344, with 

the Building of the Round Table . . . . . . . . . . 107 

Notes to Chapter IX. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 

CHAPTER X. 

The Castle During the Reign of King Edward III (1327 — 1 377) ; Continued. II. Under 

Richard of Rothley and Robert of Burnham, 1345 — 1356 . . . . . . 128 

Notes to Chapter X. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 

Appendix to Chapter X. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 

CHAPTER XI. 

The Castle During the Reign of King Edward III (1327 — 1377) ; Continued. III. Under 

William of Wykeham, William of Mulsho, and Adam of Hartington, 1356 — 1377 178 
Notes to Chapter XI. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204 

Appendix to Chapter XI. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212 

Postscript to Chapter XI. . , . . . . . . . . . , . . 219 


viii. IV incisor Castle. 

CHAPTER XII. 

The Castle During the Reign of King Richard II (1377 — 1399; • • • ■ • • 220 

Notes to Chapter XII. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224 

CHAPTER XIII. 

The Castle During the Reigns of Henry IV (1399 — 1412-3), Henry V (1412-3 — 1422), and 

Henry VI (1422 — 1461) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227 

Notes to Chapter XIII. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234 

CHAPTER XIV. 

The Castle During the Reigns of King Edward IV (1460-1 — 1483), King Edward V (9TH April 

— 25TH June, 1483), and King Richard III (1483 — 1485) . . . . . . 237 

Notes to Chapter XIV. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242 

Appendix to Chapter XIV. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243 

CHAPTER XV. 

The Castle Under the Tudor Sovereigns : King Henry VII (1485 — 1509), King Henry VIII 

(1509 — 1546-7), King Edward VI (1546-7—1553), and Queen Mary (1553 — 1558) 246 

Notes to Chapter XV. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 

Appendix to Chapter XV. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 

CHAPTER XVI. 

The Castle During the Reign of Queen Elizabeth (1558 — 1603) . . . . . . 266 

Notes to Chapter XVI. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283 

CHAPTER XVII. 

The Castle Under the Earlier Stewart Kings : James I (1603 — 1625) and Charles I 

(1625 — 1648-9) ; and During the Interregnum (1648-9 — 1660) . . . . 287 

Notes to Chapter XVII. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

The Castle During the Later Stewart Period (1660 — 1714) : Charles II (1660 — 1684-5), 

James II (1684-5 — 1688), William and Mary (1688-9 — 1694 and 1701-2), and 
Anne (1701-2 — 1714) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305 

Notes to Chapter XVIII. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 344 

CHAPTER XIX. « 

The Castle Under the Hanoverian Kings : George I (1714 — 1727), George II (1727 — 1J60), 

George III (1760 — 1820), George IV (1820 — 1830), and William IV (1830 — 183 7) 347 

Notes to Chapter XIX. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 366 

CHAPTER XX. 

The Castle During the Reigns of Queen Victoria (1837 — 1901), King Edward VII (1901 — 1910), 

and King George V (Whom God Preserve) . . . . . . . . 369 


PART II. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Description of the Castle : The Buildings in the Lower Ward . . . . . . 373 

The Gatehouse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 373 

The Chapel of Our Lady, St. George, and St. Edward . . . . . . . . 374 

The Great Chapel of St. George the Martyr . . . . . . . . . . 375 

Notes to Chapter XXL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395 

Appendix to Chapter XXL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 398 

CHAPTER XXII. 

The Buildings in the Lower Ward ( Continued ) . . . . . . . . . . . . 407 

The Chapel of St. George the Martyr ( Continued ) .. .. . . .. .. 407 

Notes to Chapter XXII. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 466 

Appendix to Chapter XXII. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 472 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

The Buildings in the Lower Ward ( Continued ) . . . . . . . . . . . . 478 

The Lady Chapel, afterwards the Tomb House, and now the Albert Memorial Chapel 478 
Notes to Chapter XXIII. . . . . . . . . ... . . . ■ 489 


Contents 


ix. 


CHAPTER XXIV. 

The Buildings in the Lower Ward ( Continued ) .. 

The Cloister 

The Vestry and Chapter House, Warden’s Lodging, and Deanery 
Canons’ Cloister and Houses 
The Cloister Porch and Erary 
The Canons’ Chapter House 
Notes to Chapter XXIV. 

CHAPTER XXV. 

The Buildings in the Lower Ward ( Continued ) 

Denton’s New Commons 
The Choristers’ Lodging 
The Vicars’ Houses and Hall 
The Horse-shoe Cloister 
The Chapter Library 

Notes to Chapter XXV. 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

The Buildings in the Lower Ward ( Continued ) 

The Clewer or Curfew Tower 
Garter’s Tower . . 

The Chancellor’s or Salisbury Tower 
Crane’s Buildings and Guard Room 
The Military Knights’ Lodgings 
Notes to Chapter XXVI. 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

The Middle Ward 

Henry the Third’s Tower 
Winchester Tower . . . . 

The Magazine Tower 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

The Buildings of the Upper Ward 

The Inner Gatehouse, or Norman Gate 
The Great Tower, Keep, or Round Tower.. 

Oueen Elizabeth’s Gallery 
King Henry VII’s Tower 

Notes to Chapter XXVIII. ■ . . 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

The Interior of the Upper Ward 
Notes to Chapter XXIX. 

CHAPTER XXX. 

The Buildings about the Upper Ward 
The State Apartments 

Notes to Chapter XXX. 


491 
49 1 
497 
501 
504 

506 


507 


512 

512 

516 

517 

518 

520 


521 


525 

525 

529 

530 


53 i 

53 i 

534 


538 

538 

540 

,54° 


542 

542 

544 

547 

548 


549 


•• 55 i 

555 


556 

556 

561 


CHAPTER XXXI. 

The Buildings about the Upper Ward ( Continued ) . . . . . . . . . . 562 

The State Apartments ( Continued ) .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 562 

Notes to Chapter XXXI. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 569 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

The Buildings about the Upper Ward (Continued) . . . . . . . . . . 570 

The Royal Apartments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 570 

Notes to Chapter XXXII. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 574 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

The Exterior of the Upper Ward .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 575 

Notes to Chapter XXXIII. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 579 

Appendix to Chapter XXXIII. .. .. .. .. .. .. 580 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

Concluding Chapter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5S3 


INDEX AND ERRATA ET CORRIGENDA 


588 


X. 


IVincisor Castle. 


LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE 


II. 


III. 


IV. 


V. 


VI. 


VII. 


VIII. 


IX. 


XIII. 


XIV. 


King Henry the Third’s Tower, 
Charles II 


PART I. 

PLATE 

View of the Hundred Steps, with the Battery, now destroyed. From a drawing by Faul Sandby in 

the Royal Library . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Frontispiece 

I. The Norman Mottes of Hastings, Rennes, Dol, Dinan, and Bayeux as depicted in the Bayeux 

Stitchwork . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 7 

Windsor Castle. Plan showing probable arrangement as an earthwork with the mount and banks 
crested with timber defences . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

Windsor Castle. Plan showing the change from wooden defences to walls and towers in masonry, 
as carried out under King Henry II . . . . . . . . . . facing 

Windsor Castle from the north-east, showing the Norman walls and towers of the east and north 
fronts. From a drawing by Hollar in the Royal Library . . . . . . facing 

The Norman “ Bowe ” in the Upper Bailey. Fig. 1. Entrance archway. Fig. 2. Vaulted 
passage and second archway 

Plan and section of the Bowe and Postern on the South side of the Upper Ward. From a drawing 
in H.M. Office of Works . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

Henry Ill’s Tower from Castle Hill; ( the old road to Datchet ). From a drawing by Paul 
Sandby in the Royal Library . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

built 1223-5, with two of May’s Windows temp. King 

. . j acing 

1. North front of the Lower Ward, showing Canons’ Houses; 2. West front of the Lower Ward, 
showing the wall with its three towers built 1227-30 . . . . . . . . facing 

The Clewer Tower of 1227-30, before its refacing and disfigurement in 1863, showing ihe added 
Belfry Story. From Melhuish’s Album of Photographs .. .. .. facing 

Fig. 3. Vaulted Basement of the Clewer Tower looking east 

Vaulted Basement of the Clewer Tower looking west 

The Garter Tower, looking west, before “ Restoration ” 

Thirteenth century doorway in a tower in the Canons’ Cloister . . 

Capital and base of pier of thirteenth century Wall-Arcade in the Cloister in the Lower 
Bailey 

X. Part of the Wall- Arcade and North Doorway of the Chapel of King Henry III in the Lower Ward 
ordered to be built in 1240. . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

XI. 1. South Alley of the Cloister with wall-arcade temp. King Henry III. 2. South-east corner of 
the Cloister . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

XII. Windsor Castle. Plan showing the probable arrangements in 1272.. .. .. facing 

Fig. 8. The Vestry (now a room in the Deanery) looking West, as built in 1350-1. The 

window on the right is modern . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 

Fig. 9. The Chapter-House doorway and flanking windows, with the Deanery doorway on the 

left. Built in 1351-2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 

Fig. 10. Part of the wooden alley of the Canons’ Cloister, as originally built in 1352-3 . . 148 

Fig. ix. Remains of the doorway to the vaulted porch below the Treasury, built in 1353 . . 149 

Fig. 12. North end of the vaulted porch below the Treasury. Built by Geoffrey Carlton, 

head mason, in 1353 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 

Fig. 13. The Treasury, now the Erary, as built and vaulted in 1353 . . . . . . 150 

Fig. 14. Wooden framework of the works in the “ High Tower ” begun in 1354 . . . . 154 

Fig. 15. North-west corner of the Cloister. Built 1354-6 . . . . . . . . 158 

Fig. 16. The new gate into the Inner Bailey. Built in 1359-60 . . . . . . . . 183 

Lodgings of the Military Knights, 1557, with the old Belfry Tower of 1359-60. From a coloured 

drawing by Paul Sandby in the Royal Library . . . . . . . . . . 184 

Part of the royal lodging of King Edward III, showing the gatehouse called la Spicerie, and the 
little tower called la Rose, with the Great Tower in the background. From a drawing by 
J. M. Turner .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. facing 186 


Fig. 4 . 
Fig. 5- 
Fig. 6 . 
Fig. 7 . 


10 

15 

16 

17 
17 

3 1 

32 

49 

50 

51 

51 

52 
54 

54 

55 

58 

68 


XI. 


XV. 


XVI. 


XVII. 


XVIII. 

XIX. 

XX. 
XXI. 


XXII. 

XXIII. 

XXIV. 

XXV. 

XXVI. 

XXVII. 

XXVIII. 


XXIX. 

XXX. 

XXXI. 

XXXII. 

XXXIII. 

XXXIV. 

XXXV. 

XXXVI. 

XXXVII. 

XXXVIII. 

XXXIX. 

XL. 

XLI. 


List of Illustrations. 


I. West end of the State Apartments with La Rose tower. 2. North side of Upper Ward 

with La Rose tower . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 191 

Fig. 17. Vault of the Inner Gatehouse, built by John Welot in 1362-3 . . . . 191 

Fig. 18. One of the “ two little vaults ” in the Inner Gatehouse, built by John Welot in 

1362-3 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 191 

Fig. 19. Part of the vault under the King’s Camera, built by John Martyn in 1362-3 192 

Fig. 20. The vault called “ le larderye,” built by John Martyn in 1362-3 . . . . 192 

Fig. 21. Vault in the tower called “ La Rose,” built by John Martyn in 1362-3 . . 192 

The Inner Gatehouse, built in 1359-61, from within the Upper Ward, with entrance to steps 

up to the Round Tower . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 192 

The King’s Hall in the Upper Ward, as built by King Edward III. Reduced from Hollar’s 

engraving of St. George’s Feast, 1663, in Ashmole’s Order of the Garter . . facing 196 

Fig. 22. Part of the eastern jamb of the new gate, built by John Martyn in 1367-8 . . 202 

Part of the Stair ( restored ) up to the Donjon or Great Tower, as rebuilt in 1439-40 facing 230 

The earliest known drawing of Windsor Castle, circa 1450. From a MS. Polychronicon 

now in Eton College Library. (By permission of the Provost of Eton.) . . facing 234 

North front of King Henry VII.’s Tower, as formerly. From a drawing by Mackenzie in 

Britton’s Architectural Antiquities of Great Britain . . . . . . facing 249 

King Henry VII’s Tower (as formerly ) and Queen Elizabeth’s Gallery from the Upper Ward. 

From a drawing by Mackenzie in Britton’s Architectural Antiquities of Great 
Britain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 246 

The Great Gatehouse of King Henry VIII, with Queen Elizabeth’s Bridge and later houses 

now removed. From a coloured drawing by Paid Sandby in the Royal Library facing 248 

Henry VIII’s Gateway and Chancellor’s Tower. From a drawing by Paul Sandby in the 

Royal Library . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 25a 

1. North Elevation of Windsor Castle, c. 1570. From John Speed's Map of Berkshire. 

2. Hoefnaglc s Drawing of Windsor Castle from the North, c. 1570. From the 
original in the Royal Library . . . . . . . . between 266 and 267^ 

The King’s Gate and entrance to the South Terrace, showing the Rubbish Gate Bridge built by 
Queen Elizabeth m 1575-6. From a drawing by Paul Sandby in the Royal Library, .facing 

View from the North, showing Queen Elizabeth’s new terrace. From Marcus Gerard’s 

Proceeding of the Sovereign and Knights Companions of the Order of the Garter at 
St. George’s Feast in 1578 . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

“ A Draught of the inside of the Chapell in the King’s Lodgings at the West end of St. George’s 
Hall in Windsor Castle, towards the West,” by W enceslaus Hollar, showing the Chapel 
as rebuilt by Queen Elizabeth in 1570-1 . . . . . . . . facing 

“ A Draught of the inside of the Chapell in the King's Lodgings at the West end of St. George’s 

Hall in Windsor Castle, towards the East,” by W enceslaus Hollar, showing the Chapel 
as rebuilt by Queen Elizabeth in 1 570-1 .. .. .. .. facing 

View in the Lower Ward, showing part of Crane’s Buildings of 1657-8, and the South Front 
of the Vicars’ Cloister. From a coloured drawing by Paul Sandby in the Royal Library 

The Middle and Lower Wards looking West. From a coloured drawing by Paul Sandby 

in the Royal Library . . . . . . . . . . between 304 and 305 

Interior of the Upper (two views) and Lower Wards. From a drawing by Hollar in the 

Bodleian Library, Oxford . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 306- 

Hollar’s Bird’s-eye View and South-East Prospect of Windsor Castle. From Ashmole’s 

Order of the Garter . . . . . . . . . . . . between 308 and 309 

Hollar’s Prospects of Windsor Castle. From Ashmole’s Order of the Garter between 310 and 311 

Wren’s Prospect of Windsor Castle from the North, engraved by Hollar in 1667. From 

Ashmole’s Order of the Garter . . . . . . . . between 312 and 313 

Fast, South, and North Elevations of Windsor Castle, by Batty Langley, 1743 between 328 and 329 

Windsor Castle. View from the North. From Kip’s Britannia Illustrata of 1709. . between 332 and 333 

The Du ke of St. Albans’ House at Windsor, with a view of Windsor Castle from the South. 

From Kip’s Britannia Illustrata of 1709 . . . . . . between 334 and 335 

1. The Guard Room formerly in the Round Tower. 2. The Great Kitchen in the Upper 

Ward, as it was in 1800. From Pyne’s drawings in the Royal Library . . facing 336 

The King's Chapel in the Upper Ward, as altered in 1680-2. From Pyne’s drawing in the 

Royal- Library . . . . . . . . . . . . ■ • facing 338 

x. The King’s Guard Chamber, and (2) the Queen’s Drawing Room, in 1800. From Pyne’s 

drawings in the Royal Library . . . . . . . . . . facing 340 

Section, Plan, and Elevation of Sir Christopher Wren’s design for the Mausoleum of King 
Charles I. From the original drawings in the library of All Souls’ College, 

Oxford .. .. . . . . . . . . . • • • facing 


,272 

280. 

282- 

284. 

302 


342 


Xll. 


IV i?idsor Castle. 


XLII. 

XLIII. 


XLIV. 

XLV. 

XLVI. 

XLVII. 

XLVIII. 

XLIX. 


Designs for (i) a marble and (2) a gill bronze monument to King Charles I. From the 
original drawings in the library of All Souls’ College, Oxford . . . . facing 

Fig. 23. Ground plan of the Queen’s Lodge, from a plan belonging to the Office of Works 

View in the Upper Ward looking West in 1805. From Lysons’s Magna Britannia 
{Berks) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

Fig. 24. Plans of the Lower and Upper Floors of the State Apartments showing the new 
staircase of c. 1800, and the changes in Horn Court. From Lysons’s plan 
of 1805 

North and East {in part ) sides of the Upper Ward before and after alteration by Sir Jeffry 
Wyatville. From the original drawings in the Royal Library .. between 352 and 


344 

347 

348 


349 

353 


South and East {in part) sides of the Upper Ward before and after alteration by Sir Jeffry 

Wyatville. From the original drawings in the Royal Library . . between 354 and 355 

North front of the Upper Ward before and after alteration by Sir Jeffry Wyatville. From 

the original drawings in the Royal Library . . . . ' . . * between 360 and 361 

East front of the Upper Ward before and after alteration by Sir Jeffry Wyatville. From 

the original drawings in the Royal Library . . . . . . between 362 and 363 


South front of the Upper Ward before and after alteration by Sir Jeffry 
the original drawings in the Royal Library . . . . 

Windsor Castle. General view from the north-west 


Wyatville. 

between 


From 

364 and 365 


facing 371 


PLATE 

L. 

LI. 

LII. 

LIII. 


LIY. 


LV. 

LVI. 


LVII. 

LVIII. 

LIX. 


LX. 


LXI. 


LXII. 

LXIII. 


PART II. 

The Norman Gate from the West. From a drawing by Paul Sandby in the Royal 


PAGE 


Library 


Frontispiece 


1. The Gatehouse {Henry the Eighth’s Gateway) ; 2. Outside view of Lower Ward, 


looking east . . 

The Chapel of St. George, begun by King Edward IV in 1475 
Fig. 25. Clerestory Window of the Quire 


facing 373 
facing 374 
• • 407 


Plan and South Prospect of St. George’s Chapel. From an engraving by Hollar in Ashmole’s 

Order of the Garter . . . . . . . . . . . . between 406 and 407 


Fig. 26. Butting arches of the Quire vault from the roof of the south aisle 


408 


Fig. 27. Consecration Cross on the north side of the Nave . . . . . . . . 408 

Details of St. George’s Chapel : 1. View upon the roof showing the Western Turrets and 
pedestals for the King’s beasts ; 2. View upon the roof showing the Stair Turret and top 
of Master John Shorne’s Chapel . . . . . . . . . . facing 40S 


Fig. 28. Wrought-iron scrollwork of the west door of King Henry Ill’s Chapel . . 409 

Fig. 29. Monument of Edward Earl of Lincoln (ob. 1584-5), and his wife and children. 

From Pote’s History and Antiquities of Windsor Castle . . . . 410 

Details of St. George’s Chapel : 1. Arched recess and inscription in the South Aisle of the 
Quire ; 2. Iron grate and part of the monument of Edward Earl of Lincoln, 1584, in 
Master John Shorne’s Chapel .. .. .. .. . . .. facing 41 1 

Examples of Vaulting in St. George's Chapel : 1. Bay of the south aisle of the quire, with 

part of vaidt of Master John Shorne’s chapel ; 2. In south aisle of the quire / 3. In 
the south aisle of the nave ; 4. Part of the quire vault . . . . . . facing 412 

Fig. 30. North side of Bishop Oliver King’s chapel, from within . . . . . . 413 

Panels with pictures of Kings in the south aisle of the Quire of St. George’s Chapel facing 414 

Details of St. George’s Chapel : 1. The Organ Loft and South Transept, etched by J. Burnet ; 

2. Canon Oxenbridge’s Chantry Chapel, from a drawing by Mackenzie. {From Britton’s 
Architectural Antiquities of Great Britain) .. .. .. .. facing 415 

Stone and iron screen now in the south aisle of the Quire, removed from the Urswick chantry 

chapel in 1824 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 416 

Fig. 31. Remains of the doorway of the erary porch, now within the vestry . . . . 417 

Details of St. George’s Chapel : 1. Chantry Chapel of William Lord Hastings, bell. 1483 ; 

2. Subvault and oriel window of King Edward IV’ s Chantry Chapel . . facing 419 

Ornamental Ironwork Door Furniture in St, George’s Chapel : 1, 2, 3. From the vice door 
in the north aisle of the presbytery ; 4. From the south door of the presbytery ; 5. From 
the quire door . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 421 

Fig. 32. Upper Chamber of Master John Shorne’s Tower .. .. .. .. 423 

Interior of the Quire of Si. George’s Chapel.. .. .. .. .. facing 424 

East end of St. George’s Chapel . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 427 

Fig. 33. Details of the wooden oriel of the Royal Pew or Closet . . . . . . 427 


LXIV. 


LXV. 

LXVI. 


LXVII. 

LXVIII. 


LXIX. 


LXX. 


LXXI. 


LXXII. 


LXXIII. 

LXXIV. 

LXXV. 


LXXVI. 

LXXVII. 

LXXVIII. 

LXXIX. 

LXXX. 


LXXXI. 


LXXXII. 

LXXXIII. 


List of Illustrations. 


Stone, and wooden oriels of the King's pew or closet on the north side of the presbytery of 
St. George’s Chapel.. .. .. . . .. .. .. facing 

Onc-half and detail (inset) of the iron gates of King Edward TV' s Chapel, now in the 
presbytery of St. George’s Chapel . . . . . . . . . . facing 

Fig. 34. Ancient arrangement of the Stall Canopies. From Lysons’s “ Berkshire . 

The west end of the Quire of St. George’s Chapel, as formerly. From an engraving by Hollar 
in Ashmole’s Order of the Garter . . . . . . . . . . facing 

Fig. 35. Plan showing the original arrangement of the Stalls 

Fig. 36. Stall canopy and bust in St. George’s Chapel, Windsor. From a drawing in the 
Royal Library by C. A. Buckler 

Fig. 37. Gilt-latten desk in the Quire. From an engraving by Henry Shaw, published 
by Willement 

The organ screen and organ in St. George’s Chapel, as formerly. From an engraving by 
Hollar in Ashmole’s Order of the Garter . . . . . . . . facing 

Vieiv across St. George’s Chapel as it was in 1663. From an engraving by Hollar in Ashmole’s 
Order of the Garter . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

Arch formerly spanning the north arch of the crossing in St. George’s Chapel. From 
Vetusta Monument a . . ... . . . . . . . . facing 

Details of St. George’s Chapel : 1. Angel cornice over the altar in the North Transept ; 
2. Gilt-bronze grate and monument of Charles earl of Worcester, 1526, and his wife 
Elizabeth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

St. George’s Chapel : 1. Doorway to vice to King Edward IV’ s upper chapel, with 

ornamental ironwork ; 2. Wrought-iron box for offerings, now in the nave.. facing 

Details of St. George’s Chapel : 1. Monument of Giles Tomson, bishop of Gloucester, 1612, 
and remains of the altar reredos in the Bray Chapel ; 2. Coloured terra-cotta frame of 
Della Robbia ware, and monument of Sir Richard Worthy, 1603, in the Bray 
Chapel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

Eastern part of the nave of St. George’s Chapel . . . . . . . . facing 

Fig. 38. The west window of the Chapel, from a drawing by Mackenzie in Britton’s 
Architectural Antiquities of Great Britain 

Eastern part of the vault of the nave of St George’s Chapel . . . . . . facing 

1. Interior of South door of St. George’s Chapel ; 2. Stone and bronze enclosure of the 
Herbert Chapel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

Fig. 39. Monument of Henry duke of Beaufort (ob. 1699), now removed to Badminton. 

From the engraving in Pote’s History and Antiquities of Windsor Castle . . 

Fig. 40. Plan of the Chambers under the westernmost bay of St. George’s Chapel . . 

North-east view of St. George’s Chapel, showing the vestry and the chantry chapel of King 


Edward IV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

West front of St. George’s Chapel. . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

South-east view of Si. George's Chapel with Master John Shorne’s Tower . . facing 

Fig. 41. West window of the Lady Chapel 

Interior of the Albert Memorial Chapel, formerly the Lady Chapel . . . . facing 

Fig. 42. Vaulted passage between the Lady Chapel and St. George’s Chapel 
Fig. 43. Monogram of King Henry VII and Queen Elizabeth of York 
Vaulted Passage or Gallery into the Lower Cloister . . . . . . . . facing 


Fig. 44. Pier of the wall-arcade on the north side of the chapel of King Henry III . . 

Fig. 45. Doorway into the Deanery, and entrance with flanking windows into the old 

Chapter-house of the Order of the Garter. Built in 1351 

Fig. 46. North-west angle of the Cloister, 1352-3 

Fig. 47. Oriel window of Tudor date over the north alley of the Lower Cloister 

Wooden window of the old Library and carved ceiling bosses in the Chapter Clerk's 
Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

Fig. 48. The vestry of 1350-1, now a room in the Deanerjr 

Fig. 49. Consecration cross on the wall of the Tresaunt 

1. View of west side of the Deanery, from the Cloister roof ; 2. North and ivest sides of 
Horseshoe Cloister, with the south end of the Chapter Library, and present state of the 
upper part of the Clewer Tower . . . . . . . . . . facing 

1. Part of the Deanery, with the old vestry and chapter-house window arches ; 2. Part 
of the north front of the Lower Ward with its three towers. . . . . . facing 

Fig. 50. Suggested original arrangement of the garth openings of the Canons’ Cloister 


xiii. 


428 

429 
433 

435 

435 

445 

446 
446 

448 

449 

450 

451 


452 

453 

453 

454 

457 

458 
464 

464 

465 

468 

480 

487 

488 
488 
488 

491 

492 

493 

494 

495 

496 

407 


499 

500 
502 


XIV. 


W indsor Castle. 


LXXXIV. 


LXXXV. 

LXXXVI. 

LXXXVII. 

LXXXVIII. 

LXXXIX. 

XC. 


XC 1 

XCII. 

XCIII 


XCIV. 


xcv. 

XCVI. 

XCVII. 

XCVIII. 


XCIX. 

c. 


CL 

CII. 


i. Alley of the Vicars’ , now the Horseshoe Cloister ; 2. South alley of the Canons’ 

Cloister . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 502 

Fig. 51. Thirteenth century doorway in one of the north towers of the Lower Bailey 503 
Fig. 52. Vaulted porch below the Erary, built in 1353-4 • • • • • • . . 504 

Fig. 53. The Erary, as built in 1353-4.. •• •• •• •• •• 505 

Fig. 54. Brick pilaster with carved capital on a house to the north of St. George’s Chapel 507 
West view of Denton’s Commons, previous to its destruction in 1859 . . . . facing 512 

Remains of Denton’s Commons, now destroyed : 1. Wall with part of a doorway temp. King 

Henry III ; 2. South window of the Hall . . . . . . . . facing 514 

South-east view of Denton's Commons, previous to its destruction in 1859 . . facing 515 

Part of Denton's Commons, now destroyed. From a pencil sketch by F. Mackenzie in 

1809 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 516 

North end of the great hall, etc. in the Lower Ward as disclosed by the destruction of Denton’s 

Commons in 1859 . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 517 

Plans, etc. of the Vicars’, now the Horseshoe Cloister. From a print published by the Society 

of Antiquaries of London . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 519 

Fig. 55. Detail of the pentise of the Horseshoe Cloister . . . . . . . . 519 

View of the Horseshoe Cloister, Chapter Library, and the Clewer Tower. From a coloured 

drawing by Paul Sandby in the Royal Library . . . . . . facing 520 

West end of St. George’s Chapel, and entry into the Horseshoe Cloister in 1786. From a 

coloured drawing by Schnebbelie in the Royal Library . . . . . . facing 521 

x. Half-timbered houses in the Loiver Ward; 2. East side of the old Vicars' Hall, now 

the Chapter Library . . . . . . . . . . facing 522 

Fig. 56. Lead spout of the pump on the north side of St. George’s Chapel . . . . 523 

Part of a Purbeck marble font, an old book desk, and a carved chimney-piece formerly in 

Denton’s Commons, now in the Chapter Library . . . . . . facing 524 

Fig. 57. Basement plan of the Clewer Tower . . . . . . . . . . 525 

Fig. 58. Vaulted basement of the Clewer Tower, looking west . . . . . . 526 

Fig. 59. Vaulted basement of the Clewer Tower, looking east . . . . . . 526 

Fig. 60. Main floor plan of the Clewer Tower . . . . . . . . . . 527 

Fig. 61. Ground story of the Clewer Tower, showing the inserted belfry staging . . 527 

Fig. 62. Lead-covered belfry and dome in the Clewer Tower . . . . . . 528 

Fig. 63. Garter’s Tower, looking west, previous to its restoration in i860 . . . . 530 

Fig. 64. Basement and first-floor plans of Garter’s Tower . . . . . . 530 

Fig. 65. Basement and first-floor plans of the Chancellor’s Tower . . . . 531 

1. View in the Lower Ward, looking east; 2. The Middle and Lower Wards, looking 

west . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 532 

Elevation of north side of Lower Ward showing Canons' Houses, etc. before and after 

alteration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . between 534 and 535 


1. South front of the Lower and Middle Wards ; 2. Part of the south front of the Upper Ward, 

with George the Fourth’s Gateway . . . . . . . . . . facing 538 

1. North front of the Middle Ward; 2. The Inner Gatehouse or Norman Gate facing 540 

Fig. 66. The Inner Gatehouse or “ Norman Gate,” built in 1359-60 . . . . 542 

Fig. 67. Vaulted Gate-hall of the Inner Gatehouse, inserted in 1362-3 . . . . 543 

Fig. 68. Basement of one of the Inner Gatehouse turrets, with vault inserted in 1362-3 543 

The Mount and Round or Great Tower, and King Henry the Third’s Tower, from the 

roof of St. George’s Chapel . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 544 

The Mount and Round or Great Tower, from the Upper Ward . . . . facing 545 

Fig. 69. Wooden framing of the medieval structure within the Round Tower . . 546 

Fig. 70. Wooden moulded cornice and other details of the rooms within the Round 

Tower . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 546 

Fig. 71. One side of the octagonal lead cistern, till lately in the Round Tower . . 547 

Queen Elizabeth’s Gallery, now the Library, and remains of King Henry VII’s Tower, from 

the Upper Ward . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 547 

North front of Queen Elizabeth’s Gallery and oriel of King Henry VII’ s Tower facing 548 

Fig. 72. Fireplace (now hidden) and part of the destroyed oriel in King Henry VII’s 

Tower . . . , , . . . . . . . . . . . 549 


cm. 

civ. 

cv. 


CVI. 

CVII. 

CVIII. 

CIX. 

ex. 

CXI. 


CXII. 

CXIII. 

CXIV. 

cxv. 

CXVI. 

CXVII. 

CXVIII. 

CXIX. 

cxx. 

CXXI. 

CXXII. 


List of Illustrations . 


Chimney-piece dated 1583 in Queen Elizabeth’s Gallery, now part of the Royal 
Library .. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

Fig. 73. Lead rain-water heads of the sixteenth century 

Equestrian figure of King Charles II in the Upper Ward, and south front of King Henry Vll’s 
Tower . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

1. South side of the Upper Ward; 2. Edward the Third’s Tower and equestrian statue of 
King Charles II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

Fig. 74. Window in the ground story of Edward the Third’s Tower. . 

Fig- 75 - Sub-vault of 1362-3, now used as the Servants’ Hall 

Fig. 76. Vaulted passage called Le Larderie, built in 1362-3 

Fig. 77. Lower part of the east jamb of the old Rubbish Gate, built 1368 

Fig. 78. Ground plan (restored) of the thirteenth century tower in the Upper Ward, now 
called Edward the Third’s Tower 

Fig. 79. Entrance into the South Bowe 

Fig. 80. Vault and lower archway of the South Bowe 

Fig. 81. Passage of the South Bowe, showing Norman remains of destroyed doorway. . 


The State Apartments : 1. The Guard Room, formerly the Queen’s Guard Chamber ; 2. The 
Queen’s, formerly the King’s, Closet . . . . . . . . . . facing 

The State Apartments : The ( Queen's ) Presence Chamber . . . . . . facing 

Figs. 82 and 83. Vaulted lobby of La Rose Tower 

Wood carvings by Gibbons and Phillipps in the ( Queen’s ) Presence Chamber. . facing 

The State Apartments. The Audience Chamber, formerly the Queen’s Privy Chamber facing 

Portrait with carved frame by Gibbons and Phillipps in the Audience Chamber . . facing 

The State Apartments : 1. The Van Dyck Room, formerly the Queen’s Gallery or Ball Room ; 
2. The Picture Gallery, lately the Zuccharelli Room, formerly the Queen’s Withdrawing 
Room . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 


Fig. 84. Block plan of the first floor of the Domus Regis of King Henry II with early 
alterations 

Fig. 85. Block plan of the Royal Lodging in 13 77, showing alterations made by King 
Edward III 

Fig. 86. Block plan of the Royal Lodging about 1545, showing additions of King Henry VII 
and King Henry VIII 

The State Apartments : 1. The King’s Closet, formerly the King’s Little Bedchamber ; 

2. The Council Chamber, formerly the King's Great Bedchamber . . . . facing 

The State Apartments : 1. The Rubens Room, formerly the King’s Withdrawing Room ; 
2. The Ante-Throne Room, formerly the King’s Privy Chamber . . . . facing 

Wood carvings by Gibbons and Phillipps in the State Ante-Room, formerly the King’s 
Eating Room . . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

The State Apartments : 1. The Throne Room, formerly the King’s Presence Chamber ; 2. The 

Grand Reception Room, formerly the King’s Guard Chamber . . . . facing 

Wood carvings by Gibbons and Phillipps in the State Apartments . . . . facing 

Wood carvings by Gibbons and Phillipps in the Throne Room, formerly the King’s Presence 
Chamber . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . facing 

The State Apartments : 1. The Waterloo Chamber ; 2. St. George’s Hall, formerly the Great 
Hall and the King’s Chapel . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 

Wood carvings by Gibbons and Phillipps in the State Apartments . . . . facing 

Exterior of the Upper Ward from the south-east, showing the Victoria Toner, etc. . facing 

The East front of the Upper Ward, with the East Terrace and part of the Garden . . facing 

Fig. 87. Wynne’s sundial on the north terrace, set up in 1680, with stone pedestal carved 
by Grinling Gibbons 

East end of the north front of the Upper Ward, from the north terrace, in 1777. From a 
drawing by Paid Sandby in the Royal Library . . . . . . . . facing 


Plan I. 
Plan II. 
Plan III. 
Plan IV. 
Plan V. 
Plan VI. 
Plan VII. 
Plan VIII. 


PLANS. 

Ground floor plan of the Middle and Upper Wards about 1790. 

First floor plan of the Upper Ward about 1790. 

Ground floor plan of the Lower and Middle (part) Wards about 1790. 
Ground floor plan of the Middle and Upper Wards. 

First floor plan of the Middle and Upper Wards. 

Ground floor plan of the Lower and Middle (part) Wards. 

Hawthorne’s Platts of Queen Elizabeth’s Gallery. 

John Norden’s Survey of Windsor Castle, 1607 ; as drawn for Henry 
Prince of Wales. From the original in the Royal Library. 


XV. 


550 

550 

552 

554 

555 
558 
558 
560 

560 

561 
561 
5 r »i 

563 

564 

564 

565 

566 

567 


568 

568 

569 
569 

569 

570 

571 

572 

573 

574 

575 

576 

577 

578 

579 

580 


o* 

o 


t: 

o 

eu 

d 







































































































































































W indsor Castle 


xvn. 


PREFACE. 

More than fifty years ago a scheme was drawn up, with the approval of Queen Victoria 
and the Prince Consort, for the publication of an Architectural History of Windsor 
Castle, under the joint editorship of John Henry Parker and George Thomas Clark. 
To this end considerable collections of prints and views were made, and a large 
number of wood blocks engraved by Orlando Jewitt from special drawings by 
C. A. Buckler. A certain amount of documentary matter was also got together from 
which a general account of the Castle was written out by Mr. Parker. But the death 
of the Prince Consort in 1861, and other causes, led to the project being indefinitely 
postponed, and all those who were associated with it are also now dead. 

Shortly before the end of Queen Victoria’s reign the whole of the collected material for 
the architectural history was placed in the hands of the author, who was subsequently 
commanded by King Edward VII to write a complete and authentic history of the 
Castle. Owing to the magnitude of the task the work could not be finished during the 
late King’s reign, and the royal command was graciously renewed by His Majesty King 
George V. After nearly twelve years’ labour the history has now been completed. 

During the last quarter of a century a vast amount of documentary matter which - 
was not accessible to the first promoters of the work has become public, and the study 
of earthworks and of military architecture has been wholly reconsidered. The history 
of Windsor Castle needed therefore to be approached from an entirely new point of 
view ; and it is now possible for the gradual growth of the Castle to be followed from 
the earthwork stage to the wonderfully picturesque group of buildings which it presents 
to-day. 

The scheme of the present work has been, first to deal with the history of the 
buildings reign by reign, with the documentary references collected together at the end 
of each chapter, together with occasional appendixes of important series of accounts ; 
and secondly to give a full and detailed description of every part of the Castle in its 
present state. 

The documentary material varies most curiously in character, and inasmuch as the 
Castle was a royal one it is nearly all to be looked for in the Public Record Office. 
For the reign of King Henry II, in which the documents practically begin, they 
consist wholly of the references to the Castle in the Pipe Rolls. During the reign of 
King John the Pipe Rolls can be supplemented by the Patent, Close, and Liberate 
Rolls, and the same sources of information, especially the two last, furnish valuable 
evidence throughout the long reign of King Henry III. With the accession of King 
Edward I the materials change. The Close and Liberate Rolls are no longer useful, 
and the Pipe Roll but rarely descends to details. On the other hand, there now begins 
a somewhat intermittent but interesting series of constables’ accounts specially relating 
to works upon the Castle, which extends similarly throughout the reign of King Edward II. 
Under King Edward III the documents again change. The constables’ accounts exist 
for nearly the whole reign, but now contain little of value. There is, however, from 
1344, when the King began the building called the Round Table, until the close of the 
reign, a practically continuous series of detailed account rolls for all the extensive works 
that were carried out in the Castle. These accounts are to some extent supplemented 
by the Pipe Rolls, and are of special interest from the light which they throw upon the 
story of the buildings, their cost and the way in which they were erected, the numbers 
and wages of the men employed, and the origin, nature, and prices of the materials they 


xviii. Windsor Castle . 


used. With the foundation of the College of Windsor in 1348 there also begin the account 
rolls of the treasurers and precentors. Since most of the buildings in the lower ward of 
the Castle were henceforth vested in and under the control of the Dean and Canons these 
rolls contain much information as to their later history which is not to be found else- 
where. From the accession of King Richard II until late in the reign of King Edward IV 
the documentary history has again to be sought in the accounts of the constables and 
their controllers. The period in question was not, however, one of an} 7 important 
works. For the concluding years of King Edward IV there has been preserved an important 
series of summaries of accounts relating to certain works upon the royal lodging and to 
the building of the great chapel of St. George and the vicars’ cloister west of it. These, 
as regards the chapel, also extend over the short reigns of King Edward V and King 
Richard III. For the reign of King Henry VII the only document available is an 
account book of the privy expenses covering but a few years, and the same must be 
said for the earlier part of the reign of King Henry VIII. For the latter part there 
remains an interesting series of pay books for various works and repairs in and about 
the royal lodgings which throws much light upon their disposition and arrangement. 
As regards the reigns of King Edward VI and Queen Mary, Ashmole alone has 
preserved transcripts of a number of pay books relating to the provision of a proper water 
supply, with the formation of the neetesary conduits, and to the erection of lodgings for 
the Poor Knights in the lower ward. The reign of Queen Elizabeth was marked by 
several important additions to and works in and about the Castle, which are duly 
chronicled in a series of account books. There is also a number of letters and other 
documents relating to the same works, which help to make the chapter covering the 
Queen’s reign one of unusual interest. The Pipe, Close, and other Rolls have now long 
ceased to throw any light upon the history of the Castle. During a large part of the 
seventeenth century, when little was done in the Castle, the only early documents of 
interest are a correspondence in the reign of King James I as to the liability of repairing 
the Castle wall in the lower ward, and a survey made in 1629 of defects in the buildings 
generally. For the period beginning with September, 1669, there is a continuous series of 
account rolls of the receivers of the Honour of Windsor, extending down to Midsummer, 
1713. These accounts, which have hitherto escaped notice, are of exceptional interest 
and importance since they deal with the extensive rebuilding and decoration of the 
State Apartments, and of other lodgings in the upper ward, carried out for King 
Charles II by Hugh May, and after his death in 1684 by Sir Christopher Wren. 
From the death of Queen Anne until the close of the eighteenth century practically 
nothing was done in the Castle ; there is consequently no documentary matter. For 
the story of the works done by King George III in St. George’s chapel between 1782 and 
1792 the Chapter documents have been drawn upon ; but the “ gothicizing ” operations 
and other works in and about the buildings in the upper ward are duly noted in the 
account books in the Public Record Office. Of the final changes in the Castle during the 
reigns of King George IV and his brother, a full and detailed account has been left by 
the architect, Sir Jeffry Wyatville, whose plans and drawings have lately been acquired 
for the royal library in Windsor Castle. 

Besides the information derivable from an exhaustive study of the documents, there 
is the story to be learned from an examination and comparison of old views and drawings. 
These include an unique and hitherto unknown representation of the Castle in the 
fifteenth century, original drawings and surveys by Hoefnagle, Speed, Norden, Hollar, 
Kip, and J. M. Turner, and an unrivalled series of beautiful coloured drawings made by 
Paul Sandby, now in the royal library, which also contains the valuable original drawings 
reproduced by Pyne in his Royal Residences and, as noted above, the plans and drawings 
of Sir J. Wyatville. Other plans of the Castle, and views of it and of St. George’s 
Chapel, have been published by Pote, Batty Langley, Britton, Lysons, and others, and 
in addition to a number of plans, etc. in the custody of H.M. Office of Works some valuable 
and accurate plans of the Castle made by Sir John Soane before the last great changes 
are preserved in the Soane Museum. 

From this wealth of material, and a fine series of photographs of the various parts 
of the Castle taken expressly for the purpose, as many as one hundred and twenty-two 


XIX. 


Preface. 

plates have been made for the present work. They include collotypes of a number of 
Paul Sandby’s drawings, five of which have also been reproduced in colour, and of a 
large series of other drawings, plans, engravings, and photographs, specially selected to 
show the Castle at every stage of its development. Many of these illustrations are 
reproduced for the first time, by special permission of His Majesty The King, from the 
originals in the royal library. Those depicting the State Apartments were taken, by 
special permission of His Majesty, while the various rooms were fully furnished during the 
residence of The King and Queen Mary in the Castle in the spring of this year. 
The illustrations also include the whole of the beautiful wood blocks, some forty in 
number, prepared by Orlando Jewitt, together with a few diagrams and plans of the 
towers and other details made and drawn by the author. 

The architectural history of the Castle is further illustrated, in addition to the smaller 
plates, by six large sheets of two sets of plans, the one of the Castle as it was about the 
year 1790, the other as it stands to-day. These plans, which are drawn to a scale of 
24 feet to the inch, have been specially prepared by the author, and printed in a number 
of colours in order to show the approximate date of all the buildings in the Castle and 
the successive extensions and changes made in them. These are issued in a separate 
portfolio, with reproductions of Hawthorn’s unique “ Platts ” of Queen Elizabeth’s Gallery 
and its surroundings, discovered by the author in the Public Record Office, and (in colours) 
of Norden’s notable Survey of the Castle, from the copy made by him for Henry prince 
of Wales, son of King James I, now in the royal library. 

Of the numerous printed books that have been consulted or laid under contribution 
special mention must be made of Elias Ashmole’s great work entitled The Institution, 
Laws, and Ceremonies of the most noble Order of the Garter ; of Joseph Pote’s History and 
Antiquities of Windsor Castle, and the Royal College, and Chapel of St. George ; and of the 
admirable Annals of Windsor by Robert Richard Tighe and James Edward Davis. 

Finally, by special permission of His Majesty The King, the author has been allowed' 
to have access to any and every part of the Castle that it was necessary or advisable to 
inspect, and by the kindness and courtesy of the Dean and Canons to examine in like 
manner all the buildings belonging to them and in their occupation in the lower ward. 
It has thus been practicable to write the description, which forms the second part of this 
work, of the whole of the buildings within the Castle as they are to-day. 

It is, of course, impossible that such a work as the present could have been carried 
out without the help of many kind friends. 

In the first place the author must express his gratitude to the Rev. John Neale 
Dalton, canon of Windsor, for the sympathetic help and assistance which he has given 
him, in every conceivable way, from the beginning of the work. Canon Dalton has also 
been good enough to read through the whole of the text and to make many valuable 
criticisms and corrections. The author is also greatly indebted to his old friend the 
Rev. Dr. J. T. Fowler, Hon. Canon of Durham, for reading through all the sheets of 
the work and for his invaluable aid in compiling the glossarial sections of the index ; 
to the Hon. John Fortescue, librarian at Windsor Castle, for his courtesy and ever- 
ready help ; to Mr. Harold Sands for several useful hints as regards the early story of the 
buildings; to Mr. H. F. W. Deane, now chapter clerk, for a number of important extracts 
from the records in his custody ; to Mr. A. Y. Nutt, late surveyor of works at Windsor, 
and to Mr. J. B. Robertson, the present surveyor, and the members of their staff, for 
their constant help and assistance in a variety of ways ; also to Mr. George E. Miles, 
inspector in the Lord Chamberlain’s department, and other officials at Windsor. 

The author has likewise to thank Mr. Harold Brakspear for the use of a new 
plan of St. George’s chapel; Mr. J. B. Robertson for photographs of the sundial 
on the north terrace and of the two views reproduced on Plate XCIII ; Mr. George 
E. Kruger for some drawings of architectural details ; Mr. E. Kemp for the photo- 
graphs of the carvings of the ceiling in the chapter clerk’s office ; and the Warden 
and Fellows of All Souls’ College at Oxford for leave to photograph and publish the 
drawings in the Wren Collection of the proposed mausoleum and monument of King 
Charles I. He further wishes to express his indebtedness to the late Mr. G. H. Overend and 
to Mr. Montague S. Giuseppi, of the Public Record Office, for their kindness in affording 


XX. 


Preface. 


him special facilities for consulting and transcribing the documents under their charge, 
and to Mr. Lawrence Weaver, architectural editor of Country Life, for the labour and 
attention which he has bestowed upon the work while it has been passing through the 
press. The author’s compliments are also due to Mr. W. A. Butterworth and his staff at 
Country Life office for the very careful way in which the text, even of the Latin docu- 
ments, has been set up, with an unusual freedom from errors. 

The admirable photographs taken for the work, mainly by Mr. Arthur Tedman, 
and their reproduction in collotype by Messrs. Griggs and Sons, who have also printed 
the coloured plans and the majority of the plates, and the letterpress printing by 
Messrs. Hudson and Kearns, all deserve special commendation. 

November , 1913. W. 


H. St. John Hope. 


IV i indsor Castle. 


CHAPTER I. 

HISTORY OF THE SITE. 

The place now called Windsor does not seem to have had any existence before the 
building of the great Castle under the shelter of which lies the present town of the 
name ; and the “ Windesores ” which King William held in demesne at the time of the 
Domesday Survey, 1 as King Edward had held it before him, must be identified with the 
village of Old Windsor, about two miles south-east of the Castle. 

Of the royal residence at Old Windsor there are now no remains, and even its site 
is uncertain ; but in contemporary chronicles sundry events are referred to which 
apparently occurred there. 

Here it was that in 1061, according to one of the versions of the Chronicle, Asthelsige, 
the newly chosen head of the abbey of St. Austin at Canterbury, was hallowed abbot 
on St. Austin’s mass-day. 2 Here, too, “ in the King’s hall ” says Henry of Huntingdon, 3 
took place in 1064 the fierce quarrel between Tosti and Harold, when Tosti seized his 
brother by the hair in the King’s presence. King Edward also dated from this place 
one of the many charters believed to have been issued by him “ in the royal vill called 
Windsor,” on 20th May, 1065. 4 

Shortly before his death on 5th January, 1065-6, King Edward, by an undated 
charter now in the British Museum, 5 gave the royal manor of Windsor, with that of 
Staines, to Christ and the abbey of St. Peter at Westminster, which abbey he had begun 
to rebuild in 1051. 

On King William’s assumption of the throne of England the possession of Windsor 
was resumed by the Crown, the abbey of Westminster receiving in exchange a grant of 
the manors of Fering and North Ockendon in Essex, 6 and of Battersea in -Surrey, 7 which 
had previously been held by King Harold. 

Camden seems to have met with another charter of King William, from which he 
quotes an extract, referring also to the exchange of Fering and Ockendon for Windsor, 
and assigning an interesting reason for it : 

With the consent and favour of the venerable abbot of Westminster I have entered into an agreement 
about the royal possession of Windsor, because that place seemed suitable and convenient by reason of the 
nearness of the water and a forest fit for the chase and divers other things therein that are proper for Kings, it 
likewise appears fitted for a royal abode ; and in its stead I have granted Ockendon and Fering. 8 

The Domesday Survey of 1086 gives the following account of Windsor 9 : 

King William holds Windsor in demesne. King Edward held it. There are twenty hides there. There 
is land . In the demesne is one plough and twenty-two villeins and two bordars with ten 

ploughs. There is one serf, and a fishery worth 6s. 8d., and forty acres of meadow. (There is) wood(land) 
worth fifty swine from th e pannage, and another wood(land) has been enclosed. There are still in the vill one 
hundred haws, less five. Of these twenty-six are free of quitrent and from the rest issue 30s. 

Of the land of this Manor Albert the clerk holds a hide and a half and the third part of a dene ; Walter 
the son of Other (holds) a hide and a half and a virgate, and so much woodland as there come five swine 
from the pannage ; Gilbert Maminot (holds) three virgates ; William Belet a hide ; Aluric a hide ; and the 
other Aluric half a hide ; and the priest of the vill a hide and a half ; and two sergeants of the King’s court half 
a hide ; Eudo the steward (holds) two hides. T.R.E. it was worth £15 and afterwards £7 ; now £15. 


From this entry it is evident that Old Windsor was a great royal manor, but, as will 
presently be shown, it had no connexion whatever with the Castle that took its name 
from it. 


2 


Windsor Castle. 


King William’s son and successor, as well as King Henry I, continued to use Old 
Windsor as an occasional residence, chiefly, it may be supposed, as a hunting-lodge ; and 
the Chronicle specially mentions that William Rufus kept Christmas here in 1096 10 and 
Easter in 1097. 11 King Henry is also recorded to have held his court at Windsor at 
Christmas, 1105, 12 and Easter, 1107. 13 

The account in the Chronicle of King Henry’s next visit to the royal manor, at 
Pentecost in 1110, says that “ for the first time he held his court in the New Windsor.” 14 
Henry of Huntingdon also records this holding of his court by King Henry at New 
Windsor, “ which he himself had built,” he adds. 15 The latter statement will be dealt 
with in its place. 

The reference to the New Windsor implies the transfer of the royal residence to a 
fresh site, which can hardly be any other than that of the present Castle. This appears 
in history for the first time in the Domesday Survey of 1086, not in connexion with the 
royal manor of Windsor, but with that of the neighbouring manor of Clewer. Of this we 
read : 

Ralf the son of Seifrid holds of the King Clivore (Clewer). Harold the earl held it. Then it was taxed 
for five hides. Now for four hides and a half, and the castle of Windsor is on the (other) half-hide. The land 
is . In demesne is a carucate and a half, and six villeins and six bordars with four ploughs, and 

a mill worth ten shillings, and 20 acres of land. There is wood(land) for ten swine. Of this land his son-in- 
law Ralf holds half-a-hide and there is nothing there. It was worth £7, now £4 ios. 16 

This entry states that before King William’s time the manor of Clewer had been in the 
hands of Harold the earl. At the time of the Survey it was held by a small tenant-in- 
chief, but half a hide had been taken from it since Harold held it on which to build the 
Castle of Windsor. 

The existence of the Castle is also implied in another Domesday entry, relating to a 
manor in “ Drainton,” now Drayton Parslow, in Buckinghamshire : 

Neel of Berevill holds in Drayton two hides and a virgate for a manor. ... In King Edward’s time 
Lewin of Newnham held this manor of the King, and afterwards in King William’s time Ralf Passaquam held 
it of the same Lewin and found two armed men for the guard of Windsor. 17 

Both these entries from the Survey imply that the Castle of Windsor was a new one, which 
had come into being since King Edward’s days ; but why was it called after Windsor 
when it was in Clewer, and two miles distant from Windsor itself ? 

The Domesday Survey furnishes several similar cases. Thus under the possessions 
in Dorsetshire of the abbey of Shaftesbury there occurs : 

Of the manor of Kingston the King has one hide on which he has wrought the castle of Warham, and 
in the stead of it (has given) to St. Mary the church of Gillingham with its appendages, which is worth 40s. 18 

This castle has been shown by Mr. Eyton 19 to have been, not at Wareham, as some 
have supposed, but at Corfe ; not the “ Corf ” of the Survey, now Corfe Mullen, but Corfe 
Castle, a little to the south of Wareham, where the ruins of the fortress still remain. 

Again, the Domesday .Survey of Herefordshire states that Osbern the son of Richard 
has twenty-three men in the castle of " Auretone.” 20 The castle in question is, no doubt, 
the mount near Ludford, now called Richard’s Castle, from its having belonged to or been 
raised by Osbern’s father, but here named, as has been suggested by Mr. J. H. Round, 
from " Alretune,” now Orleton, a village several miles away, which belonged to another 
tenant. 

Another example is afforded by the royal castle of Carisbrooke. This also has no place 
under that name in the Survey, which states that : 

The same King holds “ Alwinestune.” Donnus held it. It was then assessed at 2 .\ hides ; now at 
2 hides only, because the castle is set in one virgate. 21 

The language here used is very similar to that in the Clewer entry. ” Alwinestune ” is 
now Alvington, a manor of Carisbrooke. 

Yet one more parallel to the Windsor case is that of Tutbury Castle. According to 
the Domesday Survey for Staffordshire : 

Henry de Ferrers has the castle of Tutbury. In the borough about the castle are forty-two men living 
by their market only, and they render with the market-place £4 ios. 


History of the Site. 3 

In Burton he has half-a-hide in which is set his castle. In which T.R.E. were twelve ploughs. There are 
now only four ploughs in the demesne. It is worth by the year 24s. 22 

Here, in a part of the manor of Burton, Henry de Ferrers had a castle which bore the 
name of Tutbury. 

Mr. J. Horace Round, the well-known authority on the Domesday Survey, is inclined 
to explain these and other similar cases on the assumption that the site of each castle had 
at first no recognized name of its own, and was therefore sometimes named from a 
neighbouring village, sometimes from a manor, which might be a few miles away . 23 


NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 


1 See note 9, below. 

2 “ Wearb gehalgod to abb. aet Windlesoran. on Scs Augustinus maessedaeg.” The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ed. 
B. Thorpe (Rolls Series 23), i. 329. 

3 “ In aula regia apud Windleshores.” Henrici archidiaconi Huntendunensis Hisloria Anglorum, ed. Thomas 
Arnold (Rolls Series 74), 197. 

4 “ In regali villa Wendlesora nuncupata.” J. M. Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus TEvi Saxonici (English Historical 
Society 7, London, 1839-48), iv. 165. 

5 Cottonian Charter, vii. 13. See Kemble, op. cit. iv. 227 ; and the reproduction of the original in Facsimiles 
of Ancient Charters in the British Museum (London, 1878), part IV. no. 3. 

8 British Museum, Cott. MS. Faustina A. 3, ff. 59 b and 1 13. As the grant, which is undated, is addressed to William 
the Bishop and Sweyn the Sheriff, it cannot be later, if genuine, than 1075, when Bishop William died. The 
Domesday Survey in referring to North Ockendon says : “ Hec terra est pro escangio postquam rex transfretavit.” 

7 The Domesday Survey has : “ Sanctus Petrus de Westmonasterio tenet Patricesy. . . . Hoc Manerium 

dedit rex .W. Sancto petro pro excambio de Windesores.” The text of the writ declaring the grant is printed from 
Cott. MS. Faustina A. 3, f. 1126, in Dugdale’s Monasticon Anglicanum (ed. 1817), i. 301. (“ If genuine it is as early as 
1068, being addressed to Count Eustace and Archbishop Stigand.” J. H. Round, in Victoria History of the Counties, 
Surrey, i. 306.) 

8 “ Conventionem feci de regia possessione Windlesora, quod locus ille utilis, et commodus visus est propter 
contiguam aquam, et sylvam vena[n]tibus aptam, et alia plura quae inibi sunt regibus commoda, imoregiaeperhend[in]a- 
tioni aptus existit, pro qua Wokendune, et Feringes, concessi.” W. Camden, Britannia (London, 1586), 143. 

9 TERRA REGIS. Rex WILLELMUS tenet WINDESORES in dominio. Rex E. tenuit. Ibi .xx. hidae. 

Terra est In dominio est una caruca et xxii. villani ct ii. bordarii cum .x. carucis. Ibi unus servus. et 

piscaria de .vi. solidis et viii. denariis. et xl. a era prati. Silva de ,L. porcis in pasnagio. et alia silva 
missa est in defensa. et adhuc sunt in villa, c. hagae .v. minus. Ex his sunt .xxvi. quietae de gablo et de 
aliis exeunt .xxx. solidi. 

De terra hujus Manerii tenet Albertus clericus unam hidam et dimidiam. et terciam partem unius denae. 
Walterus filius Other unam hidam et dimidiam et unam virgatam et tantum silvae unde exeunt .v. porci de pasnagio. 
Gislebertus maminot .iii. virgatas. Willelmus belet unam hidam. Aluric .i. hidam et alter Aluric dimidiam hidam 
et presbyter villae unam hidam et dimidiam et duo servientes curiae regis dimidiam hidam. Eudo dapifer .ii. 
hidas. T.R.E. valebat xv. libras, et post: vii. libras. Modo: xv. libras. 

10 “ On )?ison geare heold se cyng Willelm his hired to Xpes maessan on Windlesoran.” The Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle, ed. B. Thorpe (Rolls Series 23, London, 1861), i. 362. 

11 “ Forj?i his hired aet Windlesoran heold.” Ibid. i. 363. 

12 “ On J?isum geare to Nativited heold se cyng Heanrig his hired aet Windlesoran.” Ibid. i. 367. 

13 “ To Eastran his hired on Windlesoran heold.” Ibid. i. 368. 

14 “ To Pentecosten forman si]?e his hired on j?am niwan Windlesoran heold.” Ibid. i. 369. 

15 “ Apud novam Windlesores quam ipse aedificaverat.” Henrici archidiaconi Huntendunensis Hisloria 
Anglorum (Rolls Series 74), 237. 

18 “ TERRA RADULFI FILIJ SEIFRIDE. RADULFUS filius Seifrid tenet de rege CLIVORE. Heraldus 
comes tenuit. Tunc se defendebat pro .v. hidis. modo pro .iiii. hidis et dimidio. et castellum de Windesores est in 
dimidia hida Terra est In dominio est una caruca et dimidia et ix. villani et vi. bordarii cum .iiii. 

carucis et molendinum de ,x. solidis et xx. acre prati. Silva de .x. porcis. De hac terra tenet gener ejus Radulfus 
dimidiam hidam et nichil est ibi. Valuit .vii. libras. Modo .iiii. libras et x. solidos.” 

17 “ Terra Nigelli de Berevile. Nigellus de Berevile tenet in Draintone .ii. hidas et i. virgatam pro uno 

Manerio. . . . T.R.R. (sic) Hoc Manerium tenuit Leuuinus de Neuham de rege. et postea T.R.W. de eodem 

Leuuino tenuit Radulfus passaquam et inveniebat .ii 03 . Loricatos in custodiam de Windesores.” 

18 “ Terra Abbatice Sceptesberiensis . De Manerio Chingestone habet rex .i. hidam in qua fecit castellum 
Warham et pro ea dedit S. Marie aecclesiam de Gelingeham cum Appendiciis suis. que valet .xl. solidos.” 

19 R. W. Eyton, A Key to Domesday, etc. with an analysis and digest of the Dorset Survey (London, 1878), 43. 

20 “ TERRA OSBERNI FILIJ RICARDI. Isdem Osbemus habet .xxiii. homines in castello Avretone. et 
reddit .x. solidos. Valet ei castellum hoc .xx. solidos.” 

21 “ Isdem Rex tenet Alwmestune. Donnus tenuit. Tunc pro duabus hidis et dimidia. Modo pro .ii. hidis 
quia castellum sedet in una virgata.” 

22 “ Henricus de Ferreres habet castellum de Toteberis. In Burgo circa castellum sunt .xlii. homines de mercato 
suo tantum viventes. et reddunt cum foro .iiii. libras et .x. solidos.” 

In Burtone habet dimidiam hidam in qua sedet ejus castellum. In qua T.R.E. erant .xii. carucae. Ibi sunt 
modo .iiii. carucae in dominio. Valet per annum .xx.iiii. solidos.” 

23 Archaeologia, lviii. 330, 331. 


4 


W indsor Castle. 


CHAPTER II. 

THE CASTLE UNDER THE CONQUEROR. 

With the exception of the references to it in the Domesday Survey cited in the 
foregoing chapter, there is no mention whatever of the Castle of Windsor during the 
Conqueror’s reign by any of the chroniclers or historians of his time. It will be well, 
therefore, to consider what evidence there is for believing that the Conqueror raised it, 
and what may have been the reasons for the choice of its site. 

Although the Castle is not expressly stated in the Survey to have been wrought first 
by King William, there is a strong presumption that it was his work, and this view is 
strangely confirmed, as has been pointed out by Mr. J. H. Round, 1 by a statement in 
the thirteenth century chronicle of Abingdon Abbey, that by William’s orders, 

at Wallingford and Oxford and Windsor, and in other places, castles were established for guarding the 
Kingdom. Whence it was assigned to this abbey by the royal decree to provide guards of knights 2 at the 
fortress of Windsor itself . 3 

Now, there is reason to believe that these castles formed part of a great scheme for 
rendering permanent the Conquest of England, a scheme that can only have been devised 
by the Conqueror himself, since, until his days, no one ruler was strong enough or in a 
position to have raised, or caused to be raised, the numerous fortresses all over the land 
that enabled him to keep under control a hostile population. 

In fact, as Orderic points out in his account of the various insurrections in 1068, it 
was “ because the fortresses which the French call castles had been very few in the English 
provinces 4 that the English, although they were warlike and bold, were notwithstanding 
too feeble to resist their foes.” 5 

William of Jumieges also mentions how the Conqueror, “ guided by the prudence 
which he knew how to be mindful of in everything pertaining to a king, visited with the 
utmost care the least fortified parts of his kingdom, and to repel the attacks of his enemies 
established very strong castles in suitable positions, which he strengthened with the best 
of his knights and plenty of pay.” 6 

This systematic building of castles was begun by King William himself directly after 
his coronation, when he left London for a few days while certain strongholds were being 
raised within the city of London to keep in order the inhabitants, whom he did not trust. 7 
These strongholds have been identified with the Baynard’s Castle and the Tower of 
London of later days, and were thus placed one at either end of the city, on the bank of the 
river Thames. 

Early in 1067 the King made a progress through parts of his kingdom, distributing 
confiscated lands to his trusted supporters, and leaving as guards in the castles which he 
raised brave men chosen from his Norman followers. He also built a strong citadel 
within the walls of Winchester, and committed it to the care of William FitzOsbern, 
whom he had made earl of Hereford. The castle of Dover was entrusted to Odo, bishop 
of Bayeux, the King’s half-brother, who was made earl of Kent. 8 

During King William’s absence in Normandy in 1067 the earls of Hereford and Kent 
were appointed regents, and the Chronicle complains bitterly how “ bishop Odo and William 
the earl were left behind and wrought castles widely throughout the nation and oppressed 
poor folk.” 9 

One of the King’s first acts after his return to England in December, 1067, was to 
march against Exeter, as the headquarters of a somewhat formidable revolt. William 


5 


Early Nor?nan Castles. 

laid vigorous siege to the city, and, having forced it to surrender, “ chose a place within 
the walls for rearing a castle, and there he left Baldwin of Meules, the son of Earl Gilbert, 
and other distinguished knights, who finished the needful work and stayed there for a 
guard.” 10 The King meanwhile continued his march into Cornwall, 11 and so completed 
the subjugation of the West Country. 

In the next year (1068), while on his way to York to crush another revolt, King 
William raised a castle at Warwick, and entrusted it to Henry, son of Roger Beaumont. 
He also wrought another at Nottingham, which he committed to the care of William 
Peverel. 12 

Having received the surrender of York, the King" built a fortress in the city itself, 
which he handed over to picked knights to guard ; and during his return journey south- 
wards he raised other castles at Lincoln, Huntingdon, and Cambridge, and entrusted their 
keeping to the bravest of his soldiers.” 13 

In 1069 there was another revolt in the North, and the King’s castle at York was 
besieged by the rebels. William promptly marched to the rescue of his castellan, William 
Malet, and, having raised the siege, stayed eight days in the city while a second castle was 
being wrought there, which he left in charge of William FitzOsbern. 14 

The mounts of both these castles may yet be seen : the one being that on which stands 
the structure known as Clifford's Tower, while the other, now called Bail Hill, confronts 
it on the opposite bank of the river Ouse. 

Later in the year the English of the North were again in rebellion, and, aided by the 
Danes, once more attacked York and destroyed the castles. King William for the second 
time relieved the place, and leaving there a strong garrison, with orders to restore the 
castles, 15 laid waste the whole country from the Humber to the Tweed. Orderic says 
that " his castles were scattered over a space of 100 miles,” 16 from which we may infer 
that strong fortresses were left to ensure good order for the future. 

From York, William set out for Chester, and, having crushed a revolt in those 
parts, built a castle at Chester itself, and as he returned southwards raised another 
at Stafford. 17 

The statements above quoted from Orderic, William of Jumieges, and the Chronicle, 
as to the building of castles by or under the Conqueror, are fully confirmed by the Domesday 
Survey, which describes quite a number of important fortresses in terms that show they 
were new. Concerning those that were then in the King’s hands, we read of eight haws 
( hagae ) being destroyed at Wallingford for the castle, 18 of the destruction of twenty- 
seven houses at Cambridge for the same reason, 19 and of sixteen at Gloucester, " where 
the castle is set.” 20 At Huntingdon there used to be twenty dwellings " in the place of 
the castle ” and " where the castle is.” 21 At Lincoln no fewer than one hundred and 
sixty-six houses were destroyed "on account of the castle.” 22 At Stamford five 
dwellings had become untenanted “ on account of the work of the castle,” 23 and 
four at Warwick “ on account of the site ” of it. 24 In the manor of Kingston, 
co. Dorset, the King had a hide of land, " in which he has wrought the castle 
of Warham,” now known as Corf e. 25 At Rockingham, certain land worth 26s. was 

waste “ when King William ordered a castle to be wrought there ” 26 ; and at Stafford 
there w r as land belonging to the manor of Chebsey, “ on which the King commanded 
a castle to be wrought, which has now been destroyed.” 27 Both Windsor and Caris 
brooke castles, as has already been noted, are also described in terms that imply 
they were new. 28 

Of other castles held of the King by tenants-in-chief, the Survey states that Earl 
Roger “ built the castle called Montgomery;” 29 and that at Oswestry, under the same 
Earl, “ Rainald there wrought the castle of Luure.” 30 The Survey of Cheshire states 
that at Rhuddlan (now in Flintshire) “in his own manor of Roeland there has been newly 
made a castle likewise called Roelent by a sub-tenant of Earl Hugh. 31 Of Rayleigh, 
in Essex, it is noted that " in this manor Suen,” the then tenant, " has made his castle,” 32 
and the Survey of Suffolk states that William Malet " has made his castle at Eye.” 33 In 
the land of Roger of Poitou, between the Ribble and the Mersey, " King Edward 
held Peneverdant [Pen wortham, opposite Preston]. . . . Now there is a castle 

there.” 34 


6 


JV indsor Castle , 


With the building of five other castles, all on the Welsh Marches, the name of William 
FitzOsbern is associated, and as he died in 1072, they can thus be approximately dated : 

i. “ Ralf de Todeni holds the castle of Clifford. William the earl made it on waste 

land which Bruning held in King Edward’s days.” 35 

ii. “ William the earl has made the castle of Estrighoiel ” ( i.e . Chepstow). 36 

iii. “ In Nesse are five hides belonging to Berkeley which William the earl placed outside 

for the making of a little castle.” 37 

iv. “ Ralf Mortimer holds the castle of Wigmore. William the earl built it on 

waste land called Merestun which Gunvert held in King Edward’s days.” 38 

v. “ Alured of Marlborough holds the castle of Ewias of King William. For the 

King himself granted to him the lands that William the earl, who had 

re-fortified the castle, had given to him.” 39 

This last entry is of peculiar interest, since, as Mr. Round has pointed out, it refers to the 
re-building of the castle of Osbern surnamed Pentecost, mentioned in the Chronicle in 
1048 and 1052. 

In addition to these castles specially recorded in the Survey or by contemporary 
writers as having been raised by King William or his tenants-in-chief, there are 
many other examples which from their nature and position must be assigned to 
the same time and be regarded as forming part of the same great offensive and 
defensive scheme. 

Not a few of these are also named in the Survey, including Shrewsbury, 40 Monmouth, 
Canterbury, and Norwich, all royal castles ; Trematon in Cornwall ; the castle of the 
Peak in Derbyshire ; Okehampton and “ Cornualia ” (now Launceston, co. Cornwall) 
in Devonshire ; Rochester in Ke^t ; Caerleon in Monmouthshire ; Dunster and Montacute 
in Somerset ; Arundel, Hastings, Lewes, and Bramber, all in Sussex ; Dudley in 
Worcestershire ; the Yorkshire castles of Pontefract (Ilbert’s castle) and Richmond, 
and Clitheroe (Roger’s castle), now in Lancashire. The Survey also mentions the castle 
at Stanton (now Stanton Holgate), Salop, of Helgot, an under-tenant of earl Roger 
of Montgomery. 41 

Now a noteworthy point of interest with regard to these early castles of the Conquest 
is their strategical position. Such as were associated with towns were usually placed 
just within the wall, as at London and Exeter, so as at the same time to dominate 
the place and provide for retreat in case of an attack by hostile townsfolk. If the 
town were situated on a river, the castle was usually set where it would also command 
the waterway, as at Rochester, York, Bedford, Shrewsbury, Oxford, and Newcastle-on- 
Tyne. Other castles, such as those on the Welsh border, were obviously built to control 
the Welshmen. The strong fortresses of I.ewes, Bramber, and Arundel as clearly guarded 
the passes through the South Downs, as did the castles of Guildford and Reigate those 
through the North Downs. 

The sites of Pevensey and Hastings castles are expressly described by Orderic as 
having been occupied by Duke William at his first landing to serve as bases for his army 
and havens for his ships, and the castles of Chichester (if it existed as early) and South- 
ampton probably owed their origin to the advent of additional forces for William at the 
Battle of Hastings. The fortress of Carisbrooke dominated the Isle of Wight, and that 
of Corfe the Isle of Purbeck ; while the castle of Rochester guarded the passage of the 
Medway, and the “ new castle ” in the North, the passage of the Tyne. 

As regards Windsor, the, site of the Castle is the one strong point 42 between London 
and Wallingford where a fortress could be placed to guard the waterway of the Thames. 
Otherwise it did not command any road or known ford across the river at this point, and, 
beyond its dominant position in this part of the country, has no other apparent reason 
for its selection. 

It is, however, possible that a further object dictated the choice of its site. The city 
of London, besides being itself controlled by two strong fortresses within it, was, either 
intentionally or otherwise, actually encircled by a chain of early Norman castles lying 
almost equi-distant from it, as if to dominate and overawe it. On the north were Ongar 
and Hertford, and perhaps Pleshey ; on the east, Rayleigh and Rochester ; on the south, 



Hope's Windsor Castle. 



The Norman Mottes of Hastings, Rennes , Dot , Dinan, and Bayeux, 
as depicted in the Bayenx Stitchwork. 




7 


Characteristics of Early Norman Castles. 

Tonbridge and Reigate ; while Guildford, Windsor, and Berkhamstead formed a line 
on the west . 43 

The selection of the site of Windsor may also be due to a combination of both these 
reasons with yet a third : the desire of the Conqueror, in the then unsettled state of the 
country, to have a strong castle of his own within easy reach of London. Here he could 
keep a watchful eye on its turbulent citizens ; he could transact in safety the business of 
his kingdom ; and when so minded he could enjoy the pleasures of the chase in the 
adjoining forest. 

Seeing that the new Castle of Windsor undoubtedly afforded all these advantages, 
the eventual abandonment in its favour of the earlier and less defensible palace at Old 
Windsor can easily be understood. 

It now remains to show what were the nature and character of these castles where- 
with the Conqueror so freely and so carefully studded the land. 

An examination of their sites shows that in the majority of cases the beginning of each 
fortress was a formidable defensive earthwork, composed of a moated conical mount with 
truncated top, with one or more appended courts or baileys ; and it is interesting to find, 
in the representation ( Plate I) in the so-called ‘ Bayeux Tapestry ” of the building of 
Hastings castle by William himself, that such a mount is actually there shown in 
course of construction, with the accompanying explanation : 

ISTE IVSSIT : VT FODERETVR CASTELLVM I AT. HESTENGACEASTRA. 

The moated mount (Fr. motte, Lat. mota) which formed the principal feature in such 
a castle was crowned by a strong wooden brattice or tower (Fr. bretasche, Lat. bretaschia ) 
of the character shown in the well-known pictures in the Bayeux Stitchwork of the Norman 
mottes of Dol, Dinan, and Rennes ( Plate I). This served the double purpose of a 
watch-tower, and a last refuge for the garrison should the rest of the castle fall into the 
hands of the foe. 

The mounts themselves varied greatly in size, from heaps capable of carrying only 
a small watch-tower to large structures like those at Windsor, Oxford, Tickhill, and Clare, 
or even of such huge dimensions as those at Thetford and Norwich, with room enough 
on the flattened summit for a number of buildings, or even a tower as well, within the 
palisade that crested it. 

The banks that enclosed the appendent bailey (Lat. ballia or balliva) or baileys were 
likewise fortified along their crests with lines of vertical wooden palisades, which were 
carried across the ditch of the great mount and up its slope to join the chief stronghold 
on the top. The whole castle was thus encircled by a continuous line of defence, 
protected by an external ditch formed by the excavation of the material for the 
banks and mount. 

The usual position of the mount was at one side or end of the castle, so that 
the tower or citadel which crowned it might assist in the defence ; the tower, 
consequently, stood partly within and partly without the line of encircling wall, as is 
well seen at Carisbrooke and Castleacre. At Windsor, however, the mount seems 
to have been brought in later times entirely within the outer line of defence, and it is 
virtually so at Arundel. 

A strong tower or gatehouse in the line of palisade, and a drawbridge over the ditch 
before it, gave access to the castle from without ; and there was sometimes a second gate- 
house at the foot of the mount to defend the bridge across its encircling ditch that led to 
the steps up to the great tower, or donjon, as it was also called. 

Within the bailey were the lord’s lodging and the hall, kitchen, chapel, stables, etc- 
for the garrison ; all, no doubt, at first, for the most part of wood, like the defences cresting 
the earthworks. This universal prevalence of the use of timber for the first defences in these 
early castles is apt to be lost sight of. But a little consideration will show that it was 
dictated by the necessities of the case, since the newly thrown-up mounts and banks required 
a considerable time, varying, of course, with the nature of their material, to consolidate 
before they could bear the weight of walls built of masonry. The use of stone construction 
was also a work of time, and accordingly confined at first, as at Lincoln, Exeter, Arundel. 


8 


Windsor Castle. 


and Tickhill, to the gatehouses, which were built on the natural ground in a break purposely 
left in the enclosing earthworks, and to the buildings within the bailey, as in the case of 
William FitzOsbern’s great hall at Chepstow, the early hall at Richmond, and the 
chapel at Durham. 

There are a few instances, as at Nottingham, Corfe, and the castle of the Peak, where 
a naturally strong position was fortified from the first by stone walls instead of by the 
more usual earthen banks. In these cases the moated mount was also omitted, its place 
being taken in later times by a massive tower of masonry. The earliest examples of such 
structures, the Tower of Colchester and the Tower of London, are, however, not earlier, 
the one than 1080, the other than 1087, and both are exceptional. Of the remainder, 
probably very few were built before the reign of Henry I. 

Such were the castles which were raised all over the country within a few years of the 
coming of Duke William ; castles that from their very nature needed but a few weeks, 
or even days, 44 for their construction ; and when destroyed, as they occasionally were, 
could be as quickly restored by the renewal of the timber defences, the burning or 
demolition of which represented the destruction. 

It was such a castle, as will now be shown, that King William raised at Windsor. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER II. 

1 In a paper on “ The Cascles of the Conquest,” in Archaeologia, lviii. 331. 

2 See ante, p. 2, touching the guard due from Drayton Manor, and a paper on “ Castle Guard,” by Mr. J. H. 
Round, in Archaeological Journal, lix. 144-159. 

3 “ lunc Walingaforde, et Oxeneforde, et Wildesore, caeterisque locis, castella pro regno servando compacta. 
Unde huic abbatiae militum excubias apud ipsum Wildesore oppidum habendas regio imperio jussum.” Chronicon 
Monasterii de Abingdon, ed. Joseph Stevenson (Rolls Series 2), ii. 3. Mr. Round ( loc . cit.) observes that “ the 
authority (of the Chronicle) is recognised as a good one for that period, and it also represents local knowledge, for 
Abingdon was about half-way between Oxford and Wallingford.” 

4 The few castles that did exist, such as Pentecost’s Castle and Robert’s Castle mentioned in the Chronicle, and 
identified by Mr. Round as the fortresses of Ewias Harold (Herefordshire) and Clavering (Essex) respectively, were 
most likely the work of Norman favourites of King Edward. 

5 “ Rex igitur secessus regni providentius perlustravit, et opportuna loca contra excursiones hostium com- 
munivit. Munitiones enim (quas castella Galli nuncupant) Anglicis provinciis paucissimae fuerant ; et ob hoc Angli, 
licet bellicosi fuerint et audaces, ad resistendum tamen inimicis extiterant debiliores.” Orderici V italic His tori a: 
Ecclesiasticce (ed. A. Prevost, Paris, 1840), ii. 184. 

6 “ Rex autem monitus quidem prudentia, qua consulere in cunctis Regi novit, immunita regni providissima 
dispositione perlustravit, ac ad ardendos hostium excursus tutissima castella per opportuna loca stabilivit : quae 
militum electissimo robore, et uberrima stipendiorum copia munivit.” Historiae Normannorum Scriptores Antiqui 
(ed. A. Duchesne, Paris, 1619), 290. 

7 “ Egressus Lundonia rex dies aliquot in propinquo loco Bercingis morabatur, dum firmamenta quaedam in 
urbe contra mobilitatem ingentis ac feri populi perhcerentur.” Orderic, op. cit. ii. 165. 

8 “ Rex inde progrediens diversas regni partes accessit, et ubique utilia sibi et incolis terrae ordinavit. Custodes 
in castellis strenuos viros ex Gallis collocavit, et opulenta beneficia, pro quibus et labores et pericula libenter 
tolerarent, distribuit. 

Intra moenia Guentae, opibus et munimine nobilis urbis et mari contiguae, validam arcem construxit, ibique 
Guillermum Osbemi filium in exercitu suo praecipuum reliquit, eumque vice sua toti regno versus Aquilonem praeesso 
constituit. Doveram vero totamque Cantiam Odoni fratri suo commendavit, qui multa liberalitate et industria 
saeculari pollebat.” Orderic, op. cit. ii. 166. 

* ‘‘ Oda b. & Wyllelm eorl belifen her aefter. & worhton castelas wide geond pas peode. & earm folc swencte.” 
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Rolls Series 23), i. 339. 

10 “ Locum vero intra moenia ad extruendum casL.llum delegit, ibique Balduinum de Molis filium Gisleberti 
comitis, aliosque milites praecipuos reliquit, qui necessarium opus conficerent, piaesidioque manerent. Ipse postea 
in Cornu Britanniae ulterius contendebat. Composito ubique motu, quem deprehendit, exercitum dimisit, et Guentam 
ad vacandum illuc Paschali festo rediit.” Orderic, op. cit. ii. 181. 

11 The Domesday Survey mentions the Cornish castles of Dunhevet (Launceston) and Trematon, then in the 
hands of the Count of Mortain, but there is no proof that they were first raised by the King, although they probably 
were on this very occasion, or by his orders immediately afterwards. 

12 ‘‘Rex itaque castrum apud Guarevicum condidit, et Henrico Rogerii de Bellomonte filio ad servandum 
tradidit. . . . Deinde rex Snotinghcham castrum construxit, et Guillelmo Peverello commendavit.” Orderic, 

op. cit. ii. 184. 

13 “ Haec Eboracenses ut audierunt, extimentes maturata dcditione vim declinaverunt, regique claves civitatis 

cum obsidibus dederunt. Ipse tamen, quia fidem illorum suspectam habuit, in urbe ipsa munitiomm firmavit, quam 
delectis militibus custodiendam tradidit . . . Rex post haec in reversione sua Lincoliae, Huntendonae et Gronte- 

brugae castra locavit, et tutelam eorum fortissimis viris commendavit.” Orderic, op. cit. 184, 185. 

14 “ Rex autem dies octo in urbe morans alterum praesidium condidit, et Guillelmum comitem Osbemi filium 
ad custodiendum reliquit.” Orderic, op. cit. ii. 188. 

15 “ Rex autem tribunos et praesides cum armatorum manu, qui restaurarent in urbe castella direxit . . . 

reliquit.” Orderic, op. cit. ii. 195. 

16 “ Spatio centum milliariorum castra ejus diffunduntur.” Orderic, op. cit. ii. 195. 


9 


Early Norman Castles. 


17 “ Tunc Cestrae munitionem condidit, et in reversione sua apud Estafort alteram locavit, milites et alimonias 
abunde utrobique imposuit.” Orderic, op. cit. ii. 199. 

18 “ In Burgo de Walingeford habuit Rex Edwardus. . . . CC.LXXVI. hagae . . . Modo . 

de Hagis sunt .xiii. minus pro castello sunt .viii. destructae.” 

19 “ Pro castro sunt destructae .xxvii. domos.” 

20 T.R.E., " sedecim domus erant ubi sedet castellum. quae modo desunt.” 

21 “ In Loco castri fuerunt ,xx, mansiones . . . quae modo absunt. . . . De hoc censu remanent nunc 

super .xx. mansiones ubi castrum est xvi.s. et viii.d. inter comitem et regem.” 

22 “ De predictis Wastis mansionibus. propter castellum destructae fuerunt CLXVI Reliquae LXX.1III wastatae 
sunt extra metam castelli.” 

23 “ Praeter .v. quae propter opus castri sunt wastae.” 

24 “ .iiii. sunt wastae propter situm castelli.” 

26 “ De Manerio Chingestone liabet rex ,i. hidam in qua fecit castellum Warham.” 

24 “ Wasta erat quando rex .W. jussit ibi castellum fieri. Modo valet xxvi. solidos.” 

27 " Ad hoc manerio (Cebbesium) pertinuit terram de Stadford. in qua rex praecepit fieri castellum quod modo 
est destructum.” 

28 See ante, p. 2. 

29 “ Ipse comes construxit castrum Muntgumeri vocatum.” 

30 “ Ibi fecit Rainald castellum Luure.” 

31 “ In ipso Manerio Roelend est factum noviter castellum. similiter Roelent appellatum.” 

32 “ In hoc manerio fecit Suenus suum castellum.” 

33 “ W. Malet fecit suum castellum ad Eiam.” 

34 “ Terra Rogeri Pictavensis. Rex E. tenuit Peneverdant. . . . Modo est ibi castellum.” 

35 “ Radulphus de Todeni tenet castellum de Clifford. Willelmus comes fecit illud in wasta terra, quam tenebat 
Bruning T.R.E.” 

36 “ Castellum de Estrighoiel fecit Willelmus comes.” 

37 “ In Nesse sunt .v. hidae pertinentes ad Berchelai quas .W. comes misit extra ad faciendum unum castellulum.” 

38 ‘‘ Radulfus de Mortemer tenet Castellum Wigemore. Willelmus comes fecit illud in Wasta terra quae vocatur 
Merestun quam tenebat Gunvert T.R.E.” 

39 ” Aluredus de Merleberge tenet Castellum Ewias de .W. rege. Ipse Rex enim concessit ei terras quas 
Willelmus comes ei dederat. qui hoc castellum refirmaverat.” 

40 To these may be added the royal castles of Newcastle-on-Tyne, Durham, Worcester, Hereford, Dover, 
Guildford, Hertford, Southampton, Berkhamstead, Oxford, and probably Sarum and Bristol. Also Devizes, 
Tickhill, Thctford, Bungay, Clare, Ongar, Pleshey, Hinckley, Belvoir, Leicester, Reigate, Sandal, Castleacre, 
and Peterborough (Thorold’s Mount). For all these there are historical or other grounds for including among 
castles raised in King William’s days. 

41 Already in existence in 1069, when Orderic calls it “ presidium regis.” 

42 A castle might have been planted at what is now Richmond, but the site was probably thought to be too near 
London. 

43 It is interesting to note that in 1216, when the citizens of London took part with the Barons against King John, 
the King’s advisers appointed the castellans of Windsor, Hertford, and Berkhamstead to watch the movements of the 
Londoners. (See Roger of Wendover.) 

44 Orderic says (see above, note 14) that King William stayed at York in 1069 for eight days while the second 
castle there was being raised. He also states (see note 7, above) that William was only absent from London “ a 
few days” in 1067 while “certain strongholds in the city were being completed.” 


I o 


IV in els or C astle . 


CHAPTER III. 

THE CASTLE UNDER THE NORMAN KINGS: WILLIAM I, 1066—1087; WILLIAM II, 
1087 — 1100 ; HENRY I, 1100 — 1135 ; AND STEPHEN, 1135 — 1154. 

In the preceding chapter an endeavour was made to prove that Windsor Castle was 
in all probability raised by William the Conqueror, as one of a large number of fortresses 
which were placed in suitable positions all over the country with the object of rendering 
permanent the Conquest of England. It is necessary now to show that in its first setting 
out the Castle of Windsor conformed to the characteristic planning and arrangement of 
other fortresses that can be proved to be the work of the Conqueror or of his time. 

Situated on the top of a steep chalk cliff which rises almost abruptly from the south 
bank of the river Thames to a height of 100 feet above the stream, and protected by 
easily defended slopes on the east and south, with a more gentle decline on the west, 
the site of Windsor Castle must at an early date have commended itself as a suitable 
position for a stronghold. 

Whether any previous defensive work, such as a British oppidum, first occupied the 
summit of the hill it is difficult now to say, 1 but it was certainly fortified during the second 
half of the eleventh century by a castle of the first rank, the extent and limits of which 
can be satisfactorily established. 

The substitution of masonry for the original wooden defences, and the successive 
alterations in the buildings and the area enclosed by them during a continuous occupation 
of upwards of eight hundred years, have obliterated much of the earthworks. But from 
existing remains, and authentic records of what has been destroyed, it is possible to lay 
down the ancient lines with tolerable certainty ( Plate II). 

The most prominent member of the first defences was and still is the great mount, 
300 feet in diameter at the base and 100 feet wide across the top. It occupies the middle 
of the Castle and is so placed on the crest of the hill as to command alike the level 
plateau on the east and the sloping ground towards the present town of Windsor on 
the south and west. The mount was, and for the most part is still, encompassed by a 
wide and deep ditch, formed by the excavation of the chalk of which the mount itself 
is composed. 

The area east of the mount occupied the summit of the hill, and was originally a more 
or less rectangular court or bailey about 500 feet square, abutting on the north against 
the edge of the cliff. 2 It was defended on the east by a high bank with a broad and deep 
outer ditch, returned at a right angle along the south side as far as the foot of the mount, 
where the ditch joined that about the mount. From the south-west point of the mount 
ditcli there issued another, which, with the bank thrown out of it, extended westwards 
down the slope of the hill to form the defence of a second bailey there placed, along the 
lower edge of which it was returned northward to meet the western termination of the 
cliff. This lower bailey was also some 500 feet long, with an extreme width of 400 feet, 
but as it ascended eastwards it gradually narrowed to about 270 feet, and where the slope 
merged into the flat top of the hill, was traversed by a cross ditch. Along the whole of 
the north side of the Castle, which was fairly straight, the steepness of the cliff rendered 
unnecessary the throwing up of any earthworks. 3 

The area of the Castle was thus divided into an outer and an inner bailey, with the 
great mount and its western defence forming a middle bailey between the other two. 


Hope's Windsor Castle. 



Windsor Castle. Plan showing probable arrangement as an earthwork with the mount and banks crested with timber defences. 



































First Condition of the Castle 


1 1 


The whole site enclosed about thirteen acres, and measured about 1,500 feet from east 
to west, with an average width of 400 feet. 

The arrangement of the wooden defences which at first crested the earthworks 
can be determined with reasonable certainty from the lines of wall that afterwards 
replaced them. 

On the mount was the great tower or donjon, consisting of a strong circular or 
polygonal building of two or more stories. Within its basement was a well. The base 
of the tower was surrounded by a protective mantlet or chemise. The entrance, which 
was on the north-east, was gained by a flight of steps up the mount,, protected on its 
western side by a covering palisade which started from a gatehouse or tower at the foot 
of the mount. 

From this gatehouse, which formed the entrance to the inner bailey, a line of 
palisade was carried eastwards along the edge of the cliff and so along the crests of the 
eastern and southern banks of the bailey until it reached the foot of the mount, 
when it turned sharply and was continued up the slope of the mount until it abutted on 
the great tower. 

The ditch to the west of the mount, between the middle and lower baileys, was also 
defended by a palisade, with a gateway in the middle of its length. This palisade was 
extended backwards at both ends : on the north until it joined the gatehouse of the upper 
bailey ; on the south across the ditch and up the mount till it joined the mantlet of 
the great tower. Over the middle of the cross ditch was a drawbridge leading to the 
gateway in the palisade to give access from the lower to the middle bailey. 

The lower bailey was likewise enclosed by a palisade along the crests of its banks 
and along the edge of the cliff. And to complete the outer line of defence this was no 
doubt continued eastwards on both sides so as to traverse and thus close the ends of 
the cross ditch. 

The principal entrance into the Castle was at the south-west corner of this bailey, and 
consisted of a strong gatehouse, probably of masonry, with a drawbridge before it across 
the ditch. All the ditches, as was usually the case, were dry. It is possible that the 
palisades had galleries or continuous platforms on the inner side to enable the garrison to 
pass easily from point to point of the whole line of defence. 

Of the nature and position of the various buildings that stood within the Castle it can 
only be conjectured, from the corresponding places of structures of later date, which no doubt 
occupied the same sites, that in the lower bailey and mostly on the north side were the 
great hall with its kitchen, the chapel, and stabling and other offices for the use oi 
the garrison, and that the royal lodging, with its own hall, kitchen, chapel, etc. 
was similarly placed in the inner bailey. The great tower probably served at need as 
a barrack and storehouse. 

A good idea of the mount and its defences in these first days of the Castle of Windsor 
may be derived from the quaintly drawn but none the less instructive pictures in the 
Bayeux Stitchwork of the donjons of Rennes, Dinan and Dol ( see Plate I). The first 
shows the steps up to the tower, with beasts feeding on the slope of the mount. The Dinan 
example shows plainly the ditch surrounding the mount, the ascending stairway and its 
protecting gatehouse, and a fine tower with an encircling mantlet and large central 
turret. That the whole was constructed of wood is plainly shown by the efforts of 
the attacking soldiery to set it on fire. The donjon of Dol also shows the encircling ditch, 
with the steps to the tower, the entrance to which is covered by a gatehouse. From the 
top of the tower one of the defenders is escaping by sliding down a rope. 

It may perhaps seem rather rash to assume on such slight evidence as now 
exists that the Castle was laid out from the first on so large a scale ; and there are 
some who have not hesitated to assert that the original extent included only the 
lower bailey and the great mount, and that the upper bailey is an addition of the 
fourteenth century. 

It is evident, however, from the ground-plan, that if the Castle once contained but 
a single court attached to the mount, it was more likely that now forming the upper bailey, 
rather than the lower. But the question of the original extent does not rest merely on the 
disposition of the ground-plan ; for independently of the documentary proof, which will 


Windsor Castle. 


I 2 


be dealt with later, there are several other castles which are believed to be contemporary 
works that resemble it in arrangement and were laid out on an equally large scale. 

The best and most striking parallel is afforded by the castle of Arundel, raised 
probably by earl Roger of Montgomery about 1070. This, like Windsor, has an upper 
and a lower bailey, both large and rectangular, separated by the great mount. 

Another example is that of Carisbrooke castle. This consisted originally of two 
large oblong baileys, placed end to end, with an intervening cross ditch, one end of which 
was overlooked by the great mount ; the mount itself being intruded into an angle of 
the outer bailey. At a later period, when the first wooden defences began to 
be replaced by walls of masonry, the need for so large a fortress had passed away, 
and the inner bailey was accordingly dismantled, and not included within the circuit 
of the new defences. 4 

A third parallel to Windsor is to be found in the castle of Rockingham. It consisted 
at first of a larger outer and a lesser inner bailey, with the great mount between, but 
placed to one side. At a later date this fortress, too, was treated like Carisbrooke, the 
outer bailey being allowed to become derelict, and the masonry defences restricted to 
the lesser bailey, and to the mount, which thus acquired its awkward position at one 
angle of the castle. 5 

Now these great castles of Windsor, Arundel, Carisbrooke and Rockingham are not 
only amongst the largest of their kind, but they form a class almost by themselves. They 
were planned apparently by the same military engineer, whom everyone who has studied 
on the spot the works in question, must admit to have been a genius of the first order. 
Rockingham, as is stated in the Survey, was wrought by order of King William himself, 
perhaps in the same year (1068) that he raised the castles of Lincoln, Huntingdon, and 
Cambridge. The castle of Carisbrooke, it has been submitted by Mr. J. H. Round, than 
whom no one is better qualified to decide, “ might well be assigned to William FitzOsbern, 
that potent warrior-earl and ruler of the Isle of Wight." 6 Earl William died in 1072, 
so that Carisbrooke, if his work, must be of the same early date suggested for Arundel 
and Rockingham, and if these dates be accepted, the Castle of Windsor belongs to the same 
period. 

During the reign of the Conqueror the chronicles do not record anything about 
Windsor Castle, and it is only by cumulative and comparative evidence, based on the first 
mention of it in the great Survey, that it may be assumed with some degree of confidence 
to have been raised by King William early in his reign. 

A like dearth of information about the Castle characterizes the reign of King William 
Rufus, the only important fact chronicled being the imprisonment here of Robert, the 
governor or earl of Northumbria, who was captured at Tynemouth in 1095 and “ the 
King commanded men to lead the earl Robert to Windsor and there to hold him within 
the Castle." 7 The notices of the King keeping Christmas and other feasts at Windsor 
refer, as has been already shown, to the royal lodge at Old Windsor. 

The reign of Henry I (1100— 1135) is of some importance in the architectural history 
of the Castle, since it is to this King that Henry of Huntingdon, who is supported by the 
Chronicle, ascribes the foundation of the “ New Windsor." 

The fact is only incidentally referred to by the historian, in a note of certain events 
that occurred in mo-11, “ when the King had held his court at Whitsuntide at New 
Windsor, which he himself had built ,” 8 and the precise interpretation of the statement is 
difficult. 

Henry certainly could not have built a castle which was already in existence in his 
father’s days, but he must have done something to deserve the special record in the 
Chronicle of his holding his court there “ for the first time." 9 

What this work was is uncertain. It may have been the reconstruction of the great 
tower in masonry instead of wood ; an operation then quite feasible, since the mount 
on which it stood had had sufficient time to consolidate. But the Norman masonry of the 
great tower seems to be of later date, and the work may equally well have been the com- 
pletion of the royal lodging in the upper bailey. This suggestion is perhaps borne out 
to some extent by the solitary survivor of the Pipe Rolls of King Henry’s reign, that for 
his thirty-first year (1 130-31), which records a payment of 60s. iod. “ for the liveries of 


Notices of Early Buildings. 


*3 


Nicholas the keeper of the King’s house at Windsor.” 10 Ashmole 11 and other writers 
who have simply followed him, ascribe to King Henry I the building of a chapel, dedicated 
in honour of St. Edward the Confessor, and served by a college of chaplains ; but 
this seems to be based on no better authority than an unsupported statement of 
Leland. 12 

In 1121 Henry married at Windsor his second Queen, Adeliza, daughter of the duke 
of Louvain. This event is of interest here on account of the dispute connected with 
it, the bishop of Salisbury contending that the right of marrying the King was his, 
“ because the Castle itself stands in his diocese ” 13 ; it is also evidence of the existence 
of a chapel in the Castle. 

During the second half of Henry’s reign he was so constantly in Normandy that it 
is unlikely that he did any other work at Windsor. 

The troublous reign of Stephen (1135 — 1154) was not, so far as is known, marked by 
any works in the Castle, and the only historical reference to it of importance occurs in 
the treaty made at Wailingford in 1153 between the King and the young duke Henry, 
son of the Empress Matilda. By this it was agreed inter alia that the “ tower of London ” 
and the “ mount of Windsor ” should be committed to the custody of Richard de Lucy, 
the chief justiciar, who pledged himself to restore both fortresses to duke Henry after 
the King’s death. 14 It is interesting to note the distinction between the two castles : 
that at London being already called after the great turns or tower built for William Rufus 
by bishop Gundulf, while Windsor was known by its dominant mota or mount. The 
castle of Oxford, which is likewise characterized by a mount, is also referred to in the 
Treaty of Wallingford as motam de Oxoneford . 15 


NOTES TO CHAPTER III. 

1 Nothing to justify the existence of any earlier stronghold on the site has yet been noted or recorded. 

2 The rectangular plan of the upper bailey has suggested to some a Roman origin for the earthworks. No 
traces, however, of Roman occupation have been found, so far as is known, on the site, and the directions of the 
Roman roads in the district show that the hill of Windsor was then off the main lines of communication. Possibly 
the station of Ad Pontes at Staines was thought strong enough to keep the Britons in check, as well as to guard the 
bridges that there spanned the Thames and the Colne. 

3 According to the late Mr. John Henry Parker, C.B., the bank of the outer ditch bad in its rear a second or 
inner ditch, which was carried along the north side also. In the upper bailey its western extremities seem to have been 
merged into the ditch of the mount. In the lower bailey this inner ditch is supposed to have begun on the north 
side in the ditch of the mount, to have continued along the edge of the cliff and along the foot of the slope, and then 
to have returned at a sharp angle up the middle of the area, ending in the ditch of the mount not far from its starting 
point. The lower bailey, Mr. Parker thought, was also crossed by three traverses. The first, about which there is 
no doubt, is still represented by the depression east of the chapel where the Deanery garden is. The other 
traverses Mr. Parker placed : the one about 170 feet lower down the slope, the other about in line with the present 
outer gate, with a short branch in the middle of its length to the inner ditch cutting off the area now covered by 
the western cloister. There does not, however, seem to be any evidence of the existence of either the inner ditch 
or of two of the three traverses suggested by Mr. Parker, and, as will be seen below, the inner ditch can be explained 
on other grounds. 

4 It lay derelict until 1597, when it was again included in the fortifications of the castle, and its earthworks 
converted into bastions for fire artillery and other defences. The original outline has thus to some extent been 
obscured. 

5 Warwick was perhaps another of the group, which has in later times lost the second bailey. 

6 Archaeologia, Iviii. 333. 

7 “ And pone eorl Rotbert het se cyng to Windlesoran laedan. & j?aer innan pa.ni castele healdan.” The Anglo- 
Saxon Chronicle (Rolls Series 23), i. 362. Henry of Huntingdon (op. cit. 218) says of Earl Robert that “ vulneratus 
est, et captus apud Wind! 'sores in carcere positus.” 

8 “ Cum rex curiam suam tenuisset ad Pentecosten apud novam Windlesores, quam ipse aedificaverat.” 
Henrici Archidiaconi Huntendunensis Historia Anglorum (Rolls Series 74), 237. 

9 1 no. “ On Jfisum geare heold se cyng Henri his hired to Xpes masssan aet Westmynstre. & to Eastron he 
was aet Maerlebeorge. & to Pentecosten forman sij?e his hired on j?am niwan Windlesoran heold.” The Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle (Rolls Series 23), i. 369. A parallel case is entered in the Chronicle, under the year 1099, of William Rufus 
holding his court for the first time in the new building at Westminster. The building of the King’s hall there is 
mentioned in 1097. 

10 “ In liberaturis Nicholai custodis Domus Regis de Windlesora .lx.s. et .x.d.” 

11 Elias Ashmole, The Institution, Laws and Ceremonies of the most Noble Order of the Garter (London, 1672), 135 

12 “ Henricus I. hie primum instituit quinque cantaristas.” Joannis Lelandi Antiquarii Collectanea (editio 
altera, London, 1770), i. 89. 

13 “ Quia castrum ipsum in diocesi sua consistit.” Gervase, Acta Pontificum (Rolls Series 73), ii. 378 


H 


W incisor Castle. 


14 The notice of this event in the rhyming chronicle of Robert of Gloucester (written probably about 1300) follows 
Henry of Huntingdon in ascribing the building of the Castle to King Henry ; and the same occurs a few lines above : 

9044 His ester suppe at berkeleye. & at windelsore iwis. 

His witesonetid he huld. pat so noble stude is. 
pat he let bulde him sulf. & wodestoke al so. 
***** 

9051 An hei dukes do3ter. adelyne was hire name. 

Me nuste womman so vair non. in pe middle erde. 

He spousede hire at windelsore. pat he him sulf rerde. 

The Chronicle of Robert of Gloucester (Rolls Series 86), ii. 646. 

13 “ Etiam turris London’ et mota de Windesor’ consilio sanctae ecclesiae Ricardo de Luceio ad custodiendum 
traditae sunt ; Ricardus autem de Lucy juravit in manum archiepiscopi, et custodiam filium suum obsidem dedit, 
quod post meum decessum castra duci redderet.” T. Rymer, Fcedera, etc. (London, 1816), I. i. 18. 






























































Hope's Windsor Castle. Plate HI. 



Windsor Castle. Plan showing the change from wooden defences to walls and towers in masonry , as carried out 

under King Henry II. 



Rarliest ‘Buildings in Masonry. 


l 5 


CHAPTER IV. 

THE CASTLE DURING THE REIGN OF KING HENRY II, 1154—1189. 

With the reign of King Henry II the documentary history of the Castle passes from 
the fitful references of historians to the actual accounts for works entered on the unrivalled 
series of national records known as the Great Rolls of the Pipe. The Pipe Rolls actually 
began earlier, but only one, namely that for 31 Henry I (1130-1), has been preserved 
anterior to that for 2 Henry II (1155-6), which is the first of a series that continued 
uninterruptedly down to 1831-2. In the reign of King John the accounts begin to be 
supplemented by entries upon the Close Rolls and by a few surviving Liberate Rolls, and 
in that of King Henry III by the Liberate and Issue Rolls also. 

For the greater part of the reign of King Henry II the Castle was in the custody of 
Richard de Lucy, the chief justiciar, to whom it had been committed under the Treaty 
of Wallingford in 1153. On his death in 1179 it was entrusted to Roger FitzReinfrid, 
who was sheriff of Berks from 1186 to 1189, and continued in his hands until the first year 
of King Richard I. 

During the first seven years of the reign there are no accounts of any works or 
buildings in the Castle. A payment of 30s. 5d., or id. per day, to the chaplain on the 
Pipe Roll for 1155-6, which is continued yearly, points to the existence of a chapel. 1 This 
and the following rolls also contain a regular series of payments for work in the vineyard, 
but as this was outside the Castle its story has no concern with that of the buildings. 

On the roll for the eighth year (1161-2) is entered a charge of £13 6s. 8d. “on the work 
of the King’s houses,’’ 2 and of 13s. “ for shingles for the houses of Windsor ” 2 ; probably 
for roofing them. 

The term Domus Regis is usually applied, both at Windsor and other castles and royal 
residences, to the royal apartments or King’s lodging, and included probably accommo- 
dation for the court officials and the royal household. The custos Domus Regis is 
mentioned in the Pipe Roll for 31 Henry I, showing that some such building already 
existed in the Castle in 1130-1. 

The rolls for 1162-3, 1 163-4 an< i 1164-5 contain nothing relating to the King’s 
houses, but in thkt for 1163-4 ls a charge of 30s. spent “ on the work of the kitchen of 
Windsor ; ” 3 this implies the existence of a hall. 

The account for the twelfth year (1165-6) shows that work was again resumed upon 
the King's houses, 4 and it continued steadily during the six following years. Charges 
for the provision of lead and stone are also included ; the whole ending in the roll for 
1 172-3 with payments for shingles for roofing and for squared stones. 4 

The charges for the lead, amounting to £4 7 12s. 9d., all occur in one roll, that for 
1166-7, wh en some building must have been finished. Of the total, £22 9s. 9d. was due 
to the sheriff of London and Middlesex, £15 to the sheriff of Northamptonshire, and 
£10 3s. to the farmer of the Cumberland lead mines, minaria de Carleolo. 5 

The charges for stone are of interest as pointing to the erection of permanent buildings 
within the Castle, in place of the timber structures that had probably hitherto served the 
purpose. 

In 1165-6 forty stones brought from “ Eglemunt ’’ to Windsor, furnished by the 
sheriff of Beds and Bucks, cost 16s., and in the same year the sheriff of Oxfordshire 
accounted for £11 3s. id. due to him ‘ for squared stone carried to Windsor for the King’s 


Windsor Castle . 


1 6 


work.” 6 The latter entry clearly refers to a large quantity of ashlar, but neither the 
amount nor its locality is given. The roll for 1166-7 has an incompleted entry, under- 
lined for deletion, “ for 300 stones brought from Eglemunt to Windsor.” 7 These were 
apparently charged for in the following year, when the sheriff of Beds and Bucks accounted 
for ioos. 8d. 8 " for stones from Eglemunt sent for the work of the King’s houses of Windsor.” 
This amount averages about 4d. a block, which is nearly as much as was paid for the forty 
blocks furnished in 1165-6. Further provision of stone from “ Eglemunt ” is entered 
on the rolls for 1168-9 and 1169-70 : in the former case amounting to 51s. 6d. and in the 
latter to 28s. 2d. and 36s. 8d. 9 At 4d. a block, as before, these sums would represent a 
total of three hundred and forty-nine blocks. 

In 1170-1 the sheriff of London and Middlesex accounted for £4 6s. 8d. “ for stones 
for the work of the King’s houses of Windsor,” 10 and in the following year the sheriff 
of Surrey “ for 3000 shingles and 300 cut (i.e. squared or ashlar) stones ” for the same 
work, for which he charged 18s. 11 In 1 172-3 the sheriffs of London and Middlesex 
accounted for £4 15s. “ for freestone for the work of the Castle of Windsor.” This entry 
may indicate that the material charged for in 1170-1 was likewise freestone, but it must 
here be for other work than for the King’s houses. 12 

There are a few notices of other materials for works during the period under notice. 
Thus in 1169-70 a charge occurs of 19s. iod. “ for boards sent for the King’s service at 
Windsor,” 13 and in 1 172-3 one of 3s. 6d. “ for bringing wine, iron and steel, ropes and 
cables, from the Thames to the mount ( motam ).” 14 

The finishing or suspension of the work of the King’s houses is marked by a charge 
on the roll for 1171-2 of £2 for the wall about them. 15 

The expenditure upon the King’s houses in 1161-2 and from 1165-6 to 1169-70 
amounted in all, exclusive of items for lead and stone, to £363 9s. 6d., of which £148 occurs 
in one year (1167-8). But the sums spent upon the royal lodgings are not always kept 
distinct. Thus on the roll of 1165-6, besides a specified payment of £8 8s. “ on the work 
of the King’s houses,” there is another of £34 12s. 5d. laid out “ on the work of the Castle, 
the chapel, the King’s houses, and the limekiln,” 16 together with a payment of £18 6s. 8d 
to the mason for taskwork ; and in 1169-70 and the following year £80 and £30 
respectively are set down for works “ on the Castle and the King’s houses.” 

With the roll for the sixteenth year (1169-70) begins a series of payments continued 
annually, except in that for 1171-2, down to the twenty-fifth year (1178-9), “ for the 
work of the Castle.” 17 They amount in all to £753 15s. 5d.. exclusive of £4 15s. on 
the roll for 1 172-3 for purchase of freestone, and of £20 in reparatione castelli in 
1 174-5. 18 In the accounts of 1169-70 and the following year further sums of £80 and 
£30 respectively, as noted above, include charges for works on the King’s houses as well 
as the Castle. 

The charge of 40s. on the roll for 1171-2 for building a wall about the King’s houses 
is followed on the same roll by one of £16 “ on the work of the wall about the Castle.” 19 
A further sum of £8 13s. 6d. is charged for the same work in the next year, 20 while in the 
year after the expenditure on the Castle wall reached the large sum of £128 9s., making 
a total of £153 2s. 6d. 21 As the payments towards “ the work of the Castle” are inter- 
rupted only by the entries in the rolls of 1 17 1-2 and 1172 -3 towards “ the work of the 
wall about the Castle,” it is very probable that they too were for the building of the wall 
and its towers, and the sums for them should therefore be added to the £153 2s. 6d. 

So little is now left, or at any rate to be seen, of the works of this period beyond 
the remains of the walls and towers, that it is not easy to suggest the exact extent or 
position of the King’s houses, or how far they replaced any earlier constructions of timber 
or in masonry. There are, however, reasons for supposing, as will be seen under the reign 
of King Henry III, that although there were buildings in both the upper and the lower 
wards of the Castle, the new works of King Henry II were mostly confined to the upper 
bailey, wherein stood the royal lodging. 

The great tower crowning the mount, from the character of its pilaster buttresses, 
certainly belongs to this period. The large tower on the south-west, at the foot of the mount, 
as certainly dates from the reign of King Henry III. But the whole of the south curtain 
wall of the upper bailey, with the two remaining old towers and possibly two others now 


Hope' s Windsor Castle. 











Hope's Windsor Castle. 



Windsor Castle. Plan and Section of the Bowe and Postern on the South side of the Upper Ward. 

From a drawing in H.M* Office of Works. 


The Building of the Myalls and Towers. 


l 7 


destroyed, and the eastern curtain and its four towers, are probably more or less of Norman 
construction, though continual repairs and modem alterations and rebuildings have 
divested them of their most characteristic features [see Plan I). The large square tower 
formerly at the north-east angle was also probably of Norman foundation, as well as 
three other towers once along the north wall, which were attached to and formed 
part of the royal lodging. 

To the same date as the walls and towers of the upper bailey may be also assigned 
the remarkable subterranean outlet or " bowe,” which runs out into the ditch beneath 
the later buildings on the south side (Figs, i, 2 ). Part of a similar bowe remains 
beneath the eastern range. 

It is therefore not improbable that the works of King Henry II referred to in the 
foregoing accounts included (i) the rebuilding of the royal lodging and enclosing it with 
a wall ; (ii) the building of the great tower in stone ; (iii) the building of the four towers 
of the eastern curtain and of four others on the south side ; together with (iv) the con- 
necting of the towers by curtain walls ; and (v) the completion of the circuit of the 
defences by continuing the south wall up the slope of the mount to the great tower, and 



THE NORMAN “ BOWE ” IN THE UPPER BAILEY. 

Fig. 1, Entrance archway. Fig. 2. Vaulted passage and second archway. 


connecting the latter by another wall with the inner gatehouse on the north. 22 Some 
progress seems also to have been made with the walling in of the middle and lower baileys, 
part of the north side of the former and the lower part of the Winchester tower 
being twelfth century work, as well as (originally) the wall and rectangular towers along 
the north side of the canons’ cloister, and large part of the wall on the south side 
of the lower bailey (see plan, Plate III, and Plans I and 111). 

This suggestion as to the nature of the works and the order of their erection seems to 
be fully justified by the accounts on the Pipe Rolls. First come the charges for the King’s 
houses. Next those for the work “ of the Castle,” which must, from the heavy outlay, 
refer to some such important defensive work as the great tower and the towers of the 
upper bailey. And lastly the expenditure on the Castle wall, which would naturally be 
left until the building of the towers that stood along its line. The completion of these 
works involved the substitution of walls and towers of masonry for the formidable timber 
palisades which had hitherto formed the defences, and there can be little doubt that the 
new works closely followed the older lines. 



1 8 


W incisor Castle . 


The “King’s houses” probably stood in the place their successors occupy to-day, 
on the north side of the bailey, where the steepness of the cliff insured immunity from 
attack. 

It is a matter of some interest to note how the course of the works above described 
was influenced by the events of King Henry’s reign. 

The quiet that marked its opening years is coincident with the building in a permanent 
form of the royal lodging for the King when he would visit his Castle. 

The internal dissensions that began to trouble the kingdom in 1167 and 1168 are 
reflected at Windsor by the important defensive works undertaken from 1169 onwards, 
immediately after the King’s return from his long stay in Normandy ; and the rebellion 
of 1173 found the Castle partly protected by its new defences, which continued even down 
to 1178 to be made stronger, notwithstanding the peace in the autumn of 1174. 

The calm that marked the concluding years of the reign is likewise reflected in the 
works to the Castle. The Pipe Roll of 1179-80 contains no reference to Windsor, from 
which it may be inferred that all operations were suspended, and in the accounts for the 
two following years only the small sums of £ 2 18s. 6d. and £2 17s. were spent, probably for 
repairs, on the King’s houses. 23 The roll for 1182-3 contains a charge of £8 18s. 6d. for 
some unspecified work on “ the Castle,” 24 and that for the following year records the 
spending of £5 12s. 2d. “ upon the work of the houses and mote of the Castle.” 25 The 
mote was of course the mount and its tower, and not the Castle ditch. 

In June, 1184, King Henry returned to England from another long stay in Normandy, 
and kept the following Christmas at Windsor. The Pipe Roll for 1184-5 contains 
several entries that may reflect this visit : 37s. 7d. spent “ on the work of the King’s 
larder,” and 42s. iod. “ on the work of the almonry and the hedges about the kitchens.” 
“For earthing the King’s lodgings and repairing and removing doors,” one mark was 
charged, and 4s. in mending a chamber ; 8s. 9d. were also expended in mending the gaol. 26 

The roll for 1185-6 contains a small item of £1 8s. 3d. spent on the work of the King’s 
houses, and in that for the next year £13 9s. 5d. is charged for the same. 27 Some idea 
of the nature of these operations may be gathered from the roll of 1187-8, which accounts 
for £3 9s. 2d. spent “ in covering (i.e. roofing in) the King’s lodging.” A further sum of 
£2 12s. 3d. is charged in the same roll “ in mending the seats of the King and Queen in the 
King’s chapel 28 of Windsor and in other works of the King’s houses.” 29 

During the last year of the reign, when the King was again absent in Normandy, 
where he died at Chinon on 6th July, 1189, all work upon the Castle was suspended. 

It does not, however, appear from the Pipe Rolls that the King’s absence from England 
is always indicated by a corresponding suspension of work at the Castle. Thus a 
great deal was done from 1165 to 1170, during almost the whole of which period 
King Henry was abroad ; and large sums were being spent on the Castle and the wall 
about it between 1172 and 1175, while the King was first in Ireland and later in 
Normandy again. 

The reason for this is not far to seek. Although King Henry II occasionally visited 
the Castle, the fact that he rarely stayed there longer than a day, and that but once or twice 
in a year, shows that he hardly looked upon it as one of the royal residences. It was 
on the other hand one of the largest and most important fortresses in the country, and 
the strengthening and maintaining of its defences were therefore works of paramount 
necessity. 

There are still several other points of interest in connexion with the works of this 
reign that may be gleaned from the Pipe Rolls. 

It has already been stated that the Castle was in the custody, first of Richard de Lucy 
from 1153 to 1179, and then of Roger FitzReinfrid for the rest of the reign. They seem 
to have held an office similar to the constableship of later years, and the actual works 
of the Castle were carried out under the direction of certain surveyors, or clerks of the 
works, whose accounts were rendered yearly to the exchequer by the custos. 

From 1165-6 to 1176-7, during most of Richard de Lucy’s term of office, these 
surveyors were three in number : Gilbert of Pinchigni, 30 William of Windsor, and Geoffrey 
the chaplain, 31 or master Geoffrey of Windsor as he was called latterly. In the roll for 
1176-7 certain works were supervized of Gilbert of Pinchigni, Gerard “ his man,” 


Norman JVorks in Masonry. 


l 9 


and Osbert of Eton, through master Geoffrey, and others by Gilbert and the men of 
William of Windsor. In the roll for 1177-8, Richard de Lucy’s last account, master 
Geoffrey’s name also appears for the last time, though not as surveyor. In the account 
for 1178-9, the first of Roger FitzReinfrid, master Osbert of Eton becomes chief surveyor, 
with William of Windsor (whose name appears then for the last time) and Henry (? Gilbert! 
of "Pinkinni ” under him. From 1181-2 to the end of the reign the surveyors were Osbert 
of Eton and Gerard of Datchet, but during 1185-6 Simon de Sages seems temporarily 
to have replaced Gerard. The latter is possibly the same individual as Gilbert of 
Pinchigni’s “ man,” mentioned in the roll of 1176-7. 

There are also a few references to the men who worked under the surveyors. 

In the roll for 1165-6 is a charge of £18 6s. 8d. “ mazoni qui operatur ad tascam,” 32 
which may be translated, “ to the mason who works at piece-work.” 

In 1167-8 the sheriffs of London and Middlesex account for payment of one mark 
“ for the cloths of Godwin the mason of Windsor,” of 20s. for the cloths of one Maraduc, 
and the like sum for the cloths of Richard of St. Albans, and for those of one Heriewin, 
“ who painted the doors and windows of the King’s houses of Windsor.” 33 In the sixteenth 
year (1169-70) the same sheriffs paid another mark to Godwin the mason “ for cloths.” 
These cloths were no doubt bought in London for the liveries of the recipients. Godwin 
the mason was still working at Windsor in 1171-2, when he also received 13s. 4d. (one 
mark), but for what is not stated ; it may again have been for his allowance of cloth. He 
seems to have received a mark for cloth every second year. 

On five occasions, twice in 1166-7, an d once in 1167-8, 1170-1, and 1172-3, 
certain works and purchases of lead and stone were supervized by Ailnoth, or Elnoth, 
"the engineer” (ingeniator ) . 34 In each case the item is entered in the account of the 
sheriffs of London, or of London and Middlesex. Ailnoth is mentioned first in the Pipe 
Roll of 4 Henry II (1157-8), as the keeper of the King’s houses (1 qui custodit domos Regis), 
apparently those in the Tower of London and the Palace of Westminster, in connexion 
with both of which he is constantly mentioned. It is not unlikely that the masonry 
defences at Windsor were planned by Ailnoth, who was evidently a notable engineer, since 
his yearly livery was as high as £10 12s. nd., or 7d. a day. 35 In 1174-5 he surveyed the 
works, after a fire, of the frater of Westminster abbey, and likewise the overthrowing of 
Framlingham castle. In 1175-6 he also supervized the destruction of the castle of Walton, 
co. Suffolk. His name occurs regularly on the Pipe Roll, certainly down to 1181-2. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 


3 1 163-4 
1 n6s-6 


1 “ Capellano .xxx.s.v.d.” There was no doubt a chapel in the Castle from the beginning, as King Henry 1 
was married in it in 1121. 

2 “ In Opeiatione Domorum Regis de Win 5 .xiii.li. et .vi.s. et .viii.d. 

Pro Scindulis ad Domos de Windes. xiii.s. per Ricaidum de Luci.” 

“ Et in Operatione Coquine de Wind? .xxx.s. per breve Regis.” 

[By the Sheriff of Bucks and Beds :] 

” In Operatione domorum Regis de Windf .vui.li. et .viii.s. et. v.d. per visum Willclmi de Windf. 
per breve Regis. 

[Account of Richard de Luci :] 

Et in Operatione Castelli et Capelle et domorum Regis et Rogi .xxxiiii.li. et .xii.s. et .v.d. pei 
visum Gilleberti de Pinch. [Pinchigm] et Willelmi de Windes. Et Gaufridi Capellani. Et 
Mazoni qui operatur ad Tascam. xviii.li. et .vi.s. et .viii.d. per visum eorundem.” 

[By the Sheriff of London and Middlesex :] 

“ In Operationibus domorum Regis de Windresh .xvii.li. et .xii.s. et .iii.d. pel breve Regis et 
per visum Willelmi Magni et Elnodi Ingcniatoris. 

[By the Sheriff of Essex and Herts :] 

In Operat. domorum Regis de Windf .vi.li. per Walterum de Hatfeld. 

[From the ferm of the City of Winchester :] 

In Operatione domorum Regis de Windf .xxx.li. per breve Regis. Teste Roberto de Luci. 

[By the Sheriff of Surrey :] 

Et pro scindulis et lattis ad capellam Regis de Windf .xxvi.s. et .viii.d. per breve Com. Legf. 
[probably Comitis Legcestrie].” 

[By the Sheriff of London and Middlesex :] 

“ Et in operatione Domorum Regis de Windf .xxx.s. per breve R. de Luci et per visum AlnoSi 
Ingeniatoris. 


1166-7 


1x67-8 


20 


Windsor Castle. 


[Account of Richard de Luci :] 

In Operatione Domorum Regis de Windr quater .xx.li. numero per visum Gaufridi Capcllani 
et Willelmi de Windr. et Gilberti de Pinchigni. 

Et in Operatione Domorum Regis de Windr .LV.li. per visum eorundem. 

[By the Sheriff of Berks :] 

Et in Operatione domorum Regis de Windr .xi.li. et .x.s per visum Alnodi lngeniatoris.” 
1168-9 [Account of Richard de Luci:] 

“ In Operatione Domorum Regis de Windr .C.s per visum Galfridi Capellani et Willelmi de Windr 
et Gilleberti de Pincheigni. 

In Operatione Domorum Regis de Windr .vii.li. et .xiii.s, et iiii.d. per visum eorundem. 

[London and Middlesex :] 

In Operat. Domorum de Windr .iiii.li. per breve Richardi de Luci et per visum Edwardi Blundi 
et Willelmi Magni.” 


1169-70 [London and Middlesex:] 

“ In Operat. Domorum Regis de Windr .xxxii.li. et .vii.s. et .ii.d. per breve R. de Luci et per 
visum Willelmi Magni et Edwardi Blundi. 

[Bucks and Beds :] 

Et in Operatione domorum Regis de Windr .C.s. per breve Regis et per visum Magistri Gaufridi. 

[Oxon :] 

m Et in Operat. Domorum ejusdem Manerii .C. et .ix.s. et .i.d. 

[Account of Richard de Luci :] 

In Operatione Castelli et Domorum Regis de Windr quater .xx.li. per breve Regis et per visum 
Willelmi de Wind? et Gilleberti de Pinknii et Magistri Galfridi.” 

1 1 70- 1 [Account of Richard de Luci :] 

“ Et in Operat. Castelli et Domorum Regis de Windr .xxx.li. per breve Regis et per visum 
Gilleberti de Pincheni et Willelmi de Windr et Magistri Galfridi.” 

1 1 71- 2 [Surrey:] 

‘‘ Pro tribus Millibus Scindularum. et .CCC. lapidibus cxcisis ad Operationem Domorum Regis 
de Windr .xviii.s. per breve Regis.” 

5 1166-7 [London and Middlesex:] 

“ Pro plumbo ad domos Regis de Windresh operiendas .xxii.li. et .ix.s. et .ix.d per breve Ricardi 
de Luci et per visum Alnodi lngeniatoris. 

[Northants :] 

Pro plumbo ad domos Regis de Windr .xv.li. per breve Ricardi de Luci. 


De Minaria de Carleolo : 

Et pro plumbo ad domos Regis de Windr .x.li. et .iii.s. per breve Regis.” 

6 1165-6 [Bucks and Beds :] 

“ Et pro .xl. lapidibus conductis de Eglemunt ad Windr .xvi.s. per breve Regis. 

[Oxon :] 

Et pro lapidibus quadratis portatis ad Windr ad operationem Regis .xi.li. et .iii.s. et .i.d. per 
visum Radulfi Briton et Gaufridi filii Durandi per breve Regis.” 

7 1166-7 [Bucks and Beds :] 

[“ Et pro .CCC. lapidibus conductis de Eglemunt ad Windr.” underlined for deletion.] 

8 1167-8 [Bucks and Beds:] 

“ Et pro lapidibus de Eglemunt missis ad operationem domorum Regis de Windr .C.s. et .viii.d. 
per breve Regis.” 

8 1168-9 [Bucks and Beds :] 

“ Pro lapidibus de Eglemunt missis ad Operationem domorum Regis de Windr .lj.s. et .vi.d. 
per breve Ricardi de Luci. 

1169-70 [Bucks and Beds:] 

Et pro lapidibus de Eglemunt missis ad operationem domorum Regis de Windr [.xxi.li. under- 
lined for deletion ] .xx.viii.s. et .ij.d. per breve Regis. 

Et pro lapidibus missis ad Windr ad operat. domorum Regis .xxxvi.s. et .viii.d. per breve Regis.” 
It has been erroneously assumed by some writers that “Eglemunt” is Egremont in Cumberland, which 
is impossible. Though its site cannot at present be exactly located, Eglemunt was evidently within the 
jurisdiction of the sheriff of Beds and Bucks. The following note " De quarera de Eglemunt” is also 
recorded among the acts of Michael of Mentmore, abbot of St. Albans 1335-49 : “ Item, inter caetera bona 
quae suo Monasterio excogitavit et contulit, magnam porcionem apud Eglemunt de lapicidina adquisivit ; ubi 
sine domigerio, sine munnure, sufficientes lapides extracti possent ad opera diversa praesentis Monasterii, 
quotiens necesse foret.” Gesta Abbatum (Rolls Series 28, 4), ii. 361. 

10 11 70-1 [London and Middlesex:] 

“ Et pro lapidibus ad Operat. Domorum Regis de Windr per Ailnodum .iiii.li. et .vi.s. et .viii.d. 
per breve Regis et per visum ^Edwardi Blund.” 


11 1 1 71-2 [Surrey:] 

“Pro tribus Millibus Scindularum. et .CCC. lapidibus excisis ad Operationem Domorum Regis 
de Windr .xviii.s. per breve Regis.” 


12 1 1 72-3 [London and Middlesex:] 

“ Et pro Franca petra ad operat. Castelli de Windr .iiii.li. et xv.s. per breve Regis et per visum 
Alnodi.” 

13 1169-70 [London and Middlesex :] 

“ Et pro Tabulis Missis in servitio .R. apud Windr .xix.s. et .x.d. per breve eorundem [Willelmi 
Magni et Edwardi Blundi].” 

11 1172-3 [Account of Richard de Luci :] 

“ Et pro vino et ferro et Ascier. et cordis et cabulis ducendis a Tamiseia usque ad Motam .iii.s. 
et .vi.d. per idem breve [Regis].” 

15 1 1 71-2 [Account of Ricard de Luci:] 

“ In Operacione muri circa domos Regis de Windr .xl.s. per breve Regis et per visum Magistri 
Galfridi et sociorum ejus.” 

16 1165-6 [Account of Richard de Luci :] 

“ Et in Operatione Castelli et Capelle et d®morum Regis et Rogi .xxxiiii.li. et .xii.s. et .v.d.” 


Norman JV orks in Masonry. 


2 I 


17 1169-70 [Bucks and Beds :] 

" Et In Operatione Castelli de Wind? .xx.li. per breve Regis et per visum Magistri Galfridi de 
Windr. 

[Oxon :] 

Et In Operatione Castelli de Windr .C.s. per breve Regis et per visum Magistri Galfridi. 

[Berks :] 

Et In Operat. Castelli de Windr .xx.li. per breve Regis et per visum Magistri Galfridi. 

Et In Operatione Castelli de Windr .C.s. per breve Regis et per visum Magistri Galfridi de Windr. 
[Surrey :] 

In Operatione Castelli de Windr .xx.li. per breve Regis et per visum Magistri Galfridi.” 

1 1 70-1 [Bucks and Beds :] 

" In Operatione Castelli de Windr .x.li per breve Ricardi de Luci et per visum Magistri Galfridi. 
[Berks :] 

Et Magistro Galfrido de Windr .x.li. ad operat. Castelli Regis de Windr per breve Ricardi de Luci.” 

1 1 72- 3 [Berks :] 

" Et Magistro Gaufrido de Windr .xx.li. ad faciendam Operationem ejusdem Castelli per breve 
Ricardi de Luci. 

[Account of Richard de Luci :] 

Et in Operat. Castelli de Windr .xi.li. et .xiiii.s. per breve Regis et per visum predictorum 
[Magistri Galfridi et sociorum ejus]. 

In Operatione predicti Castelli .lx.s. pro bladio firme per breve Regis et per visum predictorum. 
Et In Operat. Castelli de Windr .L.li. numero. per breve Ricardi de Luci et per visum predictorum. 
[Budks and Beds :] 

Et Magistro Gaufrido de Windr. quater .xx.li. ad faciendam Operationem Castelli de Windr 
per brevia Ricardi de Luci.” 

1 1 73- 4 [Bucks and Beds :] 

“ In Operatione Castelli de Windr .x.li. per breve Ricardi de Luci et per Magistrum Galfridum de 
Windr. 


1 1 74-5 


1175-6 


1176-7 


1177-8 


1178-9 


l “ ” 74-5 


[Berks :] 

In Operat. Castelli de Windr .x.li. per breve Ricardi de Luci et per Magistrum Galfridum de 
Windr. 

In Operat. Castelli de Windr .iiii.li. per breve Regis quod Ricardus de Luci habuit de inveniendis 
.xx.li. Magistro Galfridi de firma et denariis Bailie et forestarie sue. 

[Account of Richard de Luci :] 

Et in Operat. Castelli de Windr .vii.li. et .vii.s. et .viii.d. per breve Regis quod attulit ad 
inveniendum .xx.li. Magistro Galfrido. 

Et in Operatione predicta .lx.s. per blancam firme per predictum breve de .xx.li. 

In Operatione predicta .xxv.s. per predictum breve et per Rogerum filium Renfridi. 

In Operatione predicta .lxxvii.s. et .iiii.d. per predictum breve de .xx.li. 

Alexander forestarius reddit Compotum de .x.s. de firma de Penberga qui requirebantur in 
Hantescr anno preterito. In Operatione predicta liberavit per predictum breve.” 

[Bucks and Beds :] 

“ Et Magistro Gaufrido de Windr .xx.li. ad operationem castelli de Windr per breve Regis. 
[Berks :] 

Et Item Magistro Gaufrido de Windr .xx.li. ad operationem ejusdem Castelli per breve Regis. 
Et Item Eidem Gaufrido .xx.li. ad Operationem ejus de Castello per breve Regis. 

[Account of Richard de Luci :] 

Et in Operat. Castelli de Windr. quater .xx.li. per brevia Regis.” 

[Bucks and Beds :] 

“ Et Magistro Gaufrido de Windr. xx.li. ad operationem Castelli de Windr. per breve Regis. 

Et eidem .xx.li. ad operationem predicti Castri per breve Regis. 

Et in Operatione Castelli de Windr Magistro Galfrido de Windr .xx.li. per breve Regis. 

Et Item eidem Galfrido .xx.li. ad operationem ejusdem Castelli per breve Regis. 

[Account of Richard de Luci :] 

In Operat. Castelli de Windr. Magistro Galfrido xliiij.s. et vj.d. per breve Regis. 

In Operat. Castelli de Windr Magistro Galfrido .xx.li. per breve Regis. 

Et Item eidem .xx.li. ad predictas Operationes per breve Regis. 

Et Item .xi.li. ad predictas operationes per breve Regis.” 

[Account of Richard de Luci :] 

“ Et in Operat. Cast, de Windr .xi.li. per breve Regis et per visum Gilberti de Pinkeigni et Gerardi 
hominis ipsius et Osberti de Etton per Magistrum Galfridum. 

[Bucks and Beds :] 

Magistro Galfrido de Windr .xxii.li. et .iiii.s. et vii.d. ad Operationes Castri de Windr per 
breve Regis et per visum Gilleberti de Pinkenij et hominum Willelmi de Windr. 

Et In Operat. Cast, de Windr .xi.li. per breve Regis et per visum Gilberti de Pinchenii et Osberti 
de Eton.” 

[Account of Richard de Luci :] 

“ Et in Operat. Cast, de Windr .xx.li. per breve Regis et per visum Gilberti de Pinkeigni. et Osberti 
de Eton per Magistrum Galfridum.” 

[Account of Roger FitzReinfrid :] 

" Et in Operat. Cast, de Windr per Magistrum Osbertum .xx.li. per breve Regis et per visum 
Willelmi de Windr et Henrici de Pinkinni. 

Et Item Magistro Osberto .xv.li. per breve Regis et per visum predictorum.” 

[Berks :] 

‘‘ Et In Reparatione Castelli Regis de Windr .xx.li. per breve Ricardi de Luciet per visum Willelmi 
de Windr et Gilleberti de Pinkini.” 


22 


IVindsor Castle. 


i i 72-3 


19 1171-2 


[London and Middlesex :] 

“ Et pro Franca petra ad Operationem Castelli de Windf .iiii.li. et .xv.s. per breve Regis et per 
visum Alnodi.” 

[Account of Richard de Luci :] 

“ In Operatione muri circa castellum de Windf .xvi.li. per breve Regis et per visum Gilleberti de 
Pinchingni et Willelmi de Windf et Magistri Galfridi. Et Godwino Cementario .xiii.s. 
et. liii.d.” 


20 xi 72-3 [Account of Richard de Luci :] 

“ Et In Opcrat. Muri circa Castellum de Windf .viii.li. et .xiii.s. et .vi.d. per breve Regis et 
per visum Magistri Galfridi et Sociorum ejus.” 

21 xi 73 -4 [Account of Richard de Luci :] 

“ Et In Operat. muri circa Castellum de Windf .xi.li. et .x.s. et .iiii.d. per breve Regis et per 
visum Magistri Galfridi et Willelmi de Windf et Gilleberti de Pinkeigni. 

Idem reddit compotunx de viii.li. et xiii.s. et iiii.d. de assisa ejusdem ville per Willelmum 
Ruffum et Rogerum filium Renfridi In Operatione pi'edicta misit per breve Regis et per 
visum predictorum. 

Et In Operatione predicta .LX.li. per brevia Regis et per visum predictorum. 

Idem reddit Compotunx de XLVIII.li. et V.s. et Iiii.d. de .II. assisis ejusdem ville [Wargrave] 
factis per vicecomitem de Berchscf et Rogerum filium Renfridi et Willelmi Ruffum In 
Operatione predicta liberavit per breve Regis et per visum predictorum. 

Summa denariorum quos idem Ricardus misit in operatione predicta hoc anno de predicta Ballia 
.C-. et xxviii.li. et .ix.s.” 


22 It is advisable here to add a word of warning concerning the various fragments of Norman carved work that 
are from time to time dug up in the Castle or extracted from later walls. Some of these doubtless belong to Windsor, 
but a large quantity of material was brought here from Reading abbey after its suppression and destruction. Much 
of this work was also Norman, and it is therefore difficult to assign to such fragments their proper birthplace. Some 
carved and moulded Norman fragments, possibly of King Henry II’s work at Windsor, remain built up as a rude 
door-jamb in the subterranean postern or outlet into the ditch under the buildings on the south side of the upper ward. 
They have apparently been taken from some important building. 

23 1x80-1 [Account of Roger FitzReinfrid :] 

“ Et in Operat. Domorum Regis de Windf .LVIII.s. et VI. d. per breve Regis." 

1181-2 [Account of Roger FitzReinfrid:] 

“ Et In Operat. Domorum Regis in Cast, de Windf .LVII.s. per breve Regis et per visum 
Osberti de Eton et Gerardi de Datchete.” 

24 1 182-3 [Account of Roger FitzReinfrid :] 

“ Et In Operat. Cast, de Windf .Viii.li. et XVIII. s. et VI. d. per breve Regis et per visum 
Osberti de Eton et Gerardi de Dachet." 


25 i [83-4 [Account of Roger FitzReinfrid :] 

“ In Operat. Domorunx et Mote Castelli de Windf .C. et .xii.s. et .ii.d. pei breve Regis et per 
visum Osberti de Eton et Gerardi de Dachet.” 


26 r 184—5 [Account of Roger FitzReinfrid:] 

“ In Operat. Lardarii Regis apud Windf xxxvii.s. et vii.d. per breve Regis et per visum Osberti 
de Eton et Gerardi de Dachet. Et In Operatione Elemosinarie et Sepium circa Coquinas 
.xiii.s. et .x.d. per breve Regis. Et pio Cameris Regis terrandis et Ostiis reparandis et 
removendis .i.m. per idem breve. Et In Emendatione Gaiole viii.s. et ix.d. per idem breve. 
Et In emendatione .i. Camere iiij.s. per idem breve.’’ 

27 1185-6 [Account of Roger FitzReinfrid :] 

“ Et In operatione Domorum Regis xxviii. c . et .iii.d. per breve Regis et per visum Osberti de 
Etton et Simonis de Sages.” 

1186-7 

“ Et In Operat. Domorum Regis de Windf xiii.li. et .ix.s. et .v.d. per breve Regis et per 
visum Osberti de Etton et Gerardi de Dachet.” 

28 The Sheriff of Surrey had been allowed 26s. 8d. in 1166-7 “ f° r shingles and laths for the King’s chapel of 
Windsor,” probably for repairs to its roof. 

29 1187-8 [Account of Roger FitzReinfrid:] 

" In Operiendis Cameris Regis de Windf .lxix.s. et ii.d. nunxero per breve Regis. 

Et In emendatione sedium Regis et Regine in Capella Regis de Windf et aliis operationibus 
Domorum Regis .lii.s. et iii.d. per breve Regis.” 

30 Sheriff of Berks in 1157-60. 

31 He does not seem to have been chaplain of the Castle. From 1161-2 to x 167-8 that office was held by one 
Moysis or Moyses. 

32 1165-6 [Account of Richard de Luci:] 

" Et Mazoni qui operatur ad Tascam .xviii.li. et .vi.s. et .viii.d. per visum eorundem.” 
[Gilleberti de Pinchigni et Willelmi de Windf . Et Gaufridi C.apellani.] 

33 1167-8 [London and Middlesex:] 

“ Pro pannis Godwini Cementarii de Windrft . i.ih . Et pro pannis Maraduc .xx.s. per breve ejusdem 
[R. de Luci], 

Et pro pannis Ricardi de Sancto Albano .xx.s. per breve ejusdem. 

Et pro pannis Herlewini qui pinxit hostia et fenestras Domorum Regis de Windf i.m. per breve 
R. de Luci.” 

34 Richard the ingeniator is mentioned in connexion with the biiilding of Bowes castle (1170-1) ; and in 1 172-3 
Wulfric and Ivo were “ engineers” whosupervized works atthe castles of Carlisle and Berkhamstead respectively. The 
great building operations in the castle of Dover begun in 1181—2 were carried out by Maurice the engineer, whose 
name also occurs in 1 174-5 in connexion with the building of the great tower of the New Castle on the Tyne. 

35 Lx 1130-x the keeper of the King’s hoxxses at Windsor was receiving 60s. xod. a year, or only 2d. a day. 


Later Norman History. 


2 3 


CHAPTER V. 

THE CASTLE DURING THE REIGNS OF KING RICHARD I (1189—1199) 

AND KING JOHN (1199—1216). 

From the preceding chapter it will be seen that during the reign of King Henry II 
mention occurs of the mota, or mount, and of the walls, among the defensive works of the 
Castle, to which by inference may be added the great tower on the mount and the lesser 
towers set at intervals along the outer walls. In the upper bailey were also placed the 
domus regis or King’s lodgings, to which was probably attached the chapel referred to in 
1165-6. 

The defences of the lower bailey must still in part have been of timber. 1 Within 
them stood, as will appear presently, the King’s camera or lodging, a chapel, the kitchens 
(which were enclosed by hedges), a larder, and the almonry, all of which involve the 
existence of the great hall of which they were the appendages. There is nothing to show 
whether all or any of these buildings were of masonry or of other than half-timbered 
construction. 

Such was the condition of the Castle when Richard I succeeded his father in July, 
1189. 

Richard was hallowed King on 3rd September, and after a sojourn in his kingdom of 
only five months departed for the third Crusade on nth December. Before leaving England 
the King entrusted the Castle and Forest of Windsor to the chief justiciar, Hugh Pudsey, 
bishop of Durham, together with the shrievalty of the county of Berks. 2 In April, 1190, 
bishop Hugh was forced to surrender the Castle to William Longchamp, the chancellor, 
now bishop of Ely. 3 On the Peace of Winchester, 28th July, 1191, in accordance with the 
agreement then made between the King’s brother, John earl of Mortain, and the 
chancellor, the royal Castle of Windsor was to have been entrusted to the earl of Arundel, 
William of Albini. 4 The chancellor seems nevertheless to have continued to hold the 
Castle, for later in the year, when he was deposed from the justiciarship, he was forced 
to surrender the Tower of London and the Castle of Windsor, which thereupon passed 
into the custody of the new justiciar, Walter of Coutances, archbishop of Rouen. 5 

The Pipe Roll for the first year of King Richard’s reign shows that the Castle was 
still in the immediate custody of Roger FitzReinfrid, who accounted for the sum of 54s. 9d. 
spent on repairing the King’s houses, Simon de Sages and Gerard of Datchet being clerks 
of the works. 6 

Nothing seems to have been done in the second year, but in the roll for 1191-2 
Robert de la Mara (then sheriff of Berks) and Simon de Sages account, by view of the 
latter, for £6 6s. nd. expended on the works of the Castle. 7 The sum of 60s. iod., or 2d. 
per day, was paid to Everard, the keeper of the King’s houses, and id. per day, or 30s. 5d. 
in all, to Alured, the son of the chaplain. 

The Castle of Windsor remained in the archbishop of Rouen’s hands until the 
beginning of 1193, when it and the castle of Wallingford were given up to John earl of 
Mortain, who had tried to raise a rebellion against his brother, King Richard, during his 
imprisonment abroad. 

These proceedings were resented by the barons, who remained loyal to their King, 
and a large force of knights and foot soldiers, under the leadership of the justiciar, was 


24 


Windsor Castle. 


sent to retake the Castle of Windsor. Gervase, the monk of Canterbury, in his account 
of the siege, seems to have had a poor opinion of the justiciar, whom he describes as “ that 
faithless archbishop of Rouen,” and charges him with deferring the capture of the Castle, 
because some of his relations were within it. 8 The siege began in March and continued 
until the end of April, when peace was restored, according to Gervase, through the influence 
of Hubert Walter, the bishop of Salisbury, who on his return to England on 20th April 
compelled the Castle to surrender, and made a truce with John. 9 But Roger of Howden 
ascribes the truce to the archbishop of Rouen and his fellow justiciars, who, “ although 
they had compelled the earl of Mortain to surrender, and had almost captured his Castle 
of Windsor, which they had besieged, took from him hostages until the feast of All Hallows. 
The castles of Nottingham and Tickhill were to remain in the earl’s custody, as they had 
been before. But the castles of Windsor, Wallingford, and the Peak were delivered into 
the hands of Queen Eleanor, mother of the earl, and of other guardians, to return into 
his hands should his brother the King not come back in the meanwhile.” 10 

As a matter of fact, King Richard did not come back to England until 13th March, 
1 1 93-4, and in the following May he again went abroad, never to return. The Castle 
of Windsor seems to have passed, on the expiration of the truce, into the hands of Hubert 
Walter, who in May, 1193, had been translated to the archbishopric of Canterbury, and 
before the end of the year was appointed justiciar. 

There are no accounts of works in the Castle for the fourth and fifth years of the 
reign, but the Pipe Roll for the sixth year (1194-5), rendered by Philip FitzRobert, 
bears witness to the damages sustained by the siege, in the form of two interesting 
entries. 

The first is for an outlay “ on the repair of the gate, and the bridge, and the camera, 
and of other of the King’s houses which were broken and burnt outside the King’s castle of 
Windsor, through the war.” The repairs were carried out by view of Everard of 
Windsor (the sergeant and keeper of the King’s houses), William the vintner, and 
Hugh Draper, but the amount is unfortunately so rubbed in the roll as to be illegible. 
The second entry is also illegible at the beginning, but was perhaps [“ for repairing 
the Castle of] Windsor and the King’s houses in the Castle.” The amount in this case 
was £37 2s. 2d. 11 

The gate and the bridge are here mentioned for the first time, but they were certainly 
old works, or they would not have needed repair. The camera or lodging referred to 
probably, as will be shown later, adjoined the great hall in the lower bailey. 

The account for the seventh year (1195-6), also rendered by Philip FitzRobert, 
contains an interesting entry : “For making a buttress ( columpna ), not yet finished, for 
supporting the mount ( motam ) of the Castle of Windsor, and for repairing the King’s cloister 
in the same place, and for levelling the ditch which was between the mount and the King’s 
houses, and for a certain . . . the King’s herbary £30, by the King’s brief and by view 

of Walter of Upnor, Edric, Roger de Mora, and Martin the clerk.” 12 

The nature of the pier or buttress and the position of the King’s cloister must for the 
present remain a matter for conjecture. The reason for filling up part of the great ditch 
round the mount probably had to do with the making of a more convenient entry from the 
middle to the upper bailey. 

On the same roll for 1195-6 is a further sum of 72s. 7d. charged on the manors of 
Cookham and Bray, for repairing the Castle and King’s houses of Windsor, by view of 
Everard and William and Hugh and John of Windsor. 13 These surveyors also carried 
out works upon which £37 2s. 2d. were expended in the preceding year. 

For the last three years of King Richard’s reign the accounts for works in the Castle 
were rendered by the sheriff of Berkshire, Stephen of Thurnham. In 1196-7 100s. were 
laid out in repairing the King’s houses 14 ; in 1197-8 10 marks (or £6 13s. 4d.) were spent 
on the repair of the King’s hall, 15 which is now mentioned for the first time ; and in 1198-9 
a further sum of 100s. on the repair of the King’s houses. 16 The fact that the writs for the 
repairs of 1196-7 and 1197-8 were issued by the archbishop of Canterbury points to the 
Castle being then in his hands. 

As King Richard I only spent seven months of his reign in England, it is quite possible 
that he never once visited Windsor after his accession. 


Later Norman History. 


2 5 


The opening years of the reign of King John were marked by a dispute as to the 
custody of the Castle of Windsor. 

When John succeeded in May, 1199, to the throne of the brother to whom he had 
behaved so treacherously, the Castle, although still in the immediate custody of Stephen 
of Thurnham as constable, was in the hands of Hubert Walter, the archbishop of Canter- 
bury, who on the morrow of John’s coronation was made chancellor of England. In 
December, 1201, the chancellor was summoned to Normandy on the King’s business, and 
apparently on this account Hubert of Burgh, the chamberlain, received letters patent 
directed to the archbishop to deliver to him the castles of Dover and Windsor. 17 On the 
archbishop’s return in the following year letters patent dated 4th May, 1202, were 
directed to John FitzHugh, who was then custos, to deliver again to the archbishop 
the Castle of Windsor. John FitzHugh seems, however, to have ignored the royal 
command, which was peremptorily repeated by the issue of fresh letters on nth June. 
Like letters were also directed on the same date to the chief justiciar, Geoffrey 
FitzPiers. 

Whether the Castle again passed into the archbishop’s hands does not appear. It 
was still in the hands of John FitzHugh in 1203-4, but Robert Vipont was constable in 
1204-5. Before the close of the latter year it had, however, again been entrusted to the 
keeping of John FitzHugh, who, except apparently in 1207-8, when Robert le Napier 
was constable, retained it until the spring of 1216. 

On the 22nd April of that year Engelard of Cygony, one of the King’s most trusted 
followers, became constable, and he continued to hold that office until the close of the 
year 1223, in the next reign. 

The accounts for works on the Castle have hitherto been derived from the Pipe Rolls, 
but with the third year of King John begins the great series of enrolled letters-patent known 
as the Patent Rolls, and with his sixth year the enrolments of letters-close forming the 
Close Rolls. 18 For his second, third, fourth, and fifth years the Liberate Rolls have also 
survived. 19 

Throughout the whole of King John’s reign the works on the Castle seem for the 
most part to have consisted of little else than repairs, and upon these only small sums 
were spent. 

The Pipe Roll for the first year (1199-1200) accounts for 61s. 3d. spent on the works 
of the [Castle ?] and King’s houses, and a further outlay of 64s. 4d. on the repair of the 
latter appears in the account for the next year. 20 In the roll for the third year (1201-2) 
John FitzHugh reckons for £10 spent on the work of the Castle, 21 and for further sums of 
12s. 6d. and £5 8s. 2d. respectively in the two following years. 22 

The Liberate Roll for the fifth year (1203-4) contains a writ to the barons of the 
exchequer to reckon to the constable of Windsor for the sums reasonably put by him 
in repairing " the chapel and our houses of Windsor.” 23 The cost of these works, £4 os. 7d., 
is entered on the Pipe Roll for the next year in the account of Robert Vipont (de Veteri 
Ponte ). 24 

The first of the Close Rolls, for 1204-5, contains a writ for the reckoning 
to John FitzHugh of 18s. 6d. expended by him on the repair of the King’s 
houses of Windsor “ while the Queen our wife was there ” 25 ; which sum is duly 
accounted for on the Pipe Roll for 1205-6. 26 The same Pipe Roll also accounts for 
£15 3s. 7d. laid out on the mending of the walls of the Castle, and £3 5s. on the work 
of the King’s houses ; in both cases by view of John FitzGodfrey and William del 
Broc. 27 But there are no writs for these expenses on the preceding Close Roll, and the 
Liberate Roll is lost. 

On the Close Roll for the seventh year (1205-6) is a writ, again in favour of John 
FitzHugh, to reckon to him “ what he spent by view and testimony of lawful men in 
repairing our houses and walls of Windsor. 28 The amount is entered on the Pipe Roll for 
the next year : " In mending the castle and King’s houses of Windsor £16 17s. . . . 

by view of Peter the smith and Robert the cook.” 29 

A regular series of payments for repairs continues until the end of the King’s reign. 
Thus in 1207-8 Robert le Napier accounts, on the Pipe Roll, for £39 9s. id. laid out in 


26 


IV indsor Castle. 


repairing the King’s houses and the Castle, and in 1208-9 and succeeding years John 
FitzHugh accounts for the following sums, all of which are duly entered on the Pipe Rolls 
for the dates given : 


The Close Rolls contain only one writ having reference to the expenditure in question. 
This is entered on the roll for the sixteenth year (1214-5), and directs the reckoning 
with John FitzHugh for sums expended by him on various works at Woodstock, Windsor, 
the Tower of London, and elsewhere. His outlay at Windsor is described as “ in the work 
and mending of the mews of Windsor and in other costs in the same place reasonably 
incurred,” 30 and, as may be seen from the Pipe Roll, amounted to £14 2s. yd. in the one 
case and £16 12s. 2d. in the other. 31 

The Pipe Roll for King John’s seventeenth year is but a short one, and contains no 
reference to any works at Windsor ; for the few months of his eighteenth year no roll 
exists. 

The total sum expended on the Castle during the reign was only about £250. 

Although the itinerary of King John shows that he frequently visited Windsor, his 
restless energy hardly ever allowed him to stay at the Castle more than a few days at a 
time ; and only on two occasions, once in 1205, when a total of six visits included but 
nineteen days, and again in 1215, when eight visits totalled twenty-five days, do the 
numbers for any one year run into double figures. 

During the whole of the King’s stormy reign there are only two historical events 
immediately connected with the Castle : (i) the cruel starvation, probably in one of its 
towers, of the wife, son, and daughter-in-law of William de Braose in 1210 ; and (ii) the 
memorable siege of 1216. The pitiful story of the poor lady and her children does not 
come within our scope, but there are various points with regard to the siege which are 
of some importance in the architectural history of the Castle. 

And first with regard to the events that led to the siege. No sooner had the Great 
Charter been wrung from the reluctant King on 15th June, 1215, than John began to plot 
how he might avenge himself on the barons. Instead of sending away his mercenaries, 
as he had promised in the Charter, he proceeded to collect additional forces from abroad. 
He also procured from the Pope the excommunication of the barons, and for himself a 
release from his oath to observe the Charter. The revolt of the barons followed, 
and though some of the more patriotic continued to side with John, the rest 
sought help from France, and invited Lewis, the son of King Philip, to come and 
be their King. 

Lewis landed in Kent in May, 1216, and was soon recognized as master of great 
part of the kingdom, including most of its strongholds. But the castles of Dover 
and Windsor, among others, held out for the King, and to them Lewis and the rebel 
barons laid siege. 

According to Roger of Wendover, 32 the siege of Dover castle was begun on the nativity 
of St. John Baptist (24th June, 1216) by Lewis himself, who had first sent to his father 
for a petraria (i.e. an engine for throwing great stones) or “ malveisine,” as the French 
called it, and this having been placed in position with other engines before the castle, the 
Frenchmen pounded the walls with frequent blows. “But that brave knight, Hubert of 
Burgh, with seven score other knights and many men-at-arms who were defending the 
castle, wrought such loss upon the enemy that they withdrew their tents and engines 
further from the castle, causing Lewis in his wrath to forswear that he would not withdraw 
until he had taken the castle and hanged all who were besieged in it. The Frenchmen 


i s. d. 


1208- 9 in the work of the King’s houses and of the Castle 

1209- 10 in the work of the King’s houses 

1210- 1 in the repair of houses 

1211- 2 in mending the King’s houses in the Castle 

1212- 3 in the work of Windsor . . 

1 2 13- 4 in the repair of houses 

1214- 5 in the work of the Castle and houses in Castle 
1214-5 in the work of the King’s mews 


25 19 5 

28 19 3* 
16 7 6 

9 1 5t 

29 10 9A 
9 17 of 

14 2 7} 
16 12 2 J 


* By view of William del Broc and Godman of Eton, 
f By view of Hugh the draper and Alexander Ferur. 

X By view of Walkelin Alrebest and Peter the smith. 


The Siege of 1216 . 


27 


also constructed there many booths and buildings before the entry of the castle in order 
to terrify those who were shut up, so that the place presented the likeness of a fair, and 
thus they strove to compel to surrender from hunger and a long siege those whom they 
could not subdue by arms.” 

" Meanwhile,” continues the chronicler, “ a section of the barons who had remained in 
London, raided Cambridgeshire and captured Cambridge castle. They then ravaged Norfolk 
and Suffolk, and having exacted heavy ransom from the towns of Yarmouth, Dunwich, 
and Ipswich, returned through Colchester, which was similarly illtreated, to their lurking 
dens in London. They next assembled a great army, under the leadership of the count 
of Nevers, and laid siege to the Castle of Windsor with engines of war, which they brought 
close up to it, and fiercely attacked the defences. But the constable of the Castle was 
Engelard of Athie [alias Cvgony], a man very skilful in the art of war, and with him were 
sixty knights and their following. These repeatedly made sorties and strove to drive the 
enemy from the walls.” 32 

On learning of the landing of Lewis at Dover, King John, who had been awaiting his 
arrival at Folkestone and Sandwich, was seized with one of his attacks of cowardice, and 
hastily retreated along the south coast to Winchester, where he stayed from 28th May 
to 5th June. But hearing of the reception accorded to Lewis in London, and that Lewis 
purposed following him to Winchester, he again turned tail, and passing through Wiltshire 
and Dorsetshire finally reached his stronghold of Corfe castle. Here he remained from 
23rd June to 17th July, and then, having collected a sufficient army, set out for 
the marches of Wales to ravage the lands of the barons who had taken part with 
Lewis against him. John returned to Corfe on 25th August, but started off again the 
next day in order to relieve the Castle of Windsor, which had now been besieged 
for nearly two months. 

Owing to the castles of Marlborough and Salisbury, which were in the direct line from 
Corfe to Windsor, being in the hands of hostile barons, John was forced to go by a round- 
about way through Somerset, North Wiltshire, and Oxfordshire, and so did not reach 
Reading until 6th September. He stayed at Reading and at Sonning for about a week, 
but whether from lack of courage or insufficient forces made no attempt to relieve his 
Castle of Windsor, and finally left it to its fate, while he departed on 14th September to 
ravage the lands of the rebel barons in East Anglia and Essex. 33 

The accounts of what happened next at Windsor are somewhat confused. 

According to the Coggeshall chronicler, the barons had made ready to meet King John 
in battle had he approached nearer with his army, but they did not desist from their efforts 
to take the Castle until they heard of his misdoings in the Eastern Counties. They there- 
upon raised the siege, and, having burned their engines of war, hurried after the King- 
in the hope of taking him prisoner. 34 

The Annals of Dunstable state that the Castle was on the point of surrender, and 
that the siege was raised through the treacherous conduct of the count of Nevers, who 
had been bribed by the constable to retire. 35 

Roger of Wendover also states that by the advice of the count of Nevers, who had been 
bribed by the King of England, the barons withdrew by night from the siege, leaving their 
tents behind them, in order to journey towards Cambridge to try and capture John. 36 But 
he, being warned by his spies, before the barons reached Cambridge, by forced marches 
escaped to Stamford. 37 Whereupon the barons gave up the chase and returned to London. 

It is important to bear in mind that at the time of the siege the defences of the upper 
and middle baileys and the great tower upon the mount were, so far as is known, the only 
parts of Windsor Castle which were built throughout of masonry, and that the lower bailey 
was still protected in part merely by earthworks and timber palisades. And yet the Castle 
was able successfully to stand a protracted siege of nearly three months against an enemy 
furnished with engines of war ! 

Owing to the fitful and minor character of the operations during the reigns of King- 
Rich ard and King John there was not the same regular succession of clerks of the works 
that characterized the second half of King Henry’s reign. Simon de Sages and Gerard of 
Datchet were surveyors in 1189-90, but Simon alone in 1191-2. In 1194-5 four surveyors 
occur, all with new names : Everard of Windsor, William the vintner. Hugh le Draper, 


28 


IV indsor Castle . 


and John of Windsor. The same four appear in 1195-6, as well as another quartet, 
Walter of Upnor, Edric, Roger de Mora, and Martin the clerk ; the latter had charge of 
new works, the former of repairs only. In 1196-7, under a new constable, two fresh 
names are found, Hugh Ruffus and Turbot Ruffus, and in the following year, William 
FitzAlexander, John Gudmund, and Walkelin Alrebest. In 1200-1 Roger (de Mora) and 
Martin the clerk reappear with a new colleague, Peter Blund, who apparently occurs again 
the following year with Martin as Peter the baker. For the rest of King John’s reign 
there were only two at a time : John FitzGodfrey and William del Broc in 1205-6, Peter 
the smith and Robert the cook in 1206-7, William del Broc and Godman of Eton in 
1209-10, Hugh le Draper and Alexander le Ferur in 1211-2 and again in 1213-4, and 
Walkelin Alrebest and Peter the smith in 1 214-5. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 

1 The great thickness of the south wall of the lower ward, resembling in this feature the Norman walls of the 
upper ward (especially on the east side), suggests that King Henry II began the stone defences of the lower bailey, 
which were, however, not completed until temp. King Henry III. Much of the north wall of the middle 
ward also seems to be Norman, as well as the base of the existing remains of its west wall. 

2 Benedict of Peterborough (Rolls Series 49), ii. 101. 

3 Ibid. ii. 109. 

4 Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Houedene, ed. W. Stubbs (Rolls Series 51), iii. 136. 

5 Ibid. iii. 141. 

6 1189-90 " Et in Emendatione Domorum Regis in Cast, de Windr. liiii.s. et . ix.d. per breve Regis et visum 

Simonis de Sages et Gerardi Dachet.” 

7 1191-2 " Et in Operat. Castelli de Windr .vi.li. et vi.s. et xi.d. per breve Regis et per visum Simonis de 

Sages.” 

8 ‘‘Obsedit itaque castellum de Windlesores cum innumera multitudine militum et peditum ille malefidus 
archiepiscopus Rothomagensis, et captionem ipsius in dies distulit plurimos, eo quod in eodem castello consanguineos 
suos haberet.” Gervase of Canterbury, Opera Historica (Rolls Series 73), i. 515. 

9 " Venit etiam in Angliam xii° kal. Maii venerabilis ille Hubertus Salesberiensis episcopus, justus et bonus, in 
cujus adventu tota Anglia in brevi pacificata est. Cum enim castellum de Windlesores ad deditionem coegisset, 
cum comite Johanne antequam redirct in Franciam pacem fecit, datis et acceptis induciis usque ad festum Sancti 
Michaelis.” Ibid. i. 5x6. 

10 " Unde factum est, quod Walterus Rothomagensis archiepiscopus, et caeteri justitiarii Angliae, licet comitem 
Moretonii ad deditionem coegissent, et castellum suum de Vindeshoveres, quod obsederant, fere cepissent, ceperunt 
a comite Moretonii inducias usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum, castellis de Nothin[g]ham et de Thikehil 
remanentibus in custodia comitis, sicut antea fuerant. Castella vero de Vindeshoveres, et de Wallinford, et de Pecho, 
tradita sunt in manu reginae Alienor, matris ejusdem comitis Moretonii, et aliorum custodum, qui tradent ea in manu 
illius, si rex frater suus interim non redierit.” Chronica Magistri Roger de Houeden (Rolls Series 51), iii. 207. 

11 1 194-5 [Account of Philip FitzRobert :] 

“ Et In Reparacione Porte et Pontis et Camere et aliarum Domorum Regis que fracte et combuste 
fuerant extra Castellum Regis de Windr per Werram . . . et .vj.d. per breve Regis 

et per visum Ebrardi de Windr et Willelmi vinitoris et Hugonis Drapar. 

. . . Windr et Domorum Regis in Castello .xxxvii.li. et ij.s. et ij.d. per breve Regis et 

per visum Ebrardi et Willelmi et Hugonis et Johannis de Windr.” 

On the corresponding Chancellor’s Roll the Windsor account is unfortunately torn off and lost. 

12 1195-6 

" Pro una Columpna facienda et nondum perfecta. ad sustentandam Motam Castelli de Windlr. 
et pro claustro Regis ibidem reparando. Et pro fossato prosternendo. quod fuit inter 
motam et Domos Regis. Et pro quodarn . . . herbarium Regis .xxx.li. per breve 

Regis et per visum Walteri de Uppenore. et Edrici. et Rogeri de Mora, et Martini Clerici.” 

13 1195-6 ‘ ' Cocham et Bray. Per idem Philippum : 

“ Et in Reparatione Castelli et Domorum Regis de Windlesores .Ixxij.s. et vij.d. per breve Regis 
et per visum Ebrardi et Willelmi. et Hugonis et Johannis de Windlesores.” 

1 4 1 196-7 

“ In Reparatione Domorum Regis apud Windr C.s. per breve Regis (et) H. Cantuar Archiepiscopi 
et per visum Hugonis Rufii et Turboti Ruffi.” 

15 1197-8 

‘‘ In Reparacione Aule Regis apud Windlesores x.m. per breve H. Cantdhr Archiepiscopi et per 
visum Willelmi filij Alexandri et Johannis Gudmund et Walkelini Alrebest.” 

16 1198-9 

" Et in Reparatione domorum Regis in Castello de Windlesores C.s. per breve Regis.” 

17 Rotuli Cartarum, 2 John, m. 17 dors. 

18 Letters Patent ( Literce Patentes ) are the formal instruments by which the Sovereign sets forth his more public 
directions. As their name implies, they are written on open sheets of vellum, with the great seal pendent by silken 
laces from the lower margin. They are thus distinguished from the Literce Clauses, or Letters Close, which contain 
mandates, letters, and writs intimating the Royal instructions to individuals, and are therefore, from their more private 
character, folded xip or closed, and sealed on the outside. 

19 “ The Liberate Rolls derive their name from the Writs of ‘ Liberate ’ which are recorded on them. They consist 
of precepts to the Treasurer and other officers of the Exchequer to ‘ Deliver ’ out of the Treasury such sums of money 
as were required for the payment of pensions, salaries, and stipends, and for the various expenses of the State and of 


2 9 


The Siege of 1216 . 


the Royal Household. They also contain Writs of ‘ Allocate ’ and ‘ Computate,’ directing sums of money to be 
‘ allowed ’ or ‘ reckoned ’ in accounting with the several officers and ministers of the Crown and others.” S. R. Scargi 11- 
Bird, A Guide to the principal classes of documents preserved in the Public Record Office (London, 1891), 39. 

20 xi 99-1 200 

“ Et in operatione [Cas]telli et domorum Regis de Windlesores lxi.s. et iii.d. per breve Regis.” 
1 200-1 [Account of Stephen of Thurnham : ] 

“ In Reparatione domorum Regis de Windlesores lxiiii.s. et .iiii.d. per breve Regis et per visum 
Rogeri et Martini et Petri Blundi.” 

21 1201-2 [Account of John FitzHugh :] 

" In Operatione Castelli de Windlesores .x.li. per breve Regis. Et per visum Martini clerici et 
Petri Pistoris.” 

22 1202-3 

“ In operatione Castelli de Windlesores xii.s. et vi.d. per breve Regis.” 

1203-4 

" In operatione Castelli de Windlesores C. et viii.s. et ii.d. per breve Regis.” 

23 1204, 28th March 

“ Rex etc. baronibus de scaccario etc. Computate constabulario de Windesores id quod ration - 
abiliter posuerint per visum et testimonium legalium hominum in reparatione capcllc et 
domorum nostrarum de Windesores. Teste G. filio Petri comitc Essex, apud Windesores 
xxviii. die Marcii.” Liberate Roll, 5 John, m. 

24 1204-5 

“ Et in Reparatione domorum Regis apud Windlesores .iiii.li. et vii.d. per breve Regis.” Pipe 
Roll, 6 John, m. 5 d. 

25 1205, 28th April 

“ Rex Baronibus de Scaccario etc. Computate Johanni filio Hugonis xviii.s. vj.d. quos ipse 
posuit in reparacione domorum nostrarum de Windesores. dum Regina uxor nostra fuit 
ibi. Teste me ipso [apud Windesores] xxviij. die Aprilis. Per S. de Turnham.” Close 
Roll, 6 John, m. 3. 

26 1205-6 [Account of John FitzHugh :] 

” Et in Emendatione domorum Regis dc Windlesores xviii.s. et .vi.d. per breve Regis.” Pipe 
Roll, 7 John, m. 6 d. 

27 1205-6 [Account of John FitzHugh:] 

" Et in Emendatione murorum Castelli de Windlesores xv.li. et iii.s. et vii.d. per breve 
Regis et per visum Johannis filii Godefridi et Willelmi del Broc. 

Et in operatione domorum Regis in Castello de Windlesores lxv.s. per breve Regis et per visum 
Johannis Godefridi et Willelmi del Broc.” Pipe Roll, 7 John, m. 6 d. 

28 1205, 29th October 

“ Rex Baronibus de Scaccaiio, etc. Computate Johanni filio Hugonis in firma sua id quod ipse 
posuit per visum et testimonium legalium hominum in domibus et muris nostris dc 
Windlesores reparandis per preceptum nostrum. Teste me ipso apud Farnham xxix. 
die Octobris anno etc.vij 0 .” Close Roll, 7 John, m. 11. 

29 1206-7 

“ Et in emendatione Castelli et domorum Regis de Windlesores xvj.li. et xvij. [s. . . ] 

per visum Petri Fabri et Roberti Coci.” Pipe Roll, 8 John. 

30 1214, 23rd June 

“ Rex Baronibus suis de Scaccario, etc. Computate Johanni filio Hugonis custum quod posuit 
per visum et testimonium legalium hominum per preceptum nostrum in omnibus subscripts 
nisi alias ei computatum fuerit. scilicet ... in operacione et emendacionc mutarum 
de Windlesores et in aliis custis ibidem racionabiliter factis. . . . Teste me 

ipso apud Rupem Monachorum xxiij die Junij anno regni nostri xvj°.” Close Roll, 
16 John, m. 24. 

31 1214-5 

“ In operatione Castri de Windlesores et domorum in Castro xiiii.li. et ii.s. et vii.d. per breve 
Regis et per visum Walkelini Alrebest et Petri fabri. Et in operatione Mutarum Regis 
ibidem xvj.li. et xij.s. et .ij.d. per idem breve et per visum eorundem.” Pipe Roll, 
16 John, m. 11 d. 

32 " Ds obsidione castri Doverensis facta a Lodowico. Eodem anno, instante nativitatc sancti Johannis Baptista:, 
Lodowicus in fortitudine giavi militum et clientum Doverense castrum obsidione valla vit, misso prius ad patrem 
suum propter petrariam, quae Malveisine Gallice nuncupatur, qua cum machinis aliis [Franci] ante castrum locata 
muros acriter crebris ictibus verberabant ; sed Hubertus de Burgo, miles strenuus, cum aliis septies viginti militibus 
et servientibus multis, qui in illo erant defensioni insistentes, multos ex hostibus prostraverunt, donee Galligenae, 
comperto damno, tentoria sua et macliinas a castro longius retraxerunt ; unde Lodowicus nimia succensus ira pejerando 
juravit sese non recessurum quousque, capto castello, inclusi omnes suspendio traderentur. Construxerunt quoque 
ibi tabemacula multa et aedificia ante introitum castri ad terrorem inclusorum, ita ut locus ille similitudinem nundi- 
narum praeferret ; cogitabant enim fame et diuturna obsidione ad deditionem compellere quos armis subjugare 
nequibant. 

De captione castelli de C antebregge. Per idem tempus quaedam pars baronum, qui Londoniis remanserant, 
equitationem facientes depraedati sunt provinciam de Cantebregge totam et munitionem illam ceperunt, atque viginti 
servientes, quos in ea invenerant, vinculis constrinxerunt et secum abduxerunt. Inde progredientes, provincias de 
Northfolc et Suthfolc perlustrantes, spoliabant cum ecclesiis universis ; villas quoque Guernemuam, Dunewicum 
et Gipeswicum ad redemptionem gravissimam compulerunt ; tandem per Colecestriam praedam agentes ct ibidem 
simili Tabic saevientes ad nota Londoniarum latibula sunt reversi. 

De obsidione castri de Windleshores. His ita gestis, iidem baroncs, magno excrcitu congregate, castcllum de 
Windleshores cuneis militaribus obsedcrunt ; erat autem princeps militia: illius comes Nivemiae, dc Guenelonis generc 
proditoris ; qui, machinis ad castium applicatis, muros acriter invaserunt. Fuit itaque in castro custos summus 
Ingelardus de Athie, vir in opere martio probatissimus, cum militibus sexaginta et eorum sequela, qui constantei 
defensioni vacantes hostes a muris longius repellere nitebantur.” Rogeri de Wendover Flores Historiarun (Rolls 
Series 84), ii. 191, 192. 

The " Ingelardus de Athie” here named is the same person as Engelard of Cygony. Cigogne is a village about 
6 kilometres south-west of Ath6e, which is about the same distance from Blere and some 20 kilometres south-west 
of Tours. 


3 ° 


Windsor Castte. 


The Annals of Dunstable (which also call Engelard “ Ingelardus de Atlie ”) say that Lewis “ obsedit castrum 
de Dowre cum tribuchetta et aliis machinis multis ; sed parum profecit ; in cujus absentia aedificia sua circa castra 
combusta fuerunt.” Annales Monastici (Rolls Series 36), iii. 49, 68. 

33 King John’s movements during these three months can be followed most exactly by means of the places whence 
he dated public documents, but they do not seem to have been so well known to contemporary historians. Thus 
neither Roger of Wendover nor Matthew Paris was aware of the King’s raid through Herefordshire and Shropshire, 
and they merely describe the ravaging of the lands of the barons during harvest-time and the destruction of the 
crops. Neither do they seem to have known of the King’s attempt to relieve Windsor, for they pass on to describe his 
misdoings in East Anglia. 

34 “ Comes quoque Nivemensis, qui cum Lodovico venerat, cum exercitu multo Anglorum castellum de Windleshore 
per duos ferme menses obsedit. Cumque Johannes approximaret cum exercitu, quasi obsidionem dissipaturus, illi 
paraverunt excipere eum in bello : quo cognito, refugit ab eis, et concite pertendit visitare castella quae (am treugas 
acceperant deditionis a baronibus et acceperant, datis obsidibus, in Norfolchia scilicet et Sudfolchia et Estexia ; et 
dum iter ageret ubique incendia et rapinas multiplica vit, nec etiam ecclesiis parcens. Quo cognito, barones qui obsidebant 
Windleshore, recesserunt omnes simul a castello, incendentes machinas suas, et regem insequi contenderunt : quo 
file audito, citius aufugit.” R. de Coggeshale Chronicon Anglicanum (Rolls Series 66), 182. 

36 “ Eodem vero tempore [Lodowicus] obsedit idem castrum de Wlindeshowres, per comitem de Enevers, ei 
plurimos quoque barones Anglicos ; qui cum essent in puncto ut castrum redderetur, accepta pecunia a Castellano, 
cum exercitu proditiose recessit.” Annales Monastici (Rolls Series 36), iii. 47. 

36 According to John’s Itinerary, as shown by the Patent Rolls, etc. the King was at Hedingham and Clare on 
1 8th September, apparently travelling throughout the 19th, and on the 20th at King’s Cliffe and Rockingham. He 
was still at Rockingham on the 21st, and on the 22nd at Lincoln and Willoughton. 

37 “ Sicque per consilium comitis Nivemiae, qui, ut dicebatur, donariis regis Angliae corruptus fuerat, de nocte ab 
obsidione recedentes, relictis tentoriis, versus Cantebregge cum festinatione iter arripiunt, ut regem jam dictum sub 
captione concluderent ; sed ille per exploratores suos, quos optimos habuit, praemonitus antequam barones ad 
Cantebregge pervenissent, ipse in villam de Stamford callidus sese viator receperat.” Rogeri de Wendover Flores 
Historiarum (Rolls Series 84), ii. 193. 

Matthew Paris in his Chronica Majora also gives an account of the siege, but it is copied almost word for word 
from that of Roger of Wendover. 



Hope’s Windsor Castle. Plate VI. 



From a drawing by Paul Sandby in the Royal Library . 




Repairs Following the Siege of 1216. 


3 1 


CHAPTER VI. 

THE CASTLE DURING THE REIGN OF KING HENRY III, 1216—1272. 

At the time of King John’s death in October, 1216, the Castle was still in the hands 
of his trusted adherent Engelard of Cygony, who continued to hold it as constable during 
the early years of the reign of King Henry III. 

Of the works undertaken throughout the reign of King Henry there is an unusually 
full and interesting record, for in addition to the expenditure accounted for in the Pipe 
Rolls, there are the royal writs for works to be done which are entered upon the Close, 
Liberate, and Issue Rolls. 

It is important, however, to note the occasional discrepancies between these latter 
documents and the Pipe Roll, for the King’s orders were not always carried out at once, 
nor indeed at all sometimes, whereas the Pipe Roll gives the dates of the works actually 
done and the payments made for them. 

Notwithstanding that the Castle must have sustained a certain amount of damage 
during the late siege, there are no references to any works consequent upon it until the 
fifth year of the reign (1220-1). Two writs are then entered on the Close Roll, directing 
payments from the treasury to Engelard of Cygony of 20 marks (£13 6s. 8d.) “ for 
building a wall of our Castle of Windsor which had been destroyed,” 1 probably during the 
siege, and of another 20 marks “ for the works ” of the Castle. 2 The Pipe Roll for the 
same year also accounts for £14 7s. 6d. spent “on the repair of the Castle.” 3 There are no 
entries under the sixth year (1221-2) ; it is possible therefore that the repairs just noted 
were to the outer defences only. 

Soon after the beginning of the seventh year (1222-3) several important works 
were begun, apparently all within the Castle. 

On 31st January a general order was given to Engelard to repair the outer bailey 
and the King’s houses in the inner bailey ; and throughout the year a succession of 
writs was issued directing payment from the treasury of various sums for works on 
the great hall in the outer bailey, and on the King’s houses. The sums to be spent 
on the hall amounted to £120, and on the houses to 80 marks, or £53 6s. 8d., to which 
must be added a further 20 marks (£13 6s. 8d.) for works on the hall and houses ; making 
a total for the year of £186 13s. 4d. 4 

The works in the eighth year (1223-4) open with a writ dated 31st October, 1223, 
directing payment of 100s. to Engelard of Cygony for the works of the hall ; and a provision 
of timber for the same occurs on 26th May following. 5 But the rest of the expenditure, 
amounting to £280, relates to (i) the repair of the houses in mota, i.e. the buildings within 
the great tower on the mount, on which £20 were spent, (ii) to the King’s houses in general, 
at a cost of £126 13s. 4d., and (iii) to an outlay of £133 6s. 8d. for the works of the Castle. 6 
These operations were still going on during the following year (1224-5), when £40 more 
were ordered to be spent on the tower itself, £73 6s. 8d. on the King’s houses, and £140 
on the works of the Castle, making a total of £253 6s. 8d. (or 380 marks). 7 

More work would, no doubt, have been carried out during the eighth year had not 
master Thomas the carpenter and his men been commanded to transfer themselves and their 
tools to Bedford in the month of June to help the King in his siege of the castle there. 8 

A large proportion of the expenditure during the eighth and ninth years, which 
amounted in all to some £540, is entered on a Foreign Account Roll, of which the following 
is a translation : 


3 2 


JVindsor Castle. 


Account of the Work of the Castle of Windsor and of the Houses in the Castle. 

Ralph Tirel constable of Windsor. William of Staines received for him an account of £413 and half a mark 
(6s. 8d.) which he received from the King’s treasury for the works of the Castle of Windsor from the Purification 
of the Blessed Mary of the eighth year (2nd February, 1223-4), when Hubert of Burgh the justiciar received 
the Castle into his custody, until the Saturday next before the feast of St. Dunstan of the ninth year (17th May 
1225). In the treasury, nothing. And in the work of the same castle and of the houses in the castle for the 
same time £413 6s. 8d. by the King’s writ and by view of Richard and Robert of Shaw as is contained in a 
roll of particulars 9 which they delivered into the treasury. And they are quit. 10 

In connexion with this document it will be seen that Ralph Tirel had become constable 
instead of Engelard of Cygony, who had held that office since April, 1216. A reference 
to the Patent Roll shows that Engelard was directed on 30th December, 1223, to give 
up the castles of Windsor and Odiham to the archbishop of Canterbury. On the 12th 
January following like commands were issued, firstly to the archbishop to deliver both 
castles into the hands of William of Rughedon, and secondly for their transfer by the latter 
to Hubert of Burgh the justiciar. These entries are, however, cancelled on the roll, with 
the explanation, “ Quia non habuerunt brevia.” The castles accordingly remained in 
the archbishop’s hands until 2nd February, when another patent was issued directing 
him to give them up to Osbert Giffard. The foregoing Foreign Account suggests that 
he in turn at once resigned the castles the same day to Hubert of Burgh, but no record of 
this is to be found on the Patent or Close Rolls ; there also does not appear to be 
any record of the appointment of Ralph Tirel as constable for the justiciar. 

The receipts and expenditure entered in the account agree exactly with the sums 
ordered to be spent by the King’s writs which are entered on the Close Roll, viz. £280 
from 2nd February, 1223-4, to 27th October, 1224, and £133 6s. 8d. from 28th October, 
1224, to 19th May, 1225. 

Why the account was closed on the last-named date is not clear. Ralph Tirel was 
certainly acting as constable under Hubert of Burgh as late as the following August, and 
William of Staines was still paymaster in June. The clerks of the works of the King’s 
houses during the period under notice were William del Broc, clerk, and John le Draper, 
but the latter was afterwards succeeded by John of Borden. At the beginning of Ralph 
Tirel’s constableship John of Ockenden had charge of the works of the great tower. 

The operations of the tenth year (1225-6) were in continuation of those already noted. 
The writs on the Close Roll direct payments of the large sum of £67 for lead for covering 
the great tower, of 10 marks for repairs to the ditch between the outer and middle baileys, 
of £40 in discharge of debts due for work on the King’s houses, of 40 marks for repairs in 
the Castle, and of three sums of 20 marks each, or £40 in all, for the works of the Castle. 11 
The total ordered to be spent on buildings amounted for the year to £180 6s. 8d. A sum 
of 104s. is also allowed on the Pipe Roll for 1225-6 to Almeric de Parco for the works of 
the Castle. 12 

It is unfortunate that no details are given of the expenditure of the large sums spent 
on the King’s houses and on the works of the Castle during the three preceding years 
(1223-6), amounting as regards the former to £240, and the latter to £313 6s. 8d., to which 
may perhaps be added the 104s. mentioned above. The expenditure on the King’s houses 
points to a considerable amount of reconstruction and enlargement of the royal lodging 
on the north side of the upper bailey, the details of which can partly be made out by the 
notices of later works, and will be dealt with in their place. 

With regard to the sums spent on “ the works of the Castle,” it has already been 
suggested that this expression generally refers to the defences, and it is therefore not im- 
probable that a continuation was now being made of the substitution of stone walls and 
towers for the remaining timber palisades that still enclosed the lower bailey. 

The only writ relating to the eleventh year (1226-7) is entered on the Liberate Roll. 
It is dated 28th October, and directs payment of 20 marks (£13 6s. 8d.) to Osbert Ruffus 
of Windsor 13 for the work of the Castle, probably in continuation of that described above. 

In January, 1226-7, King Henry himself assumed the government of the kingdom, 
and in the same year a new constable seems to have been placed in charge of the Castle, 
which still continued in the custody of the justiciar, Hubert of Burgh. 

The Pipe Roll contains a payment by Ranulf Brito (for Hubert of Burgh) to the new 
constable, William de Milleriis, of 50 marks for the works of the Castle. 14 On the Liberate 


Hope's Windsor Castle. 


Plate VII. 



Windsor Castle. King Henry the Third's Tower , built 1223-5, 
with two of May s windows temp. King Charles II. 








33 


Building of the New Idlest IN cill and Bowers. 


Roll for the twelfth year are five writs ordering payment to William de Milleriis of further 
sums of 400 marks for these works, and other sums of 150 marks and 40 marks are entered 
on the same roll for the thirteenth and fourteenth years respectively. The Close Roll 
for the twelfth year also directs the constable, out of 10 marks which the sheriff of Surrey 
has paid him, to have built a temporary kitchen for the King, until he can have a better 
one built. 15 


The expenditure of these several sums appears on the Pipe Roll for the thirteenth 
year (1228-9) in the form of an interesting balance-sheet, 16 which may be translated and set 
out as follows : 


Account of the work of the Castle of Windsor from the feast of the Exaltation of the 
Holy Cross in the eleventh year (14th September 1227) until the Assumption of St. Mary 
in the fourteenth year (15th August 1230). 


William de Milleriis (master Humphry his brother 
for him) constable of Windsor renders account of 
50 marks which he received from the 
farm of Cookham and Bray, as is con- 
tained in the account of the same vills 
in the eleventh roll 

and of 10 marks which he received from 
the sheriff of Surrey, as is contained 
in the account of the same sheriff in 
the past year . . 

and of £430 which he received from the 
King’s treasury by divers briefs of the 

King 

In the treasury . . 

And he has in surplus which was allowed 
him in Sussex in the thirteenth roll 


£33 6 8 


6 13 4 


430 0 o 
nothing 


13 


In the work of a wall with three towers 
by the King’s brief and by view of 
the master trebucheter and John 

FitzAndrew . . £432 14 4 

And in the repair of the houses in the 
Castle and of the King’s hall and of 
the great tower by the same writ and 
by view of the same . . . . . . 22 6 2 

And in the work of a new kitchen in the 
same Castle, by the same writ and 

by view of the same 19 3 o| 

And in taking down the trebuchet and 
in covering it up, by the same writ 
and by view of the same . . . . 1 17 6| 

And in divers works of the same Castle, 
by the same writ and by view of the 
same .. .. .. .. .. 716 


£483 


£483 


There seems no reason for doubting that the wall and three towers built under the 
direction of William de Milleriis between September, 1227, and August, 1230, are the 
existing western wall of the lower bailey and the towers standing on its line, and, if the 
course of the works was as has been conjectured, their erection apparently completed 
the replacement of the wooden defences of the Castle by stone walls and towers throughout. 

This completion was followed by a cessation of all operations in the Castle for nearly 
three years, an interruption which was perhaps partly caused by the issue of a writ to the 
constable on 18th July, 1231, 


that he cause all the King’s carpenters who are in the Castle of Windsor to come after the King towards 
the parts of Shropshire, with their tools, only master Nicholas the carpenter being retained by him to attend 
to the King’s works in the aforesaid Castle. 17 


This direction evidently has reference to King Henry’s campaign against the Welsh under 
Llewellyn, after the death of William Marshal, earl of Pembroke. 

It will be noticed that one of the items in the balance-sheet of William de Milleriis is 
a charge of 37s. 6£d. for taking down and covering up the trebuchet, also that the master 
trebucheter was one of the clerks of the works at the time. 

One of the notable things recorded of the siege of Dover castle in 1216 by Lewis of 
France was his sending to France for a petraria, or “malveisine ” as the French called it, 
which was placed in position with other engines in order to batter the walls. What were 
the engines of war that were also brought to bear upon Windsor Castle when it was besieged 
the same year is not stated, but the effect of the French engines elsewhere was such as to 
speedily bring about the surrender of Hertford castle in December, 1216, and of 
Berkhamstead castle a fortnight later. A petraria and sundry mangonels were also 
used with great effect by the King’s forces at the siege of Bedford castle in 1224. 

Whether the French petraria used at Dover was a trebuchet or not is uncertain, but 
it was evidently thought desirable in future to oppose such an engine by one of at least 
equal power. On 25th September, 1224, the sheriff of Kent was directed to afford facilities 
for the carriage to Dover of timber for making the King’s trebuchet, 18 and a writ of 22nd 
October orders 5 marks to be paid “ to master Jordan our carpenter who made our trebuchet 
at Dover ” towards his expenses. 19 On the 9th November the sheriffs of London were 
ordered to send to Dover by water, with other stuff, eight brass wheels which they had 


34 


IF incisor Castle. 


had made for the King’s trebuchet. 20 It was still unfinished the following year, further 
payments being made to master Jordan in April and June, 1225, and in the latter month 
timber was sent from Tonbridge for its making. 21 The Dover trebuchet must have been 
completed soon after, for on 19th November, 1225, a writ is entered on the Close Roll, 
directing Adam de Bendenges to let master Jordan the King’s carpenter have two beams 
or pieces of timber in the forest of Odiham “to make two virgce for the trebuchet of our 
lord the King which he has ordered to be made in the Castle of Windsor.” On 8th June, 
1226, 3 marks in part payment of his livery were directed to be paid to “ master Jordan 
the carpenter making our trebuchet in our castle of Windsor,” and further sums of 2 marks 
on 10th December, and of 5^ marks on 31st July, 1227, by which date it was apparently 
finished. The entry as to its dismounting and stowing away suggests that it had been 
set up in order that its range, etc. might be tested. 

The resumption of works in the Castle of Windsor is marked by a writ on the Liberate 
Roll for the seventeenth year (1232-3), dated nth May, 1233, directing the constable to 
cause all the houses of the Castle to be repaired, and a new kitchen to be built. 22 

The Pipe Roll for the eighteenth year (1233-4) contains the account of Hugh of 
Passelewe for the works done in accordance with the preceding writ, amounting in all to 
£70 and a penny, of which £21 ns. 2d. were spent “in finishing the King’s great kitchen” 
and in repairing other of the King’s houses. The sum of £5 15s. 6d. was also paid to Burnell 
the King’s carpenter for his livery for 154 days at 9d. per day, from the Ascension Day, 
1234, to the feast of All Saints following. 23 A minute description is given of a number of 
other repairs, which will be dealt with later under their several headings. 

A similar account of miscellaneous items is entered on the Pipe Roll for the nineteenth 
year (1234-5) by Nicholas of Hedington for Engelard of Cygony, who had again been 
appointed constable after the disgrace of Hubert of Burgh. Master Burnell the carpenter 
received 41s. 3d. for his livery as before for the fifty-five days from the feast of All Saints 
to Christmas Day, 1234. The c °st °f divers repairs during the year was £60 12s. iod., 
chiefly for works in the inner bailey. 

On 14th January, 1235-6, King Henry was married to the Lady Eleanor, second 
daughter and co-heir of Raymond, Count of Provence. 

Engelard of Cygony’s account on the Pipe Roll for the twentieth year (1235-6) begins 
with a payment of £14 18s. “ in making a good limekiln in the Castle of Windsor for the 
work of the same castle.” 24 Part of this work is explained by the next item, an expenditure 
of £6 os. 6|d. “ in making a chimney of stone and lime in the King’s wardrobe ” 24 ; but 
some important work was also in hand for the accommodation of the new Queen, for a writ 
on the Close Roll for the following year (1236-7) orders Engelard of Cygony “ to let John, 
the clerk of the work of the King’s Queen’s lodging {camera), have two hundred quarters 
of the lime which is in the Castle of Windsor to construct the lodging aforesaid.” 25 Besides 
the making of the limekiln and the building of the chimney, the Pipe Roll for 1235-6 
accounts for a number of minor matters, amounting in all to 44s. 7d. 

The Liberate Rolls for both the twenty-first (1236-7) and the twenty-second years 
(1237-8) contain a number of orders to Walter of Burgh for repairs to various parts of the 
Castle. The cost of these, and of several other items, is entered on the Pipe Roll for 1237-8 
in an account of Walter of Burgh, amounting to £94 17s. 7d. The Close Rolls for the same 
two years also contain, in addition to the order for lime quoted above, writs directing 
the provision of timber from Windsor Forest for the various repairs in hand, and brush- 
wood or firewood for the limekiln. 

The writs entered on the Liberate Roll for the twenty-third year (1238-9) are all 
directed to the bailiffs of Windsor, and relate, like those of the preceding years, merely 
to repairs, chiefly in the inner bailey. 

With the twenty-fourth year of King Henry’s reign (1239-40) begins an era of much 
active work. 

First there is an order, dated 8th January, 1239-40, to Engelard of Cygony that of 
the oaks of Windsor Forest, where they can be taken with the least damage, he is to make 
a limekiln capable of furnishing a thousand quarters of lime for the King’s works in the 
Castle. 20 This is followed by another order directing him to deliver to John FitzAndrew, 
towards making the limekiln in the forest, the sum of £20, which is duly accounted for 


New IN or ks of the Thirteenth Century. 35 

on the Pipe Roll for the current year. 27 In March the constable is directed to let John 
FitzAndrew have twenty-nine oaks in Windsor Forest for the limekiln, and also for making 
a fence and palings for enclosing the King’s garden. 28 Concerning this a writ had already 
been issued to the bailiff of Windsor “ to cause our garden to be enclosed with a quick 
hedge and paling and a new gate of the garden to be made.” 29 On 28th April the lime- 
kiln was still at work, and the constable was ordered to take wood for it in Windsor Forest 
where it would least hurt. 30 

This vigorous output from the limekiln is explained by a writ on the Liberate Roll, 
dated 4th January, 1239-40, in these terms : 

The King to Walter of Burgh greeting. We command you that in the Castle of Windsor you cause to be 
made a certain lodging [camera) for our use near the wall of the same Castle, 60 feet long and 28 feet wide, and 
another lodging for the use of our Queen, 40 feet long, which is to be joined to our lodging and be under the 
same roof along the same wall, and a certain chapel, 70 feet long and 28 feet wide, along the same wall. So that a 
certain sufficient space be left between the aforesaid lodgings and the chapel itself to make a certain grassplat. 31 

The site of this important group of buildings, as will be shown later, was in the north- 
east quarter of the lower bailey, where interesting remains of them still exist. 

In connexion with the new works a number of writs appear on the rolls. Thus on 
13th May John de Venniz was ordered to let the clerk of the works have fifty oaks in his 
bailey for the works, 32 and on 22nd August three writs were issued : (1) to the warden of 
Pamber Forest to let master Simon the carpenter have sixty oaks for the works of the 
Castle, (2) to John de Venniz to deliver to master Simon fifty oaks from the forest of 
Axholt, and (3) to Engelard of Cygony to deliver eighty oaks “ in la Rugge ” to master 
Simon, as well as firewood in Windsor Forest for making a kiln, and a beech tree to make 
the tables in the King’s kitchen. 33 Towards the cost of all these works the treasury 
officials were directed on 1st September to pay to the clerk of the works £8o, and on the 
8th October a further sum of 100 marks, or £146 13s. 4d. in all. 34 

The numerous writs upon the Close and Liberate Rolls for the twenty-fifth year (1 240-1) 
show that the works of the new royal lodgings and chapel were being carried forward ; 
there are also entries relating to sundry repairs in various parts of the Castle, to the purchase 
of lead, 35 and to work upon the Castle ditch. Among the writs on the Close Roll is the 
following curious document under date 10th June, 1241 : 

Concerning many things in the Castle of Windsor. The King to his beloved and faithful Engelard of 
Cygony greeting. We command you that since it was ordained by our beloved uncle Peter of Savoy by the 
advice of Hugh Giffard as well as yourself that no horse be left within the walls of our Castle of Windsor until 
at least the months of August and September next have passed, and that you take it not ill that in the mean- 
time your horses be amoved. Adhering to their and your advice we will and order it to be done because 
we shall be in every way content that within the aforesaid Castle you should take them out as soon as the 
rainy weather comes. We will also that as you have arranged between you, your kitchen be amoved and 
rebuilt in the place appointed. 36 

A considerable number of the writs for the current year have reference to the provision 
of funds for the works in progress. Several of those on the Close Roll refer to some dispute 
in which John FitzAndrew was chiefly concerned. On 17th January, 1 240-1, Engelard 
of Cygony was directed to let the clerks of the works have for making rubble of stone 
and lime for enclosing the Castle “ 50 marks which John FitzAndrew owes the King from 
the term of the Purification of the Blessed Mary in our 25th year on account of a fine which 
he made with the King.” On 16th July Engelard was directed to pay 20 marks from this 
fine to Edward le Verrer for the King’s works, and on 19th September he was ordered 
to distrain on John FitzAndrew and his sureties for 30 marks, out of the 50 owing by him, 
of which 10 marks were to be paid to master Thomas the painter, of Chertsey, “ who is 
making the King’s images for the chapel of Windsor,” and the rest to the clerks of the 
works. Lastly, on 5th October it is noted that “the King has granted a pledge to John 
FitzAndrew, that of the 50 marks which the said John ought to have paid the King at 
Michaelmas term last past in the twenty-fifth year, he may pay to the King every week 
10 marks towards the King’s works at Windsor until he shall have paid those 50 marks. 
And the constable is ordered to receive every Saturday the aforesaid 10 marks, as is 
aforesaid.” 37 

The writs on the Liberate Roll direct payments from the treasury on 13th November, 
1240, of £ 100 to the clerks of the v r orks “ for the same works,” and of 100 marks on 
18th January, 1240-1. On 13th March the guardians of the temporalities of the bishopric 


3 6 


W indsor Castle. 


of Winchester (vacant by the death of Peter de Rupibus on gth June, 1238, and still 
unfilled) were ordered to let the clerks of the works have from the issues of the bishopric 

50 marks for the works at Windsor ; also further sums of 100 marks on 28th March, 

50 marks on 15th May, and £200 on 21st August, or £333 6s. 8d. in all. The guardians 

of the temporalities of the archbishopric of Canterbury (vacant by the death of 

Edmund of Abingdon on 16th November, 1240) were also directed by writ of 4th October, 
1241, to provide £100 for the works at Windsor. 38 The total sum raised by these writs 
was £600. 

The first of the writs on the Liberate Roll for the twenty-sixth year (1241 -2) directs 
the repayment from the treasury to the guardians of the bishopric of Winchester of £100 
provided by them “ about the Ascension Day ” in the preceding year. As the date of 
that feast was 9th May, this £100 probably includes the two sums of 50 marks and 
100 marks ordered to be paid in March. But in the spring of the current year the same 
guardians were again called upon to furnish funds for the works at Windsor, viz. £100 
on 5th February, and 100 marks on 13th March. The guardians of the archbishopric 
were also directed on 15th April to provide 500 marks. The total of these sums was £500. 
The Issue Roll for the same year (1241-2) also contains orders for payments from the 
treasury of £200 on 22nd July to the clerks of the works and another £100 on 5th September 
to Simon the carpenter for works done in the Castle ; thus making a grand total for the 
year of £800. 

These large sums were apparently spent, as in the year preceding, on the new royal 
lodging and chapel in the outer bailey, and on necessary repairs. 

The disbursements of the twenty-seventh year (1242-3), like the last quoted, are mostly 
directed to be made to Simon the carpenter. They include payments of 200 marks on 
8th October, entered on the Vascon Roll, “ for the work of our chapel and other works,” 39 
and, on the Liberate Roll, of 200 marks on 10th November, another 200 marks on 27th 
April (1243), £100 on 13th June, 200 marks on 17th July, and £100 on 18th August ; or 
£733 13s. 4d. in all. Stephen of Savoy, the knight of Bernard of Savoy, the constable, 
was also ordered on 3rd March to be paid 20 marks for the works of the King’s and the 
Queen’s chapels, and 40 more marks for the clerks of the works employed on the same ; 
and in April and June two other writs direct payment to Bernard of Savoy the constable 
and Hugh Giffard, of 20 marks and 10 marks respectively, for the paintings in the same 
chapels and for other works ; making a total of 90 marks or £60. 40 The sum of these 
disbursements for the year was therefore £793 6s. 8d. A writ was also issued on 1st May 
to the archbishop of York, the bishop of Carlisle, and William de Cant., “ that they 
cause works to be done in the same Castle which they think necessary for its defence to 
the extent of £200, or 400 marks, and they may borrow that sum if they have need.” 41 

Several vacant bishoprics again provided funds for the operations of the twenty- 
eighth year (1243-4), operations that were apparently a continuation of those of the four 
preceding years. First the guardians of the bishopric of London, which had been vacant 
since the death of bishop Roger on 29th September, 1241, were ordered on 12th December 
to pay 10 marks to master Simon the carpenter and other clerks of the works towards 
wainscoting the King’s lodgings, and a month later to find £200 for building material for 
the works of the Castle. 42 Next the guardians of the still unfilled bishopric of Winchester 
were called upon to find 200 marks on 21st April (1244), £100 on 18th May, and on 17th 
June 700 marks for Simon the carpenter, or £700 altogether. The guardians of the 
bishopric of “ Chester,” which had been vacant since the death of Hugh of Pateshull, 
bishop of Lichfield, on 7th February, 1240-1, were also directed to furnish £100 for the 
works in progress. The three vacant bishoprics had thus to provide between them 
£1,006 13s. 4d. 

The Pipe Roll for the current year (1243-4) shows that the guardians of the bishopric 
of Winchester actually paid the 200 marks and the £100, but only £350 out of the 700 marks 
(£466 13s. 4d.) due to Simon the carpenter. 43 

The entries relating to the twenty-ninth year (1244-5), with the exception of a single 
writ on the Close Roll ordering the return of certain lead, are again concerned with the 
provision of funds for the King’s works. On 25th November (1244) the guardians of the 
still vacant bishopric of Chester ( i.e . Lichfield) were directed to pay £50 “ towards finishing 


New JV irks of the 7 hirteenth Century 


37 


the aforesaid works.” On 14th February the barons of the exchequer were enjoined to 
allow to the sheriff of Devon, “in amerciaments of the last iter of our justices in his county, 
£300 which he delivered by our order to the clerks of our works of Windsor for executing 
the same works,” 44 and a further suni of 40s. for the expenses of those who brought the 
money to Windsor. On 29th April (1245) the sheriff of the county of Southampton was 
ordered to pay over 50 marks for the works ; the guardians of the bishopric of Chester 
were called upon for a further sum of £200 ; and Bernard of Savoy was directed on 
29th July to pay £300 from the issues of his bailiwick. In connexion with this last entry 
it is interesting to observe that on 23rd July, 1244, the King issued letters patent requesting 
all men to note : 


That we are bound to restore to Bernard of Savoy all moneys which he has received on loan for our works 
at Windsor, if it behove him to lend any moneys for the aforesaid works, except the issues of his bailiwick, which 
he shall take for the same works by our order. 45 

The total amount realized by the above writs was £583 6s. 8d. 

The proceedings of the thirtieth year (1245-6) also provide further funds. On 
4th December (1245) the guardian of the bishopric of Chester was ordered to furnish 
100 marks for the King’s works, 46 but another writ six days later directs master Simon 
of Winchester, the custos in question, to make the sum £100. 47 In February, 1245-6, 
William of Passelewe was ordered to find 60 marks from the lands of Baldwin, earl of Devon, 
lately deceased, 48 and Bernard of Savoy to furnish 200 marks from the lands of the 
countess of Angus, the bishopric of Chichester, and “ from other lands which have been 
assigned for the support of Edward the King’s son.” The last named sum was in any 
case to be raised by Lady Day “ so that for default of the money the works aforesaid do 
not stand unfinished.” 49 Other sums were also provided, of £40 from the exchange (of 
Scotland) in June, of £50 from the countess of Angus’s lands and £40 from the revenues 
of the bishopric of Chichester in July, of £100 from the treasury in August, and £200 more - 
in October ; making a total of £703 6s. 8d. 50 

Other writs help to show upon what these large amounts were being spent. On 
7th December eight carrats of lead were ordered for the covering of the King’s chapel. 51 
On 17th March the constable was enjoined inter alia (i) to embattle the tower (turns) 
of the Castle and make a chimney in the lodging above the gate of the said tower, (ii) to 
make a bench of freestone on the Castle wall beside the grassplat near the King’s lodging, 
and (iii) to wainscot the King’s and Queen’s garderobe. 52 On 1st April he was directed 
to buy vestments and ornaments for two altars, in the chapel in thp King’s park and 
in the Queen’s chapel respectively ; and on 23rd April to buy further ornaments for the 
Queen’s chapel, and to make a shrubbery in the royal garden. 53 In July thirty oaks 
were ordered to be sent from the forest of Axholt for the works of the King’s chapel and 
other works in the Castle 54 ; and on 20th September twenty more carrats of lead were 
requisitioned. 55 

A writ was also issued on 29th March (1246) directing payment from the treasury 
of 20s. to Godfrey Germeyn, of 30s. to Osbert the merchant, and 16s. 8d. to Guinuld Bran 
for damages sustained by them through the making of the ditch beneath the Castle wall. 

The charges of these and other works are for the most part accounted for on the Pipe 
Roll. Thus the eight carrats of lead for the King’s chapel, including carriage, cost 
£21 13s. 8d., and the amounts paid over from the revenues of the bishopric of Chichester 
to the clerks of the works are given as £223 6s. 8d. and £200. There is also entered upon 
the roll an account of Bernard of Savoy of the lands of William de Ceo from the feast of 
St. Blaise (3rd February), 1243-4, to Easter, 1247, as follows : 


For a thousand pike and two thousand roach (de Roches) to stock the fish pond of Windsor 

For two pair (=sets) of vestments and sufficient ornaments for two altars, and two silver 
chalices to serve in the chapel of Windsor (Park) and the Queen’s chapel 

For two decently painted tables bought and set in the Queen’s chapel 

For images of the Rood, Mary and John, for the said chapel 

For repairing the houses of the gardens and the garden hedge, and making a shrubbery 
there 

For embattling the tower of the Castle and for a chimney in the lodging ( camera ) over the 
gate of the same tower 

For a bench made of freestone on the wall of the Castle 

For two good and strong ropes and two buckets bought for the well of the same tower . . 

And for wainscoting the garderobe of the King and Queen . . 


£ s. d. 
Si 7 0 
by four of the 
King’s briefs. 


3 » 


Windsor Castle. 


To the clerks of the works of the Castle for the same works . . . . . . . . 300 o 

And to the same clerks for the same works .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 510 

To the clerks of the King’s works at Windsor by the King’s writ . . . . . . 100 0 

For making a new tower near the great tower in the Castle . . . . . . . . 73 14 

And in embattling the aforesaid tower and covering it with lead, by the King’s writ and 

by view and testimony of Gilbert of Grange and Robert of Shaw . . . . . . 15 6 


0 

o 

0 

2 

3i 


£621 7 5| 66 

The Pipe Roll thus accounts for £1,066 7s. 9jd. of the £1,290 raised in 1244-5 and 1245-6, 
but it is unfortunate that no hint is given of the nature of the several works ( operationes ) 
upon which the largest amounts were spent. Nor are any details given of the expenditure 
of the large sums raised in the four preceding years. The new tower referred to in Bernard 
of Savoy’s account was apparently one that stood at the north-west corner of the Royal 
lodging (see post) ; it was destroyed during the changes of the seventeenth century. 
Against the building of it the surveyors account, in 1243-4, for £18 19s. 3|d. for the making 
of a limekiln within the Castle. 57 

The entries for the thirty-first year (1246-7) are somewhat meagre, and relate mostly 
to the providing of funds or to the repayment of sums so furnished. On 31st October 
£20 was ordered to be paid by the treasury to finish some part of the Queen’s lodging, 
and on 21st January 200 marks (£133 6s. 8d.) for the King’s works. 58 On 5th June the 
warden of the exchange was directed to pay over £80 for works, and writs were issued 
on 15th July to the treasury to furnish 50 more marks, 59 and on 19th October to Bernard 
of Savoy to find before Michaelmas £100 from the issues of Norman estates. 60 The total 
of these writs amounts to £366 13s. 4d. An order to the sheriff of Surrey for the convey- 
ance of certain timber for the lodging of the King’s chaplains is the only other item of 
interest. The Pipe Roll for this year yields nothing beyond the payment to the chaplains 
themselves, viz. 50s. each to (i) the chaplain in the outer bailey, (ii) to the one ministering 
in the chapel of the great tower, (iii) to the one in the King’s chapel in the Park, and (iv) 
to the chaplain in the Queen’s chapel in the Castle. 

Both the Close and Liberate Rolls of the thirty-second year (1247-8) contain a number 
of entries relating to the painting of the King’s new chapel and the finishing of the cloister 
that adjoined it. These will be dealt with in their place. Funds were also furnished 
from various sources for “ the King’s works ” in general : by Peter of Geneva, 40 marks 
from the issues of lands of aliens ; by Godfrey of Liston, 10 marks from his bailiwick ; by 
Henry of Wingham, £50 from the revenues of the vacant bishopric of Bath ; £100 from 
the sheriff of Stafford ; and another £50 from Godfrey of Liston from the issues of the 
manors of Cookham and Bray. 61 The total sum thus raised for the King’s works was 
£233 6s. 8d. 

The thirty-third year (1248-9) seems to have seen the finishing of the chapel and 
the furnishing of it with books and ornaments, but there were also various outgoings under 
the general head of works. For these Godfrey of Liston was directed to find £50, and 
like sums were to be found by the bailiff of Cookham and Bray and the bailiffs of Andover. 62 
Godfrey of Liston had also to furnish from the issues of certain lands £40, to be spent 
“ towards finishing the King’s works ” and in finishing the barbican ; a sum of £20 for 
works was likewise directed to be paid out of the treasury. 63 The total sum thus found 
was £210. A writ was also directed to the constable of the Tower of London ordering 
him to send four carrats of the King’s lead to Windsor to finish the King’s works there. 64 

The writs issued during the thirty-fourth year (1249-50) begin with instructions to 
William of liorsend, the King’s bailiff in the Peak, to find twenty carrats of lead for the 
covering of the King’s houses, and send them to the sheriff of Northampton, who in turn 
was directed to send them on to Windsor. 65 Orders for the purchase of vestments and the 
casting of bells for the chapel also again point to the completion of that building. Another 
writ states that the King is sending 100 marks to pay the wages of the men at work on 
the barbican, 66 and another directs the repayment to Robert of Dacre, the seller of the 
King’s wines, of 100 marks from the issues of his sales which he had advanced to the clerks 
of the works. 67 Some interesting instructions with reference to the hall and chapel will 
be noticed later. With the exception of an order to the keeper of Axholt Forest to furnish 
six oaks for the King’s works, the remaining writs refer to the necessary funds. 68 Two 
sums of 200 marks and 199 marks respectively (=£266) and a third sum of £43 6s. 3d. were 


39 


New IV orks of the Thirteenth Century. 

to be provided by the treasury from certain Irish funds, and £100 were to be paid over 
by the custos of the bishopric of Winchester, 69 making a total of £409 6s. 3d. 

The thirty-fifth year (1250-1) was one of considerable activity, so far as the sums 
expended go, but not much is recorded as to the nature of the works done. The 
temporalities of only one vacant bishopric, that of Winchester, were drawn upon for 
funds, to the amount of 100 marks (£66 13s. 4d.), 70 and Godfrey of Liston was ordered to 
find 40 marks only 71 ; the rest of the money needed was to be furnished by the sheriffs 
of Nottingham (200 marks), Norfolk (100 marks), Nottingham and Derby (200 and 100 
marks), Norfolk and Suffolk (400 marks), and London (£20 ). 72 The total of these sums is 
£78 o. The sheriffs of London were also to buy and send to Windsor ten carrats of lead, 
the bailiffs of Southampton another ten carrats, as well as a further ten out of twenty-five 
carrats which the sheriff of Norfolk had sent them ; and the bailiff of the Peak was ordered 
to buy six carrats for the King's works at Windsor and send them to the sheriff of 
Derbyshire. 73 Two lots of twenty and of sixty oaks respectively were also to be furnished 
from the forest of Axholt, and the sheriffs of London were to buy two thousand estrich 
boards for the King's works. 74 

Among the works ordered this year were a new stable, 80 feet long, for the King’s and 
Queen’s horses, to be built outside the Castle near the garden ; the paving and wainscoting 
of the King’s cloister, and the painting of it with pictures of the Apostles ; and the en- 
largement of the lodgings for the chaplains. The number of the chaplains was now 
increased to six, to whom was added a seventh for special duty, and later in the year an 
eighth. Further ornaments were also to be bought for the chapel, including a mass-book 
that cost ioos. It may therefore be reasonably concluded that the new chapel was now 
not only considered finished but ready for service. Two important disbursements ordered 
this year were £33 18s. iod. as compensation to certain poor men whose lands and houses 
had been encroached upon by the new works, and a repayment to Godfrey of Liston of" 
£169 2s. 9M. advanced by him. 75 

Of the expenditure of the thirty-sixth year (125 1-2) no details are given. A solitary 
order for the provision of brushwood for the limekiln shows that building was still going 
on, 76 but no hint is given as to the nature of the works, for which large sums continued 
to be provided. These amounted to £750 6s. 8d., of which the King himself contributed 
100 marks, and the royal treasury another 100 marks. 77 Godfrey of Liston was also 
to pay over £50 and certain rents, the agisters of Windsor Forest £23, the sheriff of 
Nottingham 300 marks, and the sheriff of Warwick £100. 78 Godfrey of Liston was like- 
wise to find £50 from the manors of Cookham and Bray, and the sum of £244 was to 
be paid over from the revenues of the Honour of Tickhill. 79 The only other large 
disbursement ordered was the repayment of £100 to the guardian of the bishopric of 
Winchester. 80 

The amounts needed during the thirty-seventh year (1252-3) were considerably less 
than those of former years, the total being only £510. Of this the sheriff of Oxon and 
Bucks was to find £200, the bailiff of Windsor £50, and Godfrey of Liston £60 81 ; and 
in accordance with a general order, the custos of the Honour of Tickhill furnished £200. 82 
The sheriffs of London were also ordered to buy and send to Windsor three thousand 
Norway boards, and fifty great boards for making tables, and a few weeks later two 
thousand more boards and a thousand laths. 83 The sheriff of Gloucester was also to buy 
and send for the King’s works two hundred pieces of good iron. 84 Fifty oaks were to be 
furnished by the keeper of Axholt Forest, 85 and Godfrey of Liston as keeper of Windsor 
Forest was to provide as much timber as was wanted for mending the great kitchen of the 
Castle bailey and to furnish nine more oaks for the King’s works. 86 

Most of these materials were probably needed for an important work which was 
ordered early in January, the raising by a stage of the new turret or tower in the inner 
bailey which was assigned to the King’s seneschals, new covering it with lead, etc. 

The smaller amount needed for the year is also to be accounted for by a curious order 
entered upon the Close Roll, and dated 23rd November, 1252 : 

Because there are many more workmen in the Castle of Windsor than is necessary, from whose works by 
reason of the shortness of the days of this present time the King derives little profit, the King wills that the 
greater part of them be discharged, together with the painters who are in the same Castle, whom the King wills 


4 o 


Windsor Castle . 


to cease from their works for a season since they can not work properly by reason of the dampness of winter 
time. And the constable of Windsor is ordered to discharge from the Castle the greater part of the aforesaid 
workmen, as may seem expedient, together with those painters, until the King order otherwise . 87 


An account of the citizens of London, entered on the Pipe Roll for this year, charges 
£19 4s. 6d. for three thousand five hundred boards, £12 7s. for two thousand boards, 
and one thousand laths, and £15 12s. iod. for lead, perhaps that needed for the new tower. 
These amounts, of course, included carriage. 88 

The Pipe Roll also contains a long bill allowed for payments made by Godfrey of 
Liston, apparently during the last five years, amounting to £1,067 3 s - 9<h 89 The numerous 
items are all in discharge of writs entered on the Liberate Rolls, and may be summarized 
as follows : 


To the painters of the chapel, for wages, colours, and scaffolding . . 

To Simon the carpenter for paving the King’s lodging 
Sundry payments to clerks of the works 
Payments to the chaplains.. 

Building of a house for the chaplain of the lepers’ hospital.. 
Compensation for lands and houses absorbed by new works of the Castle 
Making and painting the King’s seat in the great hall 


£ s. d. 
17 3 4 
500 
. . 917 6 3 

75 12 6 
6 13 4 

33 18 10 
1196 


£1.067 3 9 


Although so little is actually recorded of the nature of the works upon which such 
large sums were spent from 1240 onwards, they seem to have been confined for the most 
part to the building of the new chapel, the royal lodging, and the cloister between them, 
which filled up the north-east corner of the lower bailey. It should not. however, be 
forgotten that in so vast a castle as Windsor repairs and small alterations were con- 
stantly going on, and part of the sums in question must have been laid out annually 
upon such things. 

The finishing of the new buildings is plainly marked by the meagre record of works 
in the thirty-eighth year (1253-4). Two writs on the Close Roll order payment of a debt 
of 5 marks by the King’s men of Cookham towards the King’s works, and delivery by the 
keeper of Axholt Forest of ten oaks for the King’s works. 90 A single writ on the Liberate 
Roll directs certain repairs to the King’s kitchens, the great hall, etc. 91 

The thirty-ninth year (1254-5) seems also to have been a quiet one. Certain altera- 
tions were to be made to the ditch crossing the upper end of the lower bailey, for which 
the bailiffs of Windsor were to provide 13 marks. 92 The keeper of Windsor Forest was to 
furnish fifteen oaks, and the sheriffs of London two thousand boards for wainscoting ; 
the sheriff of Gloucester was also to send two hundred esfterducas of iron for the King’s 
works. 93 The supply of boards from London is accounted for on the Pipe Roll of the 
current year. 94 The only reference to funds is an order to the sheriff of Oxon and Berks 
to send 25 marks (£16 13s. 4d.), and another to Godfrey of Liston to find £10 “ for the 
hastening (ad exfteditionem)” of the King’s works. 95 

The records of the fortieth year (1255-6), in marked contrast to those of preceding 
years, no longer contain any information or directions as to the provision of funds, but 
consist almost entirely of orders for small alterations and repairs in different parts of the 
Castle. These are of a miscellaneous character, and include directions for the building 
of an oriel near the new tower in the upper bailey, and a little chapel for the use of the 
Queen, the appraising of the site of the new stables outside the Castle, repairs to the lodgings 
of the royal children, the mending of a breach in the Castle wall, the making good of a 
chimney, payments for the renewal of sundry wall-paintings, the making of a cistern in 
the cloister and provision of a water supply for the great hall, repairs to the hall itself, the 
wainscoting of various chambers in the new T building, etc. etc. A few entries occur on the 
Pipe Roll for this year touching the usual payments to the chaplains, the delivery by 
Gilbert de Tegula, bailiff of Windsor, of £35 for the works in progress, of 5 marks for the 
renewal of wall-paintings and 40s. wherewith to buy colours, and of 13 marks to the 
constable for the repair of the cross ditch between the middle and lower baileys. James 
le Waunter also accounts for £11 from the farm of Windsor delivered by him to the clerks 
of the works. The total of these sums was £60. 

The few writs for the forty-first year (1256-7) also refer to repairs and minor charges 
only. Godfrey of Liston, warden of Windsor Forest, was to furnish the necessary timber 


New Works of the Thirteenth Century. 4 1 

for a trellis about the King’s cloister, and for certain new works in the Queen’s lodging 
in the upper bailey. The bailiffs of Windsor were ordered to make a garderobe for the 
Queen’s use, to buy ropes for the well in the great tower (in superiori turn), to have a great 
table or reredos put in the Queen’s hall, to tile a proper shed for the workmen of the Castle, 
to make good various defects in the towers, etc. and to cause a ditch or drain to be dug 
about the Queen’s lodging. Godfrey of Liston was further ordered to have the great 
stable repaired, and to pay the keeper of the Castle gate, John Pollard, 96 3^- marks, viz. 
20s., for the making of his bedroom, and 2 marks for making the chandlery ; also to 
repair the Queen’s old lodging in the upper bailey and to make therein a new garderobe 
for her use, the cost of which latter was to be charged against the issues of his bailiwick. 
One more writ directs the payment from the treasury of £ 200 to Arnald de Sancto Romano, 
keeper of the garden, “towards the expenses of our hospice and our works at Windsor.’’ 

The first of the writs for the forty-second year (1257-8) shows that Henry of Farleigh 
had now become custos of Windsor Forest, directions being given to him in that capacity 
to provide the clerks of the works with timber and leafless old oak trees to make a lime- 
kiln. 97 He was also ordered to pay over for the King’s works 19 marks and iod. 
(£12 14s. 2d.) owing by him, and various sums amounting to £33 4s. nd. due by him to 
the King from the manors of Cookham and Bray. 98 He was also directed to see to the 
carrying out of a number of important alterations in the Queen’s lodging (see post) 
according to the provision of John of Gloucester, the King’s mason. The making of the 
limekiln, of course, marks the starting of this work. 

The writs of the forty-third year (1258-9) begin with an order to the constable of 
Northampton castle to send to Windsor all the King’s lead from Derbyshire which he has 
in charge, and a like order was sent to the sheriff of Northants." The bailiffs of Windsor 
were directed to set up again a chimney of the King’s garderobe which had been blown 
down, and make good other defects ; they were also ordered to mend a breach in the Castle 
wall. On 8th March further instructions were given to Henry of Farleigh as to the altera- 
tions in the Queen’s lodgings, and on 30th June 100 £60 were ordered to be delivered to him 
from the treasury towards the said works ; he was also directed in August to find more 
leafless oaks for the limekiln. 101 Further sums, of 20 marks each, were ordered in September 
to be paid over by the bailiffs of Windsor and of the Seven Hundreds of Bray. 102 A long 
writ had previously been issued to the bailiffs of Windsor, ordering payment of sundry 
sums, amounting to £8 8s. 7d., to John Pollard for various repairs carried out by him. 

Henry of Farleigh died while the works entrusted to him were in progress, and an account 
of his executors for the cost of them, amounting to £424 14s. 4d. (see post), is entered on 
the Pipe Roll for the year under notice (1258-9). 

The forty-fourth year (1259-60) was one of many important repairs and alterations. 
To begin with, a writ, dated 30th October, orders payment to the clerks of the works by 
the custos of the Hundred of Wootton of £22 owing to the King out of £36 14s. 8d. annually 
due by him. 103 Another writ was issued on 6th November to Richard of Fremantel 
directing him out of the issues of his office (as custos of the manors of Cookham and Bray) 
to finish the works begun in the Castle by Henry of Farleigh, whom he had succeeded. 103 
A third writ, of 7th November, orders the treasury to pay over to John of Gloucester 
and the other clerks of the works, £110 to be distributed among the workmen for arrears 
of their pay. 103 In the following May, directions were given to Richard of “ Freitmantel ’ 
as to the unfinished alterations in the Queen’s lodging ; and in the same month orders 
were issued to the bailiffs of Windsor to plank, repair, and otherwise strengthen the great 
gate of the outer bailey and the gate at the foot of the great tower ; the custos of W indsor 
Forest also received instructions to furnish the necessary timber for the work. In June 
the sheriffs of London were directed to buy, by advice of Alexander the King’s carpenter, 
and deliver at Windsor a thousand boards for wainscoting certain of the King s houses 
in the Castle. 104 On 4th July directions were sent to Richard of Fremantel concerning 
the housing of the bishop of Laodicea, in certain chambers opposite the chapel (see post), 
and followed some weeks later by a further order on the same subject. On 13th July 
a writ was issued to the sheriff of the county of Southampton directing him to pay to the 
clerks of the works £20, and another writ was issued to the latter ordering them out of the 
same to effect certain specified repairs. 105 On 8th August Richard of Fremantel was 


42 


IV in dsor C as tie. 


instructed to cause to be renewed the painting of the King’s chapel and camera, and five 
days later Edward of Westminster received directions to find colours and other necessaries 
for master William, monk of Westminster, the King’s painter, to renew the same. 

Lastly the agisters of Windsor Forest and Park were ordered to pay over all the issues 
for the current year to the clerks of the works. 106 

A number of small accounts are also entered on the Pipe Roll for the forty-fourth year, 
The sheriff of the county of Southampton accounts for the £ 20 paid over by him, 107 and 
the citizens of London for boards and lead supplied according to the King’s writ. 108 
James le Waunter and Henry of Coleburn, bailiffs of Windsor, presented their account for 
the work done upon the bridges and elsewhere, and for the repairs carried out by John 
Pollard as per writ of the preceding year. Gilbert de Tegula also rendered an account of 
£ig for repairs done by him and of £34 paid over to the clerks of the works. Richard 
of Fremantel also rendered his account, showing that he had spent £170 is. 9d. in finishing 
the works begun in the Castle by Henry of Farleigh, and £5 16s. 3d. on the repair of the 
paintings in the King’s chapel and camera. 

The records of the work of the forty-fifth year (1260-1) are confined to writs upon the 
Close and Liberate Rolls. These contain orders to the sheriffs of London to buy boards 
and lead for the works in progress, and to the treasury to pay over 50 marks for the same 
works ; directions to Richard of Fremantel about the renewal of wall-paintings, certain 
decorations of the hall and chapel, operations on the Queen’s lodgings and elsewhere, the 
finding of 15 marks for mending the ditch round the great tower, the making of a portcullis 
at the Castle gate, and the payment of £22 for the works of “ the Queen’s houses.” 109 
Further funds were provided by the delivery of 20 marks by the sheriff of Beds and Bucks, 
of £25 from the farmer of the county of Northampton, and £43 from the treasury to Aymo 
Thurumbert, the constable. 110 The total of the sums mentioned above was £146 13s. 4d. 
An order also occurs in April to master Robert of Beverley, clerk of the works at West- 
minster, for a supply of Reigate stone for building the Queen’s chimney 111 ; and in August 
another order to Edward of Westminster and master Robert of Beverley, mason, directs 
the delivery of three hundred blocks of stone out of their stores for the works at Windsor. 112 

The writs directing the operations of the forty-sixth year (1261-2) are entered on the 
Liberate Roll only. They order Aymo Thurumbert to wainscot a new camera next the 
Queen’s and paint it green with gold stars, and to remove a camera within the Castle to 
the upper bailey to the site of the mill-house which was lately burnt. Orders were also 
issued to him with regard to sundry repairs in divers parts of the Castle. The sheriffs 
of London were ordered to forward a hundred of tin (unam centenam stagminis) for the 
King’s works, 113 and later in the year a thousand boards for wainscoting the Queen’s 
lodging, etc. The sheriff of Bucks was also directed to pay over 40s. “ for certain works,” 
and a month after to furnish 20 marks more. 114 

Before the close of the forty-seventh year letters patent were issued, on 4th August, 
1263, appointing Giles Argenteyn custos of the Castle and town of Windsor, and of the 
manors of Cookham, Bray, and Kenington, in place of Aymo Thurumbert. 115 He did not, 
however, hold office long, as Drago Barentyn was appointed to succeed him on 30th 
November. 116 

The only writs of the forty-eighth year (1263-4) are (1) a general order to the constable 
about repairs, and (2) an order to the sheriff of Gloucester to buy and send a thousand 
of iron ( unum miliare ferri) . for works. 117 On 2nd June of the same year John Fitzjohn 
was appointed custos in place of Drago Barentyn. 118 

For the forty-ninth year (1264-5) there are no writs. 

Early in the fiftieth year (1265-6) the constable was bidden to provide -in a fitting 
place a certain house in which Henry the maker of the King’s balistce could do his work. 119 
Later on a writ was issued to the receiver of London to supply six carrets of lead and to buy 
and send two hundred estrich boards for the King's works. 120 The same year Ebulo de 
Montibus became custos in the stead of John Fitzjohn. 121 

There do not seem to be any records of or writs concerning works during the fifty- 
first (1266-7) and fifty-second (1267-8) years, but in the latter Hugh Dyne was appointed 
to succeed Ebulo de Montibus as custos . 122 He died soon after taking office, and was 
succeeded in the fifty-third year (1268-9) by Nicholas of Yatinden. 123 To him and his 


New IN irks of the Thirteenth Century. 


43 


fellows the justices ad ftlacita letters close were issued on 8th July, 1269, directing 
payment to the constable of Windsor Castle for the works of the Castle of £40 from the 
fines, etc. levied during the late riots in Northamptonshire and elsewhere. 124 

The only writ of the fifty-fourth year (1269-70) is an order to the sheriff of Derbyshire 
to buy and send to Windsor twelve carrats ( carratas ) of lead for the works of the Castle, 
and a month later to send twelve mercatas of lead for the same. 125 

For the fifty-fifth (1270-1) and fifty-sixth (1271-2) years there are no notices of or 
writs as to works, but on 7th November, 1271, master Robert of Beverley “ our carpenter ” 
was appointed chief surveyor (; principalem visor em) of all the works of the Tower of 
London, Windsor Castle, the castles of Rochester and Hadleigh, etc. 126 

On 16th November, 1272, King Henry III died. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VI. 

1 1221, 28th April. “ Deliberucio. Rex E[ustacio] Thesaurario et F. et R. Camerariis salutem. Liberate de 
tliesauro nostro Engelardo de Cygoigni .xx. marcas ad murum castri nostri de Windlesore dirutum 
faciendum.” Close Roll, 5 Henry III. m. 12. 

2 1221, 15th May. “ Deliberucio. Rex, etc. Liberate de Thesauro nostro dilecto et fideli nostro Engelardo 
de Cygoyny .xx. marcas ad operacionem castri nostri de Windlesore.” Close Roll, 5 Henry III. m. 10. 

3 “ Et in reparacione Castri de Windlesores xiiij.li. et vii.s. et vj.d. per breve Regis quod est in forulo Marescalli.” 

4 1222-3, 31st January. “ De domibus reparandis. Rex Engelardo de Cygony salutem. Mandamus vobis 
quod ballium castri nostri Windlesore forinsecum et domos nostras ejusdem intrinsecas reparari faciatis 
et custum quod ad hoc posueritis per visum et testimonium legalium hominum vobis reddi faciemus.” 
[m. 20] 

1222-3, 3°th January. “ Deliberacio. Rex E. Thesaurario et F. et W. Camerariis salutem. Liberate dfe 
thesauro nostro Magistro Thome carpentario nostro ... in parte solucionis sexaginta et decern 
marcarum quas ei debemus pro aula nostra de Windlesore facienda xx marcas ad opus illud incipiendum. 
Liberate eciam Engelardo de Cygoiny .x. marcas. ad attractum faciendum ad aulam nostram de Windlesore 
faciendam.” [m. 20] 

1222-3, 30th January. “ Rex eisdem salutem. Liberate, etc. Engelardo de Cygony x. marcas ad attractum 
faciendum ad reedificandam aulam nostram Windlesore.” [m. 20] 

1222-3, 21st March. “ Rex, etc. Liberate de thesauro nostro Engelardo de Cygoyny xx. marcas ad repara- 
cionem aule nostre et domorum nostrarum Windlesores.” [m. 16] 

1223, 3rd May. “ Rex eisdem salutem. Liberate de thesauro nostro Engelardo de Cygoini xx. marcas ad 
operacionem domorum nostrarum Windlesore et Magistro Thome Carpentario et sociis suis .xx. marcas 
in parte solucionis sexaginta et x. marcarum quas habere debent pro operacione domorum predictarum.” 
[m. 12] 

1223, 15th May. “ Rex, etc. Liberate de thesauro nostro Engelardo dc Cygoini xx marcas ad operacionem 
domorum nostrarum de Windlesore.” [m. ix] 

1223, 13th June. “ Rex, etc. Liberate, etc. Engelardo de Cygony xx. marcas ad operacionem domorum 
nostrarum de Windlesore.” [m. 8] 

1223, 27th July. “ Rex, etc. Liberate, etc. Engelardo de Cygoiny xl. marcas ad operacionem aule nostre 
castri nostri de Windlesore.” [m. 6] 

1223, 15th September. “ Rex, etc. Liberate, etc. Engelardo de Cygoyny xl marcas ad operacionem aule 
castri nostri de Windlesore faciendam.” 

" Rex, etc. Liberate, etc. Thome Carpentario et sociis suis xv marcas in parte mercedis sue qua 
percipere debent pro aula castri de W. facienda.” [m. 2] Close Roll, 7 Henry III. 

1223, 17th August. “ Rex fratri Simoni de Templo London, salutem. Mandamus vobis quod de denariis nostris 
qui sunt in custodia vestra. habere faciatis dilecto et fideli nostro Engelardo de Cygoyni xxx. libras ad 
operacionem aule castri nostri de W.” Patent Roll, 7 Henry III. m. 2. 

6 1223, 31st October. “ Rex, etc. Liberate de thesauro nostro Engelardo de Cygoini centum solidos ad 
operaciones aule nostre de Windlesore faciendas.” [m. 18] 

1224, 26th May. “ Rex Vicecomitibus London, salutem. Mandamus vobis quod habere faciatis Magistro 

Thome Carpentario nostro centum de sapio ad hostia et fenestras aule nostre de Windleshore facienda, 
etc.” [m. /i] Close Roll, 8 Henry III. part i. 

6 1223-4, 24th February. “ Rex, etc. Liberate de thesauro nostro Ricardo de Wokindon .xx. libras ad domos 
que sunt in mota Castri nostri de Windlesore emendendas.” [m. 11] 

1224, 26th March. “ Rex, etc. Liberate de thesauro nostro Johanni le Draper et Willelmo Clerico de 
Windlesore custodibus operacionis domorum castri nostri de W. L. marcas ad eandem operacionem.” 
[m. 10] 

1224, 22nd May. “ Rex, etc. Liberate etiam Willelmo Clerico et Johanni le Draper custodibus operacionis 
domorum nostrarum Windlesore xl. marcas ad operacionem earundem domorum.” [m. 5] 

Close Roll, 8 Henry III. part i. 

1224, 22nd August. “ Rex E[ustachio] Thesaurario et camerariis suis salutem. Liberate etiam Willelmo 
de Broc clerico. C. marcas ad operaciones castri Windlesore.” [m. 6] 

1224, 18th October. “ Rex (ut supra). Liberate de thesauro nostro Johanni de Borden et Willelmo de Broc 
centum marcas ad operaciones castri nostri Windlesore faciendas.” [m. 2] 

Close Roll, 8 Henry III. part ii. 

1224, 6th July. “ Rex (ut supra). Liberate de thesauro nostro custodibus operacionum domorum nostrarum 
castri nostri de Windlesore C. marcas ad ipsas operaciones nostras faciendas.” [m. 11] Close Roll, 
8 Henry III. part iii. 


44 


Windsor Castle. 


7 1224, 13th November. “ Rex E[ustachiol Thesaurario et Camerariis salutem. Liberate de thesauro nostro 
Radulpho Tyrell Constabulario Windlesore centum marcas ad operacionem domorum nostrarum 
Windles. et Magistro Thome Carpentario et Nicholas socio suo .x. marcas in parte solucionis liberacionum 
suarurn.” [m. 18] 

1224- 5, 17th February. “ Rex (ut supra). Liberate de thesauro nostro . . . Willelmo de Estan .xl.li. 

ad operacionem turris nostre Windlesore.” [m. n] Close Roll, 9 Henry III. part i. 

1225, 29th April. “ Mandatum est Baronibus de Scaccario quod audiant compotum custodis operacionis facte 
in Castro Windlesore per preceptum domini Regis de denariis quos receperunt ad scaccarium ad eandem 
operacionem faciendam et compotum suum auditum irrotulari faciant.” [nr. 15] 

1225, 15th May. “ Rex (ut supra). Liberate de thesauro nostro . . . Willelmo militi de castro Windlesore 

xl.m. ad operacionem ejusdem castri.” [m. 13] 

1225, 6th June. “ Rex (ut supra). Liberate, etc. Willelmo de Stanes militi decern marcas ad operacionem 
domorum nostrarum castri nostri de Windlesore.” [m. 11] 

1225, 20th June. “ Rex (ut supra). Liberate, etc. Magistro Nicholao carpentario nostro Windlesore .xx. 

libras ad operaciones faciendas in castro Windlesore.” [m. 10] 

1225, 7th August. “ Rex (ut supra). Liberate . . . Radulpho Tyrell Constabulario castri nostri de 

W. xl. marcas ad operaciones ejusdem castri.” [m. 6] 

1225, 27th October. “ Rex, etc. Liberate Willelmo del Broc .C. marcas ad operaciones castri nostri de 

Windlesore.” [m. 1] Close Roll, 9 Henry III. part ii. 

8 1224, 24th June. “ Rex Constabulario Windlesore salutem. Precipimus tibi quod sub omni festinacione 

facias habere Magistro Thome Carpentario et sociis suis carpentariis quos secum ducet ad nos usque 
Bedeford equos ad ipsos cum utensilibus suis ibidem deferendos : ita quod ad nos de die et nocte quam cicius 
poterunt venire nec tardentur : et custum quod ad hoc posueris computabitur tibi ad scaccarium. T. 
apud Bedeford xxiiij. die Junij. anno regni nostri .viij.” Close Roll, 8 Henry III. m. 2. 

9 This roll is unluckily not forthcoming. 

10< ‘Compotus operacionis castri de Windlesof et domorum in castro. Radulphus Tirel constabularius de 
Windlesof. Willelmus de Stanes pro eo recepit compotum de CCCC. et xiij libris et dimidio marce quas recepit de 
thesauro Regis ad operaciones castri de Windlesor. a purificacione beate Marie anni octavi quando Hubertus de Burgo 
Justiciarius recepit castrum illud in custodem. usque ad diem Sabbati proximum ante festum sancti Dunstani anni 
noni. In thesauro nihil. Et in operacione ejusdem castri et domorum in castro per idem tempus CCCC et xiij.li. 
et dim. m. per breve Regis et per visum Ricardi et Roberti de Schaghes sicut continetur in Rotulo de particulis quod 
ipsi liberaverunt in thesauro. Et Quieti sunt.” Foreign Account Roll, Henry III. 

11 1225, 31st October. “ Rex, etc. Liberate . . . Ricardo Renger majori London .Ixvij. libras pro xxx 

carratis plumbi emptis et missis usque Windlesor ad turiim castri nostri Windlesouf cooperiendam.” 
[m. 29] 

1225- 6, 17th February. “ Rex, etc. liberate . . . Willelmo de Broc custodi operacionis nostre de 

Windles .x. marcas ad fossatum reparandum quod est in magno ballio castri nostri de Windles inter aulam 
nostram ejusdem ballii et turrim nostram ejusdem castri.” [nr. 21] 

1225-6, 26th February. “ Rex, etc. Liberate Magistro Jordano carpentario x. marcas deferendas usque 
Windles ad fossatum reparandum quod est in magno baillio nostro inter aulam nostram ejusdem baillii 
et turrim nostram ejusdem castri.” [m. 22] 

1225-6, 24th March. “ Rex, etc. Liberate . . . Willelmo de Broc uni de custodibus domorum nostrarum 

de Windles xl. libras ad acquitanda debita que debentur pro operacione.” [m. 20] 

1226, 30th May. “ Rex, etc. Liberate . . . Willelmo de Broc .xx. marcas ad reparacionem castri nostri 

Windlesor.” [m. 14] 

1226, 4th July. “ Rex, etc. Liberate . . . Randulfo Britoni xx. marcas ad operacionem castri nostri 

de Windles.” [m. 10] 

1226, 16th July. “ Mandatum est Willelmo de Castcllo quod nisi liberaverit Ranulfo Britoni clerico .xx. marcas 
quas dominus Rex per aliud preceptum quod inde fecit ei liberavit. ad operacionem castri Windlesor. 
tunc eas sine dilacione mittat usque Windlesor. liberandas Constabulario ejusdem castri ad eandem 
reparacionem.” [m. 9] 

1226, 7th August. “ Rex, etc. Liberate . . . Almarico de Parco socio dilecti et fidelis nostri Willelmi 

Mauduit .xx. marcas ad operacionem castri nostri de Windles.” [m. 8] 

1226, 2 1st August. “ Rex, etc. Liberate . . . Constabulario castri nostri de W .xx.m. ad operacionem 

ejusdem castri.” [m. 7] Close Roll, 10 Henry III. 

12 “ Et Amatrico [sic] de Parco ad operacionem Castri C et iiii.s. per breve Regis.” Pipe Roll, 10 Henry III. 

m. 15. 

13 1226, 28th October. “ Rex, etc. Liberate . . . Osberto Ruffo de Wvndles xx t; marcas ad operacionem 

Castri nostri de Wyndles.” Liberate Roll, 11 Henry III. m. 13. 

On the Close Roll for the tenth year [m. 13] and also on the Patent Roll [m. 4] Osbert Ruffus is 
described on entries dated during June as “ of Bristol.” 

14 Account of Ranulf Brito for Hubert of Burgh. 

“ Et Willelmo de Millers Constabulario de W. L. marcas ad. operac. Castri predicti. per breve Regis. 
Amauricus de Parco reddit compotum de C. et iiij.s. qui computati fuerunt ei in anno preterito in 
operacione castri de Windles. In thesauro nil. Et in operacione Castri de W. C et iiij.s. per breve 
Regis. Et quietus est.” Pipe Roll, 11 Henry III. m. 5. 

15 i227 — 8, 3rd January. “ De Cqquina facienda in castro de Windles. Mandatum est Constabulario Windles- 

quod de .x. marcis quas Vicecomes Surf ei liberavit juxta communem ipsius et ipsius Vicecomitis pro- 
visionem cui mandatum est quod ad hoc ad eum accedat sicut competentius et levius poterit fieri faciat 
in Castro predicto unam coquinam ad defectum quern de coquina dominus Rex ibidem habet interim 
supplendum donee dominus Rex meliorem coquinam ibidem fieri fecerit.” Close Roll, 12 Henry III. 
m. 14. 

16 ‘‘ Compotus operacionis castri de Windesof a festo exaltacionis sancte Crucis anno .xj'. usque ad assumpeionem 
sanctc marie, anno xiiij m0 - 

Willelmus de Milleriis [Magr. Unfr. fr. ejus pro eo written over] Constabularius Windesor. reddit compotum 
de . 1 . marcas quas recepit de firma de Cocham et Bray sicut continetur in compoto earundem villarum in Rotulo xj°. 
Et de .x.m. quas recepit de vicecomite de Surf, sicut cont. in compoto ejusdem vicecomitis in anno preterito. Et 
in CCCC et xxx.li. quas recepit de thesauro Regis per plura brevia Regis. In thesauro nichil. 

Et in operacione muri cum tribus turellis .CCCC et xxxij.li. et xiiij.s. et iiij.d. per breve Regis et per visum magistri 
tribuchetarij et Johannis filii Andree. 

Et in reparacione domorum in castro et aule Regis et magni turris .xxij.li. et .vj.s. et .ij.d. per idem breve et per 
visum eorundem. 

Et in operacione nove coquine in eodem castro .xix.li. et iij.s. et ob. per idem breve et per visum eorundem. 


45 


IV irks of the 'Thirteenth Century. 


Et in prosternacione tribuchetti et in ipso cooperiendo xxxvij.s. et .vj.d. et ob. per idem breve et per visum 
eorundem. 

Et in diversis operacionibus ejusdem castri .vij.li. et xviij.d. per idem breve et per visum eorundem. 

Et habet in superplusagio xiij.li. ijs. vij.d. qui allocati ei in Sudsex in Rotulo xxiij. 

R. habet in debito suo pro habenda seisina.” Pipe Roll, 13 Henry III. m. 1. 

17 1231, 18th July. “ De Carpentariis Regis. Mandatum est Constabulario Windles quod omnes carpentarios 

Regis qui sunt in Castro Windles venire faciat post Regem versus partes Salop, cum utensilibus suis. 
retento Magistro Nicholao Carpentario penes se ad operaciones Regis in predicto castro custodiendas.” 
Close Roll, 15 Henry III. m. 8. 

18 Close Roll, 8 Henry III. pt. ii. m. 4. 

19 Ibid. m. 1. 

20 Close Roll, 9 Henry III. pt. i. m. 18. 

21 Ibid. m.m. 12, 11. 

22 1233, nth May. “ De necessariis in Castro de Windlesore faciendis. Mandatum est Constabulario de Wyndesor 
quod domos Castri de Wyndesor reparari et unam novam Coquinam in eodem Castro fieri faciat et custum 
quod etc. per visum et testimonium legalium hominum, etc.” Libeiate Roll, 17 Henry III, m. 5. 

23 “ Et in magna Regis coquina in castro de Wind, perficienda et aliis domibus Regis ibidem reparandis xxj.li. 
xj.s. et ij.d. per breve Regis et per visum et testimonium Gilberti de Grangia et Roberti de la Schawe. 

Et Burnello carpentario Regis operanti in castro de Windesor. qui habuit in die ix.d. de liberacione sua de quater 
xx et xiiij die bus viz. a die Assencionis anno xviii 0 usque ad festum omnium sanctorum anno sequenti utroque die 
computato C et xv.s. et vj.d. per breve Regis.” Pipe Roll, 18 Henry III, m. 16. 

24 “ Et in uno bono rogo faciendo in Castro de Windesor ad operacionem ejusdem castri .xiv.li. et xviii.s. 

Et in uno camino de petra et calce faciendo in Warderoba Regis in castro de Windesor .vi.li. et vi.d. ob.” Pipe 
Roll, 20 Henry III, m. 1. 

25 1237, 27th May. “ De calce ad Cameram Regine. Mandatum est Engelardo de Cygoyny quod habere faciat 
fratri Johanni Custodi operis de camera Regine Regis ducenta quarteria de calce que est in Castro Regis 
de Windesor ad predictam cameram construendam.” Close Roll, 21 Henry III, m. 11. 

26 1239-40, 8th January. “ Contrabreve Regis de quodam rogo. Rex [Engelardo de Cygony] salutem. Mandamus 

vobis quod de roboribus foreste de W. ubi capi possunt ad minus nocumentum predicte foreste faciat 
quendam rogum usque ad summam mille quarteriorum calcis ad operaciones nostras in castro W. 
faciendas.” Liberate Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 22. 

27 “ Et Johanni filio Andree ballivo de W. ad quendam rogum ad mille summas calcis in eadem foresta ad 
operaciones Castri de W. faciendas .xx.li. per breve Regis.” Pipe Roll, 24 Henry III. 

28 1239-40, 3rd March. " Mandatum est Constabulario de W. quod Johanni [filio] Andree faciat habere xxix 

quercus in foresta de W. ad quendam Rogum faciendum ad opera Regis facienda et clausturam et palos 
ad Gardinum de W. claudendum ei habere faciat.” Close Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 15. 

29 1239-40, 6th March. “ quod Gardinum nostrum de W. viva liaga et palo claudi facias et portam ejusdenf 

Gardini fieri novam.” Liberate Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 16. 

30 1240, 28th April. “ Mandatum est Constabulario W. quod capi faciat in foresta de W. ubi capi poterit ad 

minus nocumentum ejusdem foreste ad faciendum unum rogum ad operaciones in castro de W.” Close 
Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 13. 

31 1239-40, 4th January. “ Contrabreve Regis de Cameris et quadam capella faciendis apnd W. Rex Waltero 

de Burgo salutem. Precipimus tibi quod in Castio de Windles fieri facias quandam cameram ad opus 
nostrum juxta murum ejusdem castri de longitudine sexaginta pedum et de latitudine xxviij pedum et 
aliam cameram ad opus Regine nostre de longitudine xl. pedum que contigua sit camere nostre et sub 
eodem culmo in longum ejusdem muri et quandam capellam de longitudine Ixx pedum et de 
latitudine xxviij pedum in longum ejusdem muri. Ita quod spacium quoddam competens relinquatur 
inter predictas cameras et ipsam capellam ad pratellum quoddam faciendum.” Liberate Roll, 
24 Henry III, m. 22. 

32 1240, 13th May. “ Mandatum est Johanni de Venniz quod faciat habere custodi operacionum in Castro W. 
1 . quercus in baillia sua ad predictas operaciones faciendas.” Close Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 12. 

33 1240, 22nd August. “ Mandatum est Custodi foreste de Penber. quod in eadem foresta faciat habere Magistro 

Simoni carpentario .lx. quercus ad operaciones faciendas in Castro de W. 

Eodem modo scribitur Johanni de Venniz de . 1 . quercubus in foresta de Axiholt. liberandis eidem 
Magistro Simoni. 

Eodem modo scribitur Engelardo de Cygoyny de quater xx quercubus in la Rugge liberandis eidem 
Magistro Simoni et similiter de busca habenda in foresta de W. ad quendam Rogum faciendum et 
quandam fagum ad faciendas mensas in coquina Regis.” Liberate Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 6. 

34 Liberate Roll, 24 Henry III, mm. 6 and 4. 

35 1240, 13th November. “ De plumbo emendo. Mandatum est W. de Haverhull quod emi faciat iiij. carratis 

plumbi et eas liberari faciat custodibus operacionum de W. ad easdem operaciones et cum Rex scierit 
pretium earum breve de liberate faciet habere.” Close Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 19. On the Pipe Roll for 
the same year [m. 13d] is this entry : “ Et in iiij carratis plumbi emptis et liberatis custodibus opera- 
cionum de W. ad easdem operaciones ix.li. xij.s.” See also the Liberate Roll, m. 23. 

1241, 4th October. “ Rex Constabulario et Custodibus operationum Turris London, salutem. Precipimus 
vobis quod de plumbo nostro quod est in custodia vestra liberetis Magistro Symoni de Windlesor xv. 
carratas plumbi ad operationes nostras de W.” Liberate Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 3. 

36 1241, 10th June. “ De pluribus in Castro de Windlesore. Rexdilecto et fideli suo Engelardo de Cygony salutem. 

Mandamus vobis quod sicut provisum est per dilectum avunculum nostrum Petrum de Sabaudia de 
consilio Hugonis Giffard et etiam vestro nullus equus remaneat infra muros Castri nostri Windles ad 
minus donee menses Augusti et Septembris proximi transierint. nec moleste feratis quod interim equi 
vestri amoveantur. Adherentes etiam eorundem consilio et vestro volumus et fieri precipimus quod 
fuerimus omnimodo contenti infra predictum Castrum quam cicius tempus extiterit pluviosum extrahatis 
volumus et quod sicut providistis inter vos coquina vestra amoveatur et in loco proviso reedificetur.” 
Close Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 8. 

37 1240-1, 17th January. “ De denariis ad operaciones de W. Mandatum est Engelardo de Cygony quod . 1 . 

marcas quas Johannes filius Andree Regi debet de termino Purificacionis Beate Marie anno regni nostri 
xxv de fine quern cum Rege fecit, faciat habere Custodibus operacionum de W. ad atractum faciendum 
de petra et calce ad castrum de Windles claudendum.” [m. 15] 

1241, 16th July. “ De operacionibus de Windlesore. Mandatum est Engelardo de Atye quod faciat habere 
Edwardo le Verrer xx. m. de fine Johannis Andree ad operaciones Regis de W.” [m. 6] 


4 6 


Windsor Castle. 


1241, 19th September. “ Mandatum est .Constabulario de W. quod distringat Johannem filium Andree et 
plegios suos ad .xxx. marcas Regis sine dilacione reddendas que arret e sunt de .1. marcis quas Rex reddidisse 
debuit ad festum sancti Johannis Baptiste anno etc. xxv. et securitate ab eodem Johanne recipiat do 
residuis .1. marcarum quas Rex debet reddenb. ad festum sancti Michaelis anno eodem. Et de eisdem 
xxx marcis habere faciat Thome pictori de Certes qui facit ymagines Regis ad capellam de W. x. marcas 
et residuos denarios liberari faciat custodibus operacionum de W. ad easdem operaciones.” [m. 3] 

1241, 5th October. “ Rex concessit pleg Johanni Andree quod de .1. marcis quas idem Johannes debuit solvisse 
Regi ad terminum Sancti Michaelis proximo preterito anno etc. xxv 0 solvat Regi singulis septimanis 
.x. marcas ad operaciones Regis faciendas apud Windles donee ille .1. marce fuerit persolute. Et mandatum 
est Constabulario de W. quod singulis diebus Sabbati predictas .x. marcas recipiat sicut predictum est.” 
[m. 2] Close Roll, 25 Henry III. 

38 1240, 13th November. “ Rex Thesaurario et Camerariis suis salutem. Liberate custodibus operacionum 

nostrarum de W. C. Libras ad easdem operaciones.” [m. 23] 

1240-1, 18th January. “ Rex [ut supra]. Liberate de thesauro nostro custodibus operacionum nostrarum 
de W. C. marcas ad easdem operaciones.” [m. 17] 

1 240-1, 13th March. “ Rex custodibus episcopatus Winton. salutem. Precipimus vobis quod faciatis habere 
de exitibus ejusdem episcopatus custodibus operacionum de Windles .L. marcas ad easdem operaciones.” 

[m- 15] 

1241, 28th March. “ Rex custodibus episcopatus Winton. salutem. Precipimus vobis quod de exitibus 
ejusdem episcopatus faciatis habere . . . custodibus operacionum nostrarum de W. C. marcas ad 

easdem operaciones” [m. 14] ; also entries of 15th May [m. n], 21st August [m. 6], and 4th October 
[m. 3]. Liberate Roll, 25 Henry III, part ii. 

39 1243, 8th October. " Rex Thesaurario etc. salutem. Liberate . . . Magistro Simoni Carpentario nostro 

.CC. marcas deferendas usque W. et liberandas ibidem custodibus operacionum Castri nostri de W. ad 
operacionum capelle nostre et aliarum operacionum ejusdem Castri.” Vascon Roll, 27 Henry III, m. 4. 

40 1242-3, 3rd March. " Rex Thesaurario et Camerariis suis salutem. Liberate de thesauro nostro Stephano 

de Sabaudia militi dilecti et fidelis nostri Bernardi de Sabaudia Constabularii nostri de W. viginti marcas 
ad operaciones capelle nostre et Capelle Regine nostre in Castro nostro de W. et quadraginta marcas 
deferendas ibidem et liberandas custodibus operacionum nostrarum ad predictas operaciones faciendas.” 
[m. 8] 

1243, 2 1st April. “ Liberacio pro depicturis domini Regis in Castro de Windlesore, etc. Rex Thesaurario et 
Camerariis suis salutem. Liberate de Thesauro nostro dilectis et fidelibus nostris B. de Sabaudia Con- 
stabulario nostro de W. et Hugoni Giffard xx u marcas ad depicturas capelle nostre et Regine nostre in 
eodem castro et ad alias operaciones nostras predictarum capellarum faciendas.” [m. 7] 

1243, 20th June. “ Rex [ut supra]. Liberate . . . x marcas deferendas usque Windles et liberandas 

ibidem B. de Sabaudia Constabulario nostro et predicto Hugoni Giffard ad picturam Capelle Regine 
nostre perficiendam.” [m. 4] Liberate Roll, 27 Henry III. 

41 1243, 1st May. “ Mandatum est Ebor Archiepiscopo Karl. Episcopo et W. de Cant, quod . . . fieri 

faciant in eodem castro operaciones quas viderint necessarias ad defensionem ejusdem castri usque ad 
summam .CC.li. vel CCCC. marcarum et pecuniam illam de mutuo perquirant si necesse habuerint.” 
Close Roll, 27 Henry III, m. 8. 

42 1243, 12th December. “ Rex custodibus episcopatus London, salutem. Mandamus vobis quod de exitibus 

episcopatus Lond. faciatis habere magistro Simoni carpentario nostro et aliis custodibus ope rum nostrorum 
de Windles .x. marcas ad lambruscandas cameras nostras de Windles.” [m. 17] 

1243-4, 12th January. “ Mandatum est custodibus episcopatus London, quod de vendicione bladi et aliis 
exitibus ejusdem episcopatus habere faciant Hugoni Giffard, magistro Willelmo le Brun et magistro 
Simoni carpentario .CC. libras ad attractum faciendum ad operaciones castri de Windlesor.” [m. 16] 
Liberate Roll, 28th Henry III. 

43 “ Hugoni Giffard et aliis custodibus operacionum de W. ad easdem operaciones CC. m. per breve Regis. 

Et eisdem custodibus C.li. per breve Regis. . . . 

Et magistro Simoni carpentario ad operaciones de Wind. CCC.l.li. per breve Regis de DCC.m.” 

Pipe Roll, 28 Henry III, m. 13. 

44 1244-5, z 4th February. “ Rex Baronibus de Scaccario salutem. Allocate Vicecomiti nostri Devonie in 

amerciamentis ultimi itineris Justiciarum nostrorum in Comitatu suo CCC. libras quas libera vit per pre- 
ceptum nostrum custodibus operacionum nostrarum de W. ad easdem operaciones faciendas.” Liberate 
Roll, 29 Henry III, m. ix. 

45 1244, 23rd July. “ Rex omnibus etc. salutem. Sciatis quod tenemur reddere Bernardo de Sabaudia omnes 

denarios quos mutuo accepit ad operaciones nostras de Windes si oporteat ipsum denarios aliquos ad 
easdem operaciones mutuare preter exitibus ballive sue quos ad easdem operaciones capiet per preceptum 
nostrum.” Patent Roll, 28 Henry III, m. 3. 

46 Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 23. 

47 1245, xoth December. “ Mandatum est Magistro S. de Winton. custodi episcopatus Cestrie quod cum illis 

.C. marcis quas liberari Rex precepit custodibus operacionum de W. unde habet breve de allocacione eis 
ad hue liberet denarios ad perficiend. usque ad summam .C. librarum et Rex illos ei faciet allocaciones 
et omnes denarios quos habere poterit de exitibus ejusdem episcopatus ultra predictas .C. libras secum 
differat ad Regem in adventu suo contra Natalem.” Close Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 23. 

48 Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 22. 

49 1245—6, 22nd February. “ Mandatum est B. de Sabaudia quod sub festinacione faciat habere custodibus 
operacionum de Windlesor .CC. marcas ad easdem operaciones de exitibus terrarum que fuerunt Comitisse 
Angi et episcopatus Cestrie et de aliis terris que assignate sunt ad opus Edwardi filii Regis, et si forte 
denarios illos promptos non habuerit, illos accommodet super firmam instantis festi annunciationis beate 
Marie. Ita quod pro defectu denariorum operaciones predicte non remaneat infracte.” Liberate Roll, 
30 Henry III, m. 17. 

On the Pipe Roll 30 Henry III. Bernard of Savoy and Simon Passelewe reckon to have contributed 
from the revenues of the vacant bishopric of Chichester two sums of £223 and half a mark and £200 for the 
works in Windsor Castle, and ^441 18s. for works in Windsor and Windsor Park, between 9th February, 
1243-4 and 2 1st July, 1246. 

60 Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III, mm. 8, 6, 6, 5, 3. 

51 “ ad cooperiendam capellam Regis ibidem.” Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 23. 

52 1245-6, 17th March. “ Mandatum est Constabulario Castri de W. quod fieri faciat Karnellas Turris ejusdom 

castri. et j. caminum in camera ultra [portam ?] ejusdem Turris. et j. bancum in muro castri juxta 
pratellam propc cameram Regis de franca petra. Emi et faciat ij grossas et bonas cordas et ij os bukettes 


47 


Works of the Thirteenth Century. 


ad puteum predicte Turris. et retineat in predicto castro unum attiliatorem balistar et quarellos. Garde- 
robam etiam Regis et Regine lambruscari faciat.” Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 16. 

53 1246, 1st April. “ Mandatum est Constabulario Castri de Windes quod emi faciat ij° paria vestimentorum 

simul et omamenta suf&ciencia ad duo altaria de precio mediocri et ij calices argenteas uterque de precio 
.xx.s. ad celebranda divina in capella infra parcum Regis W. et in capella Regine apud W.” Liberate 
Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 14. 

1246, 23rd April. “ Mandatum est Constabulario Castri de Windes quod emi faciat .ij tabulas decenter pictas 
ponendas in capella Regine apiid W. .j. in fronte altaris et alteram desuper altare. et Imagines crucifixi. 
Marie et Johannis ad idem altare. reparari eciam faciat domos Gardinarum Regis et haiam gardini ubi 
reparacione indiget et unum pulcrum virgultum in eodem Gardino fieri faciat.” Ibid. m. 12. 

54 1246, 21st July. “ Mandatum est Henrico de Farleg quod in foresta de Axiholt faciat habere custodibus 

operacionum Regis Windles xxx. Quercus ad operaciones capelle Regis et ad alias opcraciones in eodem 
castro faciendas.” Close Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 7. 

55 Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 3. 

56 “ Compotus ejusdem Bemardi de Sabaudia de terris Willelmi de Ceo a festo sancti Blasii anno xxviij 0 sicut 
continetur in orig. ejusdem anni usque ad claus. pasche anno xxxj 0 . 

Et pro mille lupis et MM de Roches ad instaurandum vivarium de Windsor. Et in duobus paribus vestimentorum. 
et sufiicientibus ornamentis ad duo altaria duobus calicibus argenteis ad deserviend . in capella deWindes et capella Regine 
et in duabus tabulis decenter depictis emptis et positis in capella Regine ibidem et Imaginibus crucifixi marie Johannis 
ad eandem capellam et domibus Gardinarum et haya Gardini reparandis et uno virgulto ibidem faciendo et Kernellas 
turris ejusdem castri et uno chamino in camera ultra portam ejusdem turris .j. banco in muro ejusdem Castri de franca 
petra facto et duobus bonis et grossis cordis et duobus bukettis ad puteum dicte turris emptis. Et in Garderoba Regis 
et Regine lambruscand. ibidem et .j.li. et vij.s. per iiij brevia Regis. Et custodibus operacionum Castri de 
Wind, ad easdem operaciones CCC.li. per breve Regis. Et eisdem custodibus ad eandem operacionem .lj.li. . . . 

Et custodibus operacionum Regis de Windes C.lj. per breve Regis. Et in una nova turella propinquiori magne turris 
in Castro de Wind, facienda .lxxiij.li. xiiij.s. et ij.d. per breve Regis. . . . Et in predicta turri Kernellanda et 

plumbo cooperiendo xv.li. vj.s. et iij.d. ob. per breve Regis et visum et testimonium Gilberti de Grangia et Roberti 
de Sawe.” Pipe Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 9. 

57 “ Robertus de Schage et Gilbertus de Grangia visores operacionum ad quendam rogum factum in Castro 
Windlesor. Ass. pro xviij.li. xix.s. et iij. d. ob. positis in eodem rogo faciendo.” Memoranda Roll (L.T.R.), 1243-4. 
m. 6. 

58 Liberate Roll, 31 Henry III, mm. 15, 12. 

59 Ibid. mm. 6, 4. 

60 Close Roll, 31 Henry III, m. 6. 

61 Liberate Roll, 32 Henry III, mm. 14, 6 (ter), 2. 

63 Ibid. 33 Henry III, mm. 10, 4, 1. ' s 

63 Ibid. m. 1 (bis). 

64 Close Roll, 33 Henry III, m. 3. 

65 Liberate Roll, 34 Henry III, m. 11 (bis). 

66 Close Roll, 34 Henry III, m. 13. 

67 Liberate Roll, 34 Henry III, m. 9. 

68 Close Roll, 34 Henry III, m. 7. 

69 Ibid. mm. 5, 4 (bis). 

70 Liberate Roll, 35 Henry III, m. 14. 

71 1250-1, 26th January. “ Mandatum est Godefrido de Lyston. quod quoquomodo perquirat xl a marcas 

ad pacaciones Regis faciendas pro operacionibus Regis apud Windes. et eas liberet S. Capellano et aliis 
custodibus operacionum ibidem. Ita quod pro defectu hujus opera Regis non deficiant.” Close Roll, 
35 Henry III, m. 20. 

72 Liberate Roll, 35 Henry III, mm. 14, 13, 10, 9 (bis), 4. 

73 Ibid. mm. 13, 13, 12, 10. 

74 Close Roll, 35 Henry III, mm. 12, 7, 6. 

75 Liberate Roll, 35 Henry III, mm. 14, 3. 

76 1251-2, 15th February. “ Mandatum est G. de Lyston. quod in foresta Regis de Windles faciat habere 
custodibus operacionum castri Regis de Windles buscam vento prostratam ad quendam rogum facien- 
dum ad operaciones predictas.” Close Roll, 36 Henry III, m. 24. 

77 Close Roll, 36 Henry III, m. 17, and Liberate Roll, m. 10. 

78 Liberate Roll, 36 Henry III, mm. 12, n, 7, 5. 

79 Ibid. m. 3. 

80 Ibid. m. 7. 

81 Liberate Roll, 37 Henry III, mm. 11 (bis), 5. 

82 1253, 29th May. “ Rex ad operaciones suas de Windles faciendas assignavit omnes exitus et proventus 
percepturos de honore de Tykehull qui est in custodia Stephani de Fenger usque ad Natalem Domini 
proximum laturum.” Close Roll, 37 Henry III, m. 9. 

A writ to Stephen de Fenger to hand over all the issues of the Honour of Tickhill “ donee Rex aliud 
inde ei preceperit ” was issued on the preceding 4th November [Ibid. m. 26], and an order to him to provide 
£ 200 is entered on the Liberate Roll [m. 9]. 

83 Liberate Roll, 37 Henry III, mm. 11, 9. 

84 Ibid. m. 9. 

85 Close Roll, 37 Henry III, m. 19. 

86 Ibid. mm. 19, 17. 

87 “ De operariis in Castro de Windes. amovendis. Quia multo plures sunt operarii in Castro de Windes quam 
necesse esset de quorum operibus propter brevitate dierum temporis instantis parvum comodum rex reportat Rex 
vult quod major pars eorum ammoveatur una cum pictoribus qui sunt in eodem Castro quos ad tempus ab opera- 
cionibus suis Rex vult cessare, cum non possint competenter propter humiditatem temporis hiemalis operari. Et 
mandatum est Constabulario de Windes quod majorem partem operariorum predictorum secundum quod viderint 
expedire una cum pictoribus illis a castro predicto removent donee Rex aliud inde preceperit. Teste Rege apud 
Merleberg .xij. die Novembris. per Regem.” Close Roll, 37 Henry III. 


4 8 


IV indsor Castle , 


88 “ Et pro tribus millibus bordi Norwag. et . 1 . bordis magnis ad tabulas factas et eisdem bordis cariantibus usque 

W. . . . xix.li. iiij.s. vj.d. 

Et pro duobus millibus bordi. et j. mille latarum emptis et cariantibus usque W. ad operaciones Regis ibidem 
. xij.li. vij.s. 

Et in plumbo empto et cariagio usque W. ad operaciones Regis . . . xv.li. xij.s. x.d.” Pipe Roll, 37 

Henry III, m. 4. 

89 Ibid. m. 4. 

90 Close Roll, 38 Henry III, mm. 9, 4. 

91 1254, 30th July. “ Rex ballivo suo de W. salutem. Precipimus tibi quod cooperturam utriusque coquine 

nostre in castro nostro de W. emendari et coquinam familie in pariete et ligatura et cooperturam magne 
aule nostre et veteris camere similiter emendari et fumum cum domo supra eundem fumum ubi necesse 
fuerit reparari et cordas ad puteum et ad campanas emi facias.” Liberate Roll, 38 Henry III. m. 2. 

92 Close Roll, 39 Henry III, m. 22, and Liberate Roll, m. 14. 

93 Close Roll, m. 13, and Liberate Roll, mm. 12, 11. 

94 “ Pro ij ob us miliaribus bordi emptis et eisdem cariantibus a London usque W. ad quasdam lambruscuras 
inde faciendas xj.li. iij.s.” Pipe Roll, 39 Henry III, m. 13. 

95 Liberate Roll, 39 Henry III, mm. 11 and 4. 

96 He was so appointed by letters patent dated 26th May, 37 Heniy III (1253). 

97 1257-8, 20th January. “ Mandatum est Henrico de Farlegh custodi foreste de W. quod in eadem foresta faciat 

habere custodibus operacionum Regis Wind, meremium quantum necessarie fuerit ad operaciones predictas 
et quod de veteribus roboribus folia non portantibus in eadem foresta faciat habere custodibus predictis 
buscam ad quendam rogum faciendum ad operaciones predictas.” Close Roll, 42 Henry III, m. 11. 

98 Ibid. m. 11. 

99 Close Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 15, and Liberate Roll, m. 8. 

100 Liberate Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 4. 

101 1259, 17th August. “ De roboribus ad unum rogum ad operaciones de Windes. Mandatum est Henrico de 

Farlegh quod in foresta Regis de Wind, faciat habere custodibus operacionum Regis de Wind, octo robora 
folia non ferencia ad unum rogum ad predictas operaciones Regis inde faciendum.” Close Roll, 43 Henry III, 
m. 5. 

102 Liberate Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 2. 

103 Ibid. 44 Henry III, m. 11. 

104 “ ad quasdam domos nostras in eadem castro inde lambruscandas.” Liberate Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 7. 

105 Ibid. m. 5. 

106 Close Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 1. 

107 “ Et Ricardo de Frietmauntel et aliis custodibus operacionum Regis apud Windlesof ad easdem operaciones 
faciendas .xx.li. per breve Regis.” Pipe Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 3. 

108 “ Et pro dimidio milliarum bordorum et cariagio eorundem usque W. ad operaciones Regis ibidem .Ixxvj.s. 
vij.d. ob. per breve Regis. 

Et pro dimidio milliarum bordorum estrensium et dimidio C. bordorum de sapio et iij bus carratis plumbi emptis 
ad opus Regis et cariagio eorundem per aquam usque W. ad operaciones Regis inde ibidem faciendas .xj.li. xv.s. per 
breve Regis.” Ibid. m. 3. 

The writ in connexion with this second entry is entered on the Liberate Roll for the forty-fifth year [m. 18]. 

109 Liberate Roll, 45 Henry III, mm. 18 (bis], 15 (bis), 14 (bis), 12 (ter). 

110 Ibid. mm. 5, 4, 2. 

111 1261, 27th April. “ Mandatum est Magistro [Roberto] de Beverlaco custodi operacionum Westmonasterii 

quod de quarreria de Reygate sine dilacione faciat habere custodibus operacionum castri Regis de Windes 
duo centum libere petre ad quoddam caminum Regine Regis ibidem inde faciendum. Et hoc non 
omittat Ita quod operacio illius Camini pro defectu dicte petre non retardabatur.” Close Roll, 
45 Henry III, m. 12. 

112 1261, 27th August. “ Mandatum est Edwardo de Westmonasterio et Magistro Roberto de Beverlaco 

Cementario suo quod de lapidibus qui sunt in custodia sua apud Westmonasterium sine dilacione faciat 
habere custodibus operacionum Regis de Windes CCC lapides ad easdem operaciones inde faciendas.” 
Ibid. m. 5. 

113 Liberate Roll, 46 Henry III, m. 13. 

114 Ibid. mm. 11, 5. 

115 Patent Roll, 47 Henry III, m. 5. 

116 Ibid. 48 Henry III, m. 20. 

117 Liberate Roll, 48 Henry III, mm. 6, 5. 

118 Patent Roll, 48 Henry III, m. 9. 

119 1265, 20th December. “ Rex Constabulario castri sui Wyndes salutem. Mandatum vobis quod de quodam 

loco congruo in castro predicto provideri et ibi de exitibus ballive tue quandam domum in qua Henricus 
atilliator balistarum nostrarum ofhcium suum exercere posset prout melius expedire videritis construi 
faciatis.” Liberate Roll, 50 Henry III, m. 12. 

120 Close Roll, 50 Henry III, m. 5. 

121 Patent Roll, 50 Henry III, m. 32. 

122 Ibid. 52 Henry III, m. 20. 

123 Ibid. 53 Henry III, m. 22. 

124 Close Roll, 53 Henry III, m. 5. 

125 Liberate Roll, 54 Henry III, mm. 9, 8. 

126 Patent Roll, 56 Henry III, m. 30. 



Hope s Windsor Castle. 


Plate VIII. 



Windsor Castle. North Front of the Lower Ward, showing Canons Houses. 



Windsor Castle. West Front of the Lower Ward, showing the wall 
with its three towers built 1 227 - 30 . 




IV )rks in the Lower Bailey. 


49 


CHAPTER VII. 

THE CASTLE DURING THE REIGN OF KING HENRY III, 1216—1272 .—Continued. 

From the somewhat tedious recapitulation of the work done in and about the Castle 
year by year during King Henry’s long reign, the next step is the grouping under separate 
heads of the numerous writs and accounts that have been passed under review, in such 
a way as to illustrate as far as possible the plan and arrangements of the Castle in the 
thirteenth century. 

To do this, it will be convenient to take the various records in order : first, with 
regard to the lower bailey and its defences, and the buildings that stood within it ; next, 
those relating to the great tower and its surroundings ; and thirdly, those that concern 
the upper bailey and its defences and buildings. 

The Outer or Lower Bailey. 

The outer, 1 lower, 2 or great bailey 3 is first mentioned temp. King Henry III in 1222-3, 
when it was ordered to be repaired, 4 probably on account of damages sustained in the 
great siege of 1216. At this time its defences must still have consisted to some extent of 
chalk banks crested with wooden palisades and towers, since the replacement of these by 
walls of masonry, though apparently begun in the twelfth century, was certainly in part 
a work of the reign under notice. 

The outer bailey contained, near its south-west corner, the principal or great outer 
gate 5 of the Castle. This was evidently a strong work in masonry of earlier date, since 
there are few references to it throughout the reign. A new wooden door was made for 
it in 1233-4, 6 about which time the gate was evidently undergoing alteration, for in 1238 
a turret of it que gistata non est was ordered to be joisted, two stories to be made in it, and 
the upper part to be covered with lead. 7 In the same year (1238) the battlements and 
alures of the “ lower gate of the bailey ” were directed to be repaired. 8 The barbican 
without it is mentioned in 1233-4, when the “ turret beside the barbican ” was leaded at 
a cost of £4 18s. 2d. 9 A certain privy chamber was also made ad turellam juxta barbecanum 
in 1234-5. 10 The barbican is again mentioned in 1248-9, when certain residues were to 
be spent on the finishing {in confeccionem ) of it, 11 and in 1250 100 marks were sent to pay 
the King’s workmen engaged upon it. 12 In 1256-7 payment of 3| marks was ordered to 
be made to John Pollard, the janitor of the Castle, namely “ 20s. for the making of a 
chamber within the Castle in which the said John lies,” and of 2 marks more “for making 
a certain chandlery in the same place.” 13 Since the porter’s lodge usually was in the gate- 
house, the works in question may have formed some part of it. In 1260-1 a certain 
portcullis {portam coliceam) was ordered to be made above {ultra) the Castle gate. 14 

The great bridge {pons magnus ) outside the great gate was repaired with another 
bridge in 1234-5, 15 and ordered again to be mended in 1237. 16 In 1260 the custos of 
Windsor Forest was directed to furnish to the clerks of the works as much timber as was 
needed for its repair, and for barriers for it and the other bridges, and the bailiffs of 
Windsor were bidden to cause it to be planked and mended where necessary, and to be 
furnished with two good and strong staples with a great iron chain across it. 17 The 
cost of this work, which included the fixing of a like chain across another of the bridges, 
is entered on the Pipe Roll as £4 6s. 2d. 18 

The earliest direct reference in this reign to the general defences of the outer bailey 
is in a compotus of works done between 14th September, 1227, and 15th August, 1230, 19 


5 ° 


Windsor Castle. 


when the constable, William de Milleriis, accounts for £432 14s. 2d. spent " on the work 
of the wall with three towers by view of the master trebucheter and John FitzAndrew.” 
So large a sum clearly points to some important work, and it seems to be generally admitted 
that it included the wall which still crosses the lower or western end of the lower bailey 
and the three towers that stand on its line. ( See Figs. 3, 4, 5.) 

There are, however, grounds for assuming, as has been pointed out, that other large 
sums spent on “ the works of the castle ” in 1223-6 were also applied to the defences, and 
that they represent the substitution of stone walls and towers for such of the old wooden 
palisades as had hitherto and still enclosed the bailey. The unusual thickness, nearly 
13 feet, of the south wall of the bailey suggests its being part of the works of King 
Henry II, in continuation of the walling in by him of the upper bailey, but the large tower 
on the south-east, and the remains of the half-round tower further west, between it and the 
great gate, are clearly the work of King Henry III, and probably of the date under 
notice. The towers and much of the wall along the north side of the bailey are 
apparently also the work of King Henry II ; the building of the wall and towers along 
the western side in 1227-30 by King Henry III would therefore complete the replace- 
ment of the old wooden defences of the Castle by stone walls and towers throughout. 

In 1239 " the wall of the Castle between the gate and the first tower east of it ” was 
ordered to be made good and mended. 20 

Some further work upon the wall is indicated by a direction on the Close Roll of 
1240-1 “ for the making of concrete of stone and chalk for enclosing the Castle of Windsor/' 21 
but there is nothing to show to which part of the Castle the order applies. 

The references to the defences on the north side, so far as they can be identified, are 
confined to an instruction in 1263 to the constable “ to cause the wall behind our kitchens 
on the north part to be embattled.” 22 These kitchens, as will be seen below, were against 
the north wall of the bailey a little east of the Clewer tower, and the direction to embattle 
the wall shows that it was already built. 

One of the towers of the lower bailey is referred to in a writ on the Liberate Roll for 
1255-6 ordering the making good of " a certain chimney in a turret towards the town 
in the chamber where Guy of Lusignan lies,” etc. 23 

It is evident from an examination of the existing west wall and its three turrets that 
they were built in the ditch which then skirted the older defences on that side. It is also 
clear that a new ditch has been made without the wall in place of the former. 

In 1239 2 i marks which were owing for the work of the Castle ditch were ordered to 
be repaid, 24 and in 1240-1 the engineer was enjoined to set the labourers to work in the 
Castle ditch. 25 

The making of the ditch seems to have encroached upon some private property or 
public rights, since in 1242 £7 5s. was ordered to be paid to “ our honest men of Windsor 
in recompense of the damage which they sustained owing to the pulling down of their 
houses per fossatum castri quod fieri fecimus, on account of the ditch which we have caused 
to be made.” 26 

In the following year (1243) the archbishop of York, the bishop of Carlisle, and W. 
de Cant, were ordered to cause "the ditches about the castle to be enlarged as far as 
the houses of the town outside or their ruin allow.” 27 

In 1246 payment was ordered to be made from the treasury " to Godfrey Germeyn 
30s., to Osbert the merchant 30s., and to Guinuld Brun 16s. 8d. for damages sustained by 
them through the ditch made below the wall of our castle of Windsor,” 28 and in 1250-1 
the large sum of £33 18s. iod. was to be paid “ to our poor men of Windsor whose lands 
and houses we have caused to be occupied on the occasion of strengthening our castle.” 29 

The dates of these several entries, following closely as they do upon recorded works 
upon the wall and towers of the lower bailey, suggest that the ditch in question was that 
which still exists about it. 

It is somewhat uncertain what buildings were standing in the lower bailey at the 
beginning of King Henry the Third’s reign, but there are reasons for believing that on the 
north side stood the great hall with its kitchen, larder, etc. and, adjoining the hall, the 
almonry, and a great chamber or lodging for the King, to which was also attached a chapel. 


Hope’s Windsor Castle. Plate IX. 



Windsor Castle. The Clewer Tower of 1227-30, before its refacing 
and disfigurement in 1 863, showing the added Belfry Story. 

From Melhuish’s Album of Photographs. 












The Great Hall in the Lower Bailey. 


5 1 


There must also have been lodgings for the chaplains and other officials, probably on the 
south and west sides of the bailey. The garrison, such as it was, no doubt still lodged, 
after its repair, in the great hall. 

The hall is the first of the Castle buildings mentioned in connexion with the King’s 




FIG. 3. VAULTED BASEMENT OF THE 
LOOKING EAST. 


CLEWER TOWER, 


reign, and no fewer than seven! 
entries relating to it occur on the) 

Close Roll for the seventh year 
(1222-3). i 

The first of these directs the 
payment to master Thomas the 
carpenter and his two fellows of 
3 marks in part-payment of their 
liveries ; and the second the 
delivery to master Thomas, in 
part-payment of 70 marks 
(£46 13s. 4d.) “ which we owe 
him for making our hall of 
Windsor,” of 20 marks “ to begin 
that work . ’ ’ Engelard of Cy gonv 
is also to receive 10 marks “ for 
making concrete ( attractum ) for 
building our hall,” but a repeti- 
tion of this writ the same day 
states that the concrete is “ for 
the rebuilding of our hall.” 

Engelard is also to have 20 
marks for the repair of " our hall 
and our houses,” and another 20 
marks for “ the work of our 
houses,” and master Thomas the 
carpenter and his mates are to 
have another 20 of the 70 marks 
due to them “ for the work of 
the aforesaid houses.” Further 
writs order the payment to 
Engelard of Cygony of 20 marks 
more for the houses and two 
sums each of 40 marks for the 
work of the hall, and to Thomas 
the carpenter and his fellows 
another instalment of 15 marks 
of the sum due to them “for 
making the hall of our Castle.” 30 

The carpenters were thus to 
receive 55 marks, or £36 13s. 4d., 
and Engelard of Cygony 180 
marks, or £120, of which at 
least £90 was for the hall alone. 

An entry on the Patent Roll for 

the same year (1222-3) orders £30 to be paid to Engelard 
work of the hall of our Castle of Windsor,” 31 apparently 
above sums. 

In 1223 one writ directs the payment of 100s. to Engelard for doing the works of the 
hall, and another the delivery to master Thomas “ our carpenter ” of a hundred of fir 
for making the doors and windows of the hall. 32 

The hall again underwent repair in 1227-30, but the cost is included in works to other 
buildings. 33 


FIG. 4. VAULTED 


BASEMENT OF THE CLEWER TOWER, 
LOOKING WEST. 


of Cygony 
in addition 


for the 
to the 


5 2 


Windsor Castle. 


In 1233-4 a further outlay, which also can not be separated from other items, was 
incurred inter alia 

(i) in repairing the windows of the great hall and of the great chamber ( camera ) 

of the same hall, and 

(ii) for certain glass windows for the halves of the windows of the same hall on 

either side of the King’s dais of the aforesaid hall. 34 

An account of works done by Walter of Burgh between 13th May, 1236, and 29th 
September, 1238, specifies, the covering of the King’s great hall where necessary, and the 
making and setting up of a certain stone lion upon a gable in the same hall. 35 

In 1250 Godfrey of Liston was ordered to have made “in the hall of the Castle of 
Windsor, at the middle of the table, a royal seat on which he was to have painted the image 
of a king holding a sceptre in his hand, so that that seat be decently adorned with gold 
painting.” 36 The cost of making this seat and painting the King’s image on it is 
given in Godfrey’s account on the Pipe Roll for 1252-3 as £11 9s. 6d. 37 In 1260 
Richard of Fremantel was ordered to have made in the hall on either side of the 
King’s seat “ glass windows with the images which we have enjoined to be there 

made,” 38 and in 1261-2 Aymo 
Thurumbert was bidden to cause 
“ four staples with iron chains to 
be fixed before the door of our 
hall.” 39 

One other entry is of interest, 
an order in the Liberate Roll for 
1255-6 for the conduct of a proper 
water supply to the hall from a 
well in the upper bailey beside the 
great tower, or if that will not 
suffice, from the well in the great 
tower itself, and the making of a 
certain lavatory ( lavacrum ) at the 
head of the hall on the east part. 40 
Another writ upon the same roll 
directs that the hall roof be 
mended and other defects in the 
rest of the buildings. 41 

Excavations carried out in 
1895 between the present chapel 
and the north wall of the Castle 
brought to light the massive 
foundations of the great hall to which the above entries no doubt relate. 42 

It stood north and south, and had a total length of (apparently) Ji\ feet, with an 
internal width of 41 1 feet. The foundations were 4% feet thick on the east, and 5! feet 
on the south and west, solidly constructed of chalk blocks, and without buttresses. Two 
remaining portions of the lowest ashlar course, with a slight chamfered plinth, of the wall 
above, enable the work to be assigned to the latter part of the twelfth century. Such 
a hall would no doubt be divided into a nave and aisles, like the contemporary King’s 
hall at Oakham in Rutland (which also has not any buttresses), 43 by pillars and arches, 
but of these no traces were found ; they may, of course, have been of wood. 

Since the cost of the works recorded in 1222-4 1S quite inadequate for the building 
of a new hall of such dimensions as the foundations indicate, it is evident that King 
Henry III merely repaired and perhaps new roofed the Norman hall, probably to make 
good damages received from the engines of war in the siege of 1216. This is borne out 
by the fact that the charge in 1233-4 for providing glazed casements for the halves of the 
windows refers only to those flanking the King’s dais, which were probably large new 
windows of a like character to those of the same date in the great hall of Winchester 
castle ; that is, of two tall lights with a transom, glazed above, and shuttered below. 
The filling of these with painted images in 1260 suggests that the casements put in in 




The Great Kitchen in the Tower Bailey. 


53 


3:233-4 contained uncoloured glass only. The nave and aisles were probably under one 
roof, like the Leicester, Oakham, and Winchester halls, and the great hall of King William 
Rufus at Westminster. 

Shortly after the close of the repairs to the great hall, the reconstruction of the kitchen 
that served it was taken in hand. 

In January, 1227-8, a writ was issued to the constable of Windsor that out of 10 marks 
which the sheriff of Surrey had delivered to him, beyond his commons and the provision 
of the sheriff himself, he was to cause to be made in the Castle of Windsor a kitchen to 
supply the defect of the kitchen which the lord King has meanwhile in the same place 
until the lord King cause a better to be built. 44 The Pipe Roll of 1228-9 45 shows that 
£19 3s. ojd. had been spent “on the work of the new kitchen ” between September, 1227, 
and August, 1230, when all operations in the Castle were suspended for some time. In 
1233, when works were resumed, the constable was ordered, among other necessary things 
to be done in the Castle, to have “ a new kitchen ” made 46 ; and in the Pipe Roll for 1233-4 
Hugh of Passelewe accounts for £21 11s. 2d. spent “on finishing the King’s great kitchen 
in the Castle of Windsor and repairing other of the King’s houses therein.’’ 47 Hugh of 
Passelewe also accounts in the same roll for “making a certain close, with a strong paling 
and with a good gate from the entry of the said hall, which encloses in its circuit the two 
[kitchens ?] 48 of the King near the said hall.’’ 49 

In 1236 the custos of Windsor Forest was ordered to let Simon the King’s carpenter 
have two twisted posts and other material for the mending of a kitchen at Windsor, and 
timber for making a gutter for another kitchen there, 50 and in 1240 master Simon was to 
have a certain beech tree for making tables in the King’s kitchen. 51 In December, 1240, 
the clerks of the works were ordered to cause to be made without delay a certain pentise 
(apenticium) between the King's hall and the kitchen within the bailey, 52 and in the 
following January the constable was instructed to let master Simon the carpenter have" 
the necessary timber “for making a certain alley from our kitchen of Windsor as far as our 
hall,’’ etc. 53 no doubt the same work. The clerks of the works were further enjoined, 
in May, 1241, to have made “ in the lower part of the castle below ( subtus ) the hall 54 a 
certain stable and a certain pentise for laying the tablecloths in.” 55 

In November, 1252, the constable was ordered to cause a well, 6 feet in circum- 
ference, to be sunk in the great bailey of the Castle “ so that a channel can come 
thence through a gutter to the kitchen, and he is to commit that well to workmen to 
make at taskwork.” 56 

In 1252-3 the keeper of Windsor Forest was ordered to furnish so much timber as was 
needed “for repairing the great kitchen of the bailey,” 57 and the following year the bailiff 
of Windsor was instructed to have mended “ the roofing of both the King’s kitchens, the 
kitchen of the household in wall and binding, and the roofing of the great hall and of the 
old camera .” 58 These seem all to have been contiguous buildings. The repairs in question, 
and a few other minor repairs, are entered in the account of Gilbert de Tegula on the Pipe 
Roll for 1259-60 as having cost £ig . 59 In 1258-9 a writ was issued to the bailiffs of 
Windsor directing repayment to John Pollard of 37s. 9d. which he had spent “in making- 
nine thousand tiles for repairing a certain hearth in our kitchen,” 60 and they account for 
this and other items on the Pipe Roll for the following year. 

In 1261-2 a writ was issued to Aymo Thurumbert directing him to repair 
“our kitchens, in the Castle of Windsor, the paling about the same kitchens, and 
the stone wall outside the same kitchens,” 61 and in 1263-4 the constable was 
instructed “ that the wall behind our kitchens of the Castle aforesaid on the north 
part be embattled and the earthen wall ( murum terreum ) on the south part of the 
same kitchens ” be repaired. 62 

From these entries it seems that the kitchen included both the building of 1228 and 
that of 1233, and so was quite properly described as “ the kitchens.” They stood within 
a yard or close, bounded on the north by the Castle wall, and on the south by an earthen 
bank, and were connected with the hall by a covered alley or passage. The palisade 
apparently replaced the hedge round the kitchens mentioned in 1184-5. 

For reasons to be given below, the kitchen close can be located on the west side of the 
great hall. 


54 


Windsor Castle. 


Attached to the great hall, probably at its northern 
end, against the Castle wall, was a camera or lodging for 
the King’s use on such occasions as he dined in hall, 
together with a chapel. 

These two buildings are first mentioned in an account 
of Hugh of Passelewe on the Pipe Roll for 1233-4, °f 
works done between 20th October, 1233, and the vigil 
of the Ascension Day following [30th May, 1234]. It 
begins with an expenditure of 18s. nd. “ on the chapel 
which is joined to the King’s camera in the greater bailey 
in the Castle of Windsor.” Further on are charges “for 
repairing the windows of the great hall of the Castle 
and the windows of the camera of the same hall . . . 

and for repairing the glass windows of the aforesaid 
camera and of the chapel beside the aforesaid hall.” 63 
The cost of these items can not be separated from 
others which are included with them. 

In 1235-6 the Pipe Roll accounts for a payment 
“to a certain chaplain ministering in the chapel of the 
King’s hall within the outer bailey of the King's Castle 

of Windsor,” 64 



FIG. 6. THIRTEENTH CENTURY DOOR- 
WAY IN A TOWER IN THE CANONS’ 
CLOISTER. 



FIG. 7. CAPITAL AND BASE OF PIER OF THIR- 
TEENTH CENTURY WALL ARCADE IN THE 
CLOISTER IN THE LOWER BAILEY. 


and in 1236-7 2\ marks were ordered to be paid 
“for a certain vestment, with towels, to be 
placed in the chapel of our hall of Windsor,” 
and 21s. 7d. “ for a certain silver-gilt chalice 
to be placed in the same chapel.” 65 

After 1240, for reasons mentioned below, 
the chapel is not again referred to, and the 
lodging adjoining the hall is called the camera 
vetus, as in the Pipe Roll for 1259-60. 66 

Appended to the hall chamber was a garde- 
robe ; and the Pipe Roll for 1237-8 accounts for 
its repair in that year. 67 

In the immediate vicinity of the hall was 
also the almonry (elemosinaria) . It seems at 
one time to have been on the west or kitchen 
side, for an entry in the Pipe Roll for 1184-5 
accounts for 42s. iod. spent .“ on the work of 
the almonry and the hedges about the 
kitchens.” 68 It is not mentioned again until 
1236-7, when Engelard of Cygony was ordered 
to let brother John, the King’s almoner, have 
seven oaks in the King’s forest of Windsor for 
fashioning into timber for the repair of the 
King’s almonry. 69 

On the Liberate Roll for 1 241-2 is a writ 
directed to the clerks of the works ordering 
them " to cause the chamber of our almonry 
which lately fell, together with the wall of 
the Castle, to be repaired and to cause the 
other houses of the same almonry that need 
repair to be mended.” 70 Since the repair 
consequent upon the fall was also to extend 
to the Castle wall, there seems to be little 
doubt that the almonry buildings had been 
rebuilt against it, probably between the 
C-lewer tower and the tower south of it. A 



Hope’s Windsor Castle. 


Plate X. 



Windsor Castle. Part of the Wall- Arcade and North Doorway of the 
Chapel of King Henry III. in the Lower Ward ordered 

to be built in 1240 . 




55 


The Royal Lodging in the Lower Bailey. 

further reference to the almonry in 1259-60 will be dealt with in connexion with the 
provision of lodgings for the bishop of Laodicea. 

On 4th January, 1239-40, the King issued a writ to Walter of Burgh to have made 
in the Castle of Windsor “ a certain lodging ( camera ) for our use near ( juxta ) the wall of the 
same Castle, 60 feet long and 28 feet wide, and another lodging for the use of our Queen, 

40 feet long, which is to be joined to our lodging and be under the same roof along {in longnm) 
the same wall, and a certain chapel, 70 feet long and 28 feet wide, along the same wall. 

So that a certain sufficient space be left between the aforesaid lodgings and the chapel 
itself to make a certain grassplat.” 71 

The constable of the Castle, Engelard of Cygony, was also ordered to make of oaks 
in Windsor Forest, where they could be taken with the least hurt, a limekiln for burning 
a thousand quarters of lime, 72 and to hand over £20 to John FitzAndrew, bailiff of Windsor, 
for the making of the limekiln 73 ; and later on to let him have twenty-nine oaks in the 
forest for making the limekiln for the King’s works and for the enclosure and paling of the 
King's garden. 74 

The sites of these new buildings can be fixed with tolerable certainty by the remains 
of the buildings themselves which still exist embedded in later works. 

As regards the chapel, there cannot be any doubt, for not only do its appointed 
dimensions agree closely with those of the building now known as the Albert Memorial 
Chapel, which occupies its site, but the north wall of this, below the windows, is actually 
a work of King Henry III, apparently of the date in question (Fig. 7). The new chapel, 
moreover, as will be shown presently, had towards the west a broad ante-chapel or galilee, 
and the front or west outer wall of the chapel, which it traversed, remains to-day, with 
its original doors, incorporated in the eastern wall of the later chapel of St. George. 

In line with the west wall of the old chapel another early wall also extends northwards v 
for nearly 70 feet along the western side of the present cloister, and there abuts against 
a considerable length of wall, also of the time of King Henry III, which forms the north 
side of the cloister. This wall, there cannot be any doubt, represents the south side of the 
contiguous King’s and Queen’s lodgings ordered to be built in 1239-40, and the existing 
cloister, the grassplat which was to be interposed between them and the new chapel. 
The site of the royal lodgings is now covered by the canons’ lodgings of King Edward 
the Third’s time. 

It will be seen that the buildings in question did not occupy exactly the position 
directed in the King’s writ, since they do not extend in longum muri castri, if that wall 
were the north wall of the Castle. The point is not an important one, and the direction 
may equally mean “ lengthwise with or parallel to the wall.” On the east the new 
buildings abutted upon the cross ditch at the head of the bailey. 

The documentary history of the chapel and royal lodgings is not easy to follow, for 
not only is much of it obscured under the general head of “ works,” but other building 
operations were going on at the same time in connexion with the King’s and Queen’s 
chapels in the upper bailey, and it is often hard to say to which the various directions 
refer. 

The entries that specially relate to the royal lodging in the lower bailey are pro- 
vokingly few, and suggest that it was largely of carpentry, at any rate above the ground 
story. 

In 1240-1, abort a year after the issue of the writ to Walter of Burgh, Edward 
FitzOdo was ordered to let the clerks of the works at Windsor have “ two hundred oak 
boards to make planks for the new camera of Windsor, which boards were bought in the 
cog and now lie in the new garden,” apparently at Westminster. 75 A few months later 
the bailiffs of Bray were directed to let master Simon the carpenter take timber in the 
forest of Windsor for “building the camera of Windsor.” 76 No further writ appears until 
October, 1249, when the sum of 100s. was ordered to be repaid to Godfrey of Liston “which 
he delivered by our precept to our master carpenter for making the flooring of our 
camera .” 11 

It is possible that an intermediate writ, dated 15th June, 1243, ordering delivery of 
six good oaks to master Simon the King’s carpenter for making shingles, 78 may have had 
to do with the new works. A writ was also issued on 19th April, 1244, directing the 


5 6 


W incisor Castle. 


sheriffs of London to bu}^ and send to Windsor 5 carrats of lead for the works, 79 and 
another on 17th June bidding the sheriff of Lincoln to buy at St. Botolph’s fair 50 carrats 
of lead to be carted to Windsor for the King’s works, 80 but there is nothing to show whether 
the lead was specially for the new lodging, though that is likely. 

In 1256, among other directions, Godfrey of Liston was enjoined to cause “the entry 
of our great camera above {ultra) the door of our great garderobe in the lower bailey to be 
wainscoted.” In 1259 th e sum °f 39 s - 8d. was ordered to be repaid to John Pollard, “which 
he put by our precept in repairing the chimney of our great chamber of our Castle of 
Windsor,” 81 and in 1261-2 Aymo Thurumbert was directed inter alia “to cause the two 
outer chambers of our great camera to be leaded.” 82 

The “ great garderobe ” in connexion with the new “ great camera ” mentioned in 
1255-6 was, of course, built with it, and was so far finished by March, 1245-6, that the 
constable was then bidden to cause it to be wainscoted. 83 In January, 1258-9, the bailiffs 
of Windsor were ordered to cause “ the chimney of our garderobe which lately fell with 
the wind and the rest of the defects of the houses of the castle to be made good.” 84 In 
June of the same year 39s. were ordered to be paid to John Pollard, “which he put by our 
precept in amoving two doors of our great garderobe, and in lengthening the same garde- 
robe.” 85 It was placed beneath the entry of the great camera, and perhaps occupied the 
tower on the Castle wall, in which the doorway shown in Fig. 6 remains. 

The documentary history of the new chapel is a little fuller and more interesting than 
that of the royal lodgings. 

The first writ concerning it, after that of 4th January, 1239-40, directing it to be built, 
is dated 20th August, 1243, and runs as follows : 

The archbishop of York is enjoined to cause work to go on both in winter and in summer till the King’s 
chapel of Windsor be finished, and to have a high wooden roof made in the same after the manner of the roof 
of the new work of Lichfield , 86 so that the stone work may be seen, with good wainscoting and painting, and to 
cause that chapel to be covered with lead, and four gilt images to be fashioned in the same chapel and to be 
set in the places which the King had beforehand arranged for them to be put, and a stone turret at the front of 
the same chapel in which may be hung three or four bells . 87 

Certain images had been ordered some time before, since a writ of 19th September, 1241, 
refers to a payment of 10 marks to “ Thomas the painter of Chertsey who is making the 
King’s images for the chapel of Windsor.” 88 

An order for the payment of 200 marks “ towards the work of our chapel and other 
works of the Castle ” occurs on the Vascon Roll for 1242-3, and the several writs on the 
Close Roll for the same year, already noted, directing payment of large sums for works at 
Windsor, must, of course, include those on the new chapel. 

The shell of the new chapel was apparently finished in 1245, for an order was given 
in December of that year to the sheriffs of London to buy and send to Windsor 8 carratas 
of lead “ to cover the King's chapel there.” 89 The charge for the lead and its carriage 
was £21 13s. 8d. 90 In July, 1246, Henry of Farleigh was ordered to let the clerks of the 
works have in the forest of Axholt thirty oaks “ for the works of the King’s chapel,” 
perhaps for its furnishing. 91 

On 24th March, 1247-8, an order was given to Peter of Geneva to pay “ brother William 
the painter, monk of Westminster, 10 marks to buy colours for painting our chapel of 
Windsor ” 92 ; and in the following May, Godfrey of Liston was directed “to let the clerks 
of the works have of alder trees and hurdles as there may be need for making thence 
scaffolding for the paintings which the King charged master William the painter to do 
in the King’s chapel of Windsor.” 93 Godfrey was further directed in June, 1248, to pay 
“ to master William our painter 100 shillings for painting our chapel of Windsor as we 
charged him, and to have scaffolding made for the work of the same painting.” 94 In 
August the clerks of the works, J. Silvester and master Simon the carpenter, were instructed 
to pay master William his wages weekly until the King’s coming to Windsor. 95 In the 
following October the barons of the exchequer were bidden to reimburse Godfrey of 
Liston 2 marks “ which he had delivered by our command to master William the painter 
for painting our chapel of Windsor,” and 40s. which he had given the said William to buy 
colours ; also 18s. which he had given to John, the painter’s mate, for his wages. 96 

The new chapel was now ready for service, and on 2nd November, 1248, Godfrey of 
Liston was ordered “to find four chaplains to celebrate in our new chapel of Windsor, 


57 


The New Chapel in the Tower Bailey. 

and from the issues of your bailiwick to let each of them have 50s. for his stipend until 
the feast of St. Michael next ” ; 97 and on the 19th December Godfrey was further directed 
to find £200 “ for finishing the works of our chapel.” 98 In May, 1249, Edward FitzOdo 
of Westminster was ordered to buy “two anthem books with a hymnary, a capitular, and 
a collectar, two grails with a tropar, a massbook, psalters, and a porthos of Sarum use, 
and deliver them to the constable of our Castle of Windsor to hand over to our chaplains 
serving our new chapel of Windsor for performing the divine offices by them. So that 
the same chaplains answer to the same constable for that library.” 99 Edward FitzOdo 
was further instructed, on 14th February, 1249-50, to find for the King’s chapel “ an 
albe and an amice with embroidered apparels, a chasuble of samite, and a decent chalice 
silver and gilt.” 100 More books and ornaments were also ordered in May, 1251, 101 October, 
1251, 102 and October, 1252, 103 and in May, 1256, Godfrey of Liston was directed to cause 
to be made “ under the altar of our great chapel of the our same Castle an almery for putting 
in the vestments of the same chapel.” 104 

In February, 1249-50, a writ was issued to Edward (FitzOdo) of Westminster “ that 
he cause to be made by master John de Seynt’, of the metal which remained from the 
great bell of Westminster, four bells to be put in the chapel of the Castle of Windsor, 
namely, two like those which are in the King’s chapel of St. Stephen, Westminster, and 
another two according as the subprior of Westminster shall tell him for the King.” 105 

Another writ issued this same year (1250) is of interest, both as regards the features 
of the chapel, and its position with regard to other buildings in the bailey. It directs 
Godfrey of Liston to cause to be made “from the door of our hall of Windsor as far as the 
galilee of the new chapel a certain stone wall 10 feet high with a certain door, not too wide, 
opposite the warderobe. Also to cause to be made a certain wooden barrier about 
the outer part of the same galilee, so that horses can not approach the same 
galilee.” 106 

The only other entries of interest relating to the chapel are (i) certain directions in 
August and December, 1260, for the repair of the painting of the chapel and of the King’s 
lodging by master William, the King’s painter, 107 which the Pipe Roll for 1259-60 shows 
to have cost £5 16s. 3d. 108 ; also (ii) an instruction to Richard of Fremantel to cause to 
be made “ on either side of the high altar of our chapel of Windsor an enterclose of board 
with proper doors, which he was to have painted as the King had enjoined ” 109 ; and 
(iii) a further instruction to the same Richard to buy a coffer for putting away the 
vestments of the said chapel. 110 

The writ of 1239-40 directing the building of the royal lodgings and chapel also 
directs that between them “ there be left a certain sufficient space for making a certain 
grassplat.” 

The grassplat ( pratellum ) appears quite naturally in later writs as the cloister 
( claustrum ), no doubt on account of its having been enclosed, either wholly or in part, by 
covered alleys that served as passages between the King’s and Queen’s lodgings and the 
new chapel. There is a reference to the claustrum regis in 1242-3, when it was ordered 
to be wainscoted (lambruscari) . But the new cloister can hardly have been sufficiently 
advanced for this, and the entry clearly refers (see post) to another claustrum in connexion 
with the royal lodging in the upper bailey. The grassplat {pratellum) , moreover, was 
still so-called in March, 1245-6, when the constable was bidden to have made “ a bench 
of freestone in the Castle wall beside the grassplat near the King’s chamber.” 111 The 
next entry is not until the more likely date of 27th April, 1248, when Godfrey of Liston 
was ordered to let the clerks of the King’s works at Windsor have timber from Windsor 
Forest “to finish the King’s cloister, according to a tally made between himself and them 
of the number of oaks.” 112 Also in the following October the sheriffs of London were 
requested to buy and send to Windsor six carrats of lead “towards covering the cloister 
of our chapel there.” 113 The finishing of the cloister is indicated by a writ of 20th August, 
1251, ordering Simon the chaplain and the other clerks of the works to “ cause the King’s 
cloister in the Castle to be paved and wainscoted, and to be painted with the Apostles 
according as the King directed him and master William his painter there.” 114 

The identity and position of the cloister are satisfactorily confirmed by the order on 
the Liberate Roll of 1255-6, already referred to, for bringing a supply of water to the 


IV indsor Castle. 


great hall, which directs the water to be conducted from the well beside the great tower 
of the castle “ as far as our cloister in the lower court, and thence to the door of our hall.” 
It is also evident from this that one of the settling tanks or conduit heads stood somewhere 
in the cloister itself, and the making of it was ordered a week previous to the entry just 
mentioned. 115 

The only other entry relating to the cloister is one dated 28th February, 1256-7, 
directing Godfrey of Liston to let the clerks of the works have from Windsor Forest “ as 
much timber as may be necessary for making a certain trellis ( treylicium ) about the King’s 
cloister ” 116 ; perhaps to make it more close against the cold winds of winter ; but the 
entry may refer to the King’s cloister in the upper bailey. 

The only other buildings of note in the lower bailey seem to have been the chaplains’ 
lodgings. 

In the earlier accounts of the reign of King Henry III only one chaplain is mentioned, 
who received yearly the sum of 30s. 5d., or a penny a day ; and in the Pipe Roll for 1235-6 
he is described as “ ministering in the chapel of the King’s hall within the outer bailey of 
the King’s Castle of Windsor.” 117 In 1239-40 and following years the chaplain’s pay is 
given as 50s. On the Pipe Roll for 1243-4 two chaplains are mentioned : one in the outer 
bailey, who received the usual 50s. ; the other “ ministering in the chapel of the tower 
of the Castle,” and as he had 25s. only, or half a year’s pay, he seems to have been a new 
appointment. 118 In 1246-7 payments were made to four chaplains, (i) in the outer bailey, 
(ii) in the chapel of the tower, (iii) in the King’s chapel in Windsor Park, and (iv) in the 
Queen’s chapel 119 ; and in the following year the three chaplains within the Castle are 
for the first time mentioned by name, as Simon, John, and Laurence. 

In November, 1248, as already noted, Godfrey of Liston was ordered to find four 
chaplains to celebrate in the new chapel, and in the following year their names are given 
as William of Stawell, Hugh of Hatford, Ralph of St. Albans, and Laurence of 
London, all of whom are described as ministering in magna cap>ella nostra ; the last 
named is probably the Laurence mentioned in 1247-8. As Simon the chaplain is 
also mentioned he must have been the priest of the Queen’s chapel, or of the chapel in 
the tower. 

In 1250-1 all six chaplains are again mentioned by name, and the usual 50s. was also 
paid to a seventh for celebrating for the soul of Hugh le Brun. 120 An eighth chaplain was 
added at Michaelmas, 1251. 

The first entry relating to the chaplains’ lodgings coincides with the appointment of 
the first four chaplains, and is a writ on the Liberate Roll for 1246-7, dated 23rd August 
(1247), directing the sheriff of Surrey to have certain timber at Guildford conveyed to 
Windsor, “ and that in the same place he cause to be raised of the same timber a certain 
house for the use of the King’s chaplains and that he cause it to be covered with shingles.” 121 
The building was therefore a half-timbered house. 

The increase of the number of chaplains in 1248 seems to have eventually necessitated 
more accommodation for them, and on nth August, 1251, Simon the chaplain, as clerk 
of the works, was instructed “ that in the King’s Castle of Windsor he cause the lodging 
of the chaplains to be lengthened, and that he make for the same lodging a certain chamber 
( cameram ) and a little kitchen and in the front part to be enclosed with a wall.” 122 

The position of the chaplains’ lodging is approximately fixed against the bailey wall, 
south of the new chapel, by a curious writ upon the Liberate Roll for 1259-60, dated 
4th July (1260), directed to Richard of Fremantel, which runs : 

Because we will that the venerable father A[ustin], bishop of Laodicea, do inhabit the houses opposite 
our chapel of Windsor in which our domestic chaplains and our clerks of our chapel have been accustomed to 
lie : we order you to cause those houses to be repaired with what necessary repair they need, and on the soil 
of those houses you have made a certain chimney de plastro franco, and between those houses and the chapel 
aforesaid a certain gate ( portam ) with a wicket . 123 

A writ was also issued on 13th July to the sheriff of Southampton directing him to pay 
without delay from the issues of his county, to Richard of Fremantel and the other clerks 
of the works at Windsor, £ 20 ‘ ‘ towards certain of our works which we have directed them 
to do therewith in the same place.” 124 

No directions seem to have been given or provision made as to the accommodation 
of the chaplains and clerks who were to be displaced, and perhaps on account of the 




Windsor Castle, i. South alley of the Cloister with wall-arcade 
temp. King Henry III. 2. So/dh-cast corner of the Cloister. 





59 


Other JV irks in the Lower Bailey. 

difficulty of housing them elsewhere another writ was issued to Richard of Fremantel on 
6th October in these terms : 

We order you that in our Castle of Windsor, between our almonry and the tower in which John Maunsell 
has been wont to lie, you cause to be made for the use of the bishop of Laodicea a certain pentise lodging 
( earner am apftenticiam ) of the length of 50 feet, and a chimney of plaster for the same lodging and a certain 
garderobe of the length of 15 feet. 126 

For the carrying out, apparently, of these works the sheriffs of London were ordered on 
4th November to buy “ half a thousand of estrich board and half a hundred of fir boards 
and three carrats of lead ” 126 ; and on 12th November a writ was directed to the 
treasury to pay Richard of Fremantel and the other clerks of works 50 marks for the 
works aforesaid. 127 

The new chamber was evidently completed soon after, for a writ on the Liberate 
Roll orders inter alia “the chamber of the bishop of Windsor [sic] made in the same place 
to be whitewashed.” 128 

As the almonry apparently stood against the bailey wall between the Clewer tower 
and the next tower south of it (see ante), the latter was probably that known later, from 
1295 onwards, as the Almonry tower. The tower in which John Maunsell was wont to lie 
was afterwards called the Maunsell tower, and was seemingly the corner tower west of the 
great gate. 

Austin, bishop of Laodicea, for whom the foregoing preparations were made, was 
originally a friar minor of Nottingham, but having been driven from his see he returned 
to England, and was granted a yearly pension by King Henry III, who also received him 
at Windsor. He was a familiar of Pope Innocent IV, and brother to the provincial of 
the Franciscans. 

Besides the buildings already mentioned there are references to others that probably 
stood in the bailey, but without giving any clue as to their sites. 

On the Pipe Roll for 1233-4 1S a charge of £3 ns. gd. “for repairing the gaol of the - 
same Castle and covering it with lead, and for repairing a wall of the Castle garderobe 
and making the gutters above.” 129 

In June, 1259, among other sums for which the bailiffs of Windsor were to reimburse 
John Pollard, were “20s. which he spent by our command in making a certain workshop 
and a certain plumbery in the same Castle,” 130 and the item is duly allowed on the Pipe 
Roll for the following year. 

The Inner or Upper Bailey. 

The upper or eastern end of the lower bailey was crossed by a ditch that completely 
cut it off from the works eastwards. 

This ditch is described in 1225-6, when 10 marks were ordered to be spent upon its 
repair, as the ditch ( fossatum ) “ which is in our great bailey between our hall of the same 
bailey and our tower of the same Castle.” 131 The hall and the tower were a considerable 
distance (about 540 feet) apart, and were also each some little way from the ditch itself, 
but they were the only important buildings then standing in that part of the Castle. The 
ditch is apparently again referred to in 1239-40 in a mandate to John FitzAndrew “ that 
he cause to be repaired the ditch within our Castle of Windsor as far as the great tower.” 132 

The ditch was closed at the north end by a wall, and at its south end by a strong- 
rounded tower which was built in it in place of an older cross wall, probably between 1223 
and 1226. 

About the middle of its length the ditch was spanned by a drawbridge, worked from 
a tower or gatehouse set in a strong and high wall that traversed its eastern scarp from 
end to end. This gatehouse had been built, or rebuilt, in or shortly before 1254, f° r in that 
year the constable was bidden to make good and enlarge the ditch below the tower of the 
Castle “ at the upper new gate in the outer bailey,” and the bailiffs of Windsor were 
ordered to furnish 13 marks towards the cost. 133 The bridge was evidently one of the “two 
upper bridges ” ordered to be repaired in 1237, 134 an d for which barriers were ordered in 
1259-60 135 (see ante) . The Liberate Roll and the Pipe Roll for this last-named year both 
show that the barrier for this “bridge before the foot of the great tower ” was a great 
chain, like that fitted at the same time to the great gate. 136 Later in the same year the 
bridge was again ordered to be repaired, together with “ the house above that bridge.” 137 
A mandate for the finishing of the bridge work inter alia occurs in the following year. 138 


6o 


IV indsor Castle 


The bridge and gatehouse just described led into the outer part of the upper or 
inner bailey, 139 which was better known from 1320 onwards as the middle bailey. 

This was roughly crescent-shaped, and contained within it about two-thirds of the 
mount of the great tower and its encircling ditch. The west side was defended by the 
wall that contained the gatehouse, and apparently had also at each end a Norman tower. 
That to the north, though much altered in the fourteenth century, still remains. For its 
fellow tower to the south there is no direct evidence, but it almost certainly existed, as 
well as a strong wall that ran eastwards from it across the ditch and up the mount to the 
great tower, which was thus left partly open, as usual, to the field. But during the 
siege of 1216, when the great tower received much hurt from the enemy’s engines of war, 
this wall was destroyed. The Norman tower from which it started was also probably 
damaged in the siege. The great tower was accordingly more effectually protected towards 
the south by a new wall. This seems to have been that built in 1220-1, and was curved 
in plan with a curious indentation in the middle. It extended outside the ditch of the 
mount from the existing contemporary tower at the south-east corner of the outer bailey 
to another tower at the south-west corner of the upper bailey. The former tower 
probably formed part of the works in progress from 1223 to 1226, and replaced the 
suggested Norman tower and the wall that crossed the transverse ditch in front of it. 

The triangular area north of the gatehouse seems to have been almost bisected by 
a narrow ditch crossing from the ditch of the mount (probably to drain it if necessary) 
to the Castle wall on the north. This cross ditch was spanned by a drawbridge that led 
to a narrow way between the ditch of the mount on the south and the Castle wall upon 
the north. The existing wall on this line, though it has been largely rebuilt in modern 
times, is apparently of late Norman origin, and its eastern half still exhibits the 
characteristic masonry of that time. Towards the west this wall now ends in a square 
turret of fourteenth century date to cover the outer end of the small transverse ditch. The 
eastern end of the Norman wall, no doubt abutted upon the gatehouse into the inner 
bailey, but whether that gatehouse occupied the same position as the present one there 
is nothing to show. It is possible that the whole of the narrow area just described served 
as a barbican to cover the gate, and was fortified accordingly. 

The existence of the gatehouse is implied by a charge upon the Pipe Roll for 1233-4 
‘ ‘ for making two wooden gates, namely one in the outer bailey and another in the inner 
bailey.” 140 The Pipe Roll for the next year also accounts for sums spent inter alia “on 
a certain stone buttress ( columpna ) for making the inner gate of the inner bailey of the 
Castle of Windsor to support the wall of the same gate, and on that wall which fell at the 
outer gate of the same bailey beside the well.” 141 This outer gate was apparently the one 
that defended the bridge at the head of the great bailey, and the wall by it which fell that 
in which it was set. The bridge between the two gates must have been the other of “the 
two upper bridges ” ordered to be repaired in 1236-7. 

The gatehouse is again mentioned in a writ of 17th March, 1245-6, ordering the 
embattling of the great tower, and the making of “ a chimney in the chamber over the 
gate of the tower” 142 ; and again in 1248-9, when the constable was directed to let the 
wardens of the works have £10 ‘towards finishing the turrets above the gate of our 
tower.” 143 

The Great Tower. 

The magna turns or great tower of the Castle is the existing and massive circular 
wall of late Norman masonry cresting the large mount between the inner and outer baileys, 
and was surrounded probably, as it is still, by a narrow platform or gallery. Within it 
were a number of buildings. These, as well as the tower itself, seem to have sustained much 
hurt from the engines of war used against the Castle in the siege of 1216, for a writ of 
24th February, 1223-4, directs payment of £20 from the treasury to Richard of Ockenden 
“ for mending the houses which are on the mount (in mota) of our Castle of Windsor.” 144 

The tower itself is first mentioned by name in a writ of 17th February, 1224-5, ordering 
payment of £40 to William of Staines “for the work of our tower of Windsor ” 145 ; and 
again in a writ of 31st October, 1225, directing the treasury to pay “ to Richard Renger, 
mayor of London, £67 for thirty carrats of lead bought and sent to Windsor for covering 
the tower of our castle.” 146 


The Inner Gatehouse and Great Tower 


6 1 


Other repairs to the great tower were done between September, 1227, and August, 
1230, but the cost is mixed up on the Pipe Roll for 1228-9 with other items. 147 By writ 
of 4th March, 1237-8, Walter of Burgh was instructed to repair as far as was necessary 
"our houses in our Castle of Windsor both in the tower and outside the tower ” 148 ; and 
his account on the Pipe Roll for the same year of works done by him between May, 1236, 
and Michaelmas, 1238, contains these items : 

In repair of the houses there, both in the tower and outside the tower. 

In repairing the chapel and belfry near the tower there, and the houses in the same tower . 119 

One of these “ houses ” was clearly a hall, for on 19th March, 1240-1, the following 
writ was directed to Hugh Giffard and master Walter de Dya : 

We order you to cause the hall of our Castle of Windsor, and also the hall within the tower of the same 
Castle, to be filled with poor folk on Good Friday and to feed them, and a maundy on Maundy Thursday of twenty 
poor folk . 150 

The existence of a hall implies also that of a kitchen, but there is no special mention 
of it throughout the reign. 

On the Pipe Roll for 1243-4 there occurs for the first time a payment of 25s. “to a 
certain chaplain ministering in the chapel of the tower of Windsor Castle.” 151 As the 
appointment represents his stipend for half a year only the appointment seems to have 
been a new one. A full year’s stipend is ordered to be paid for the future by a writ on the 
Liberate Roll for 1243-4, and is duly entered on the Pipe Rolls for 1244-5 and 1245-6, 
after which a change was made in the status of the Castle chaplains, as already explained. 
No further mention occurs of the chapel of the tower, but the charge on the Pipe Roll 
for 1237-8, “ in repairing the chapel and belfry near the tower,” 152 may refer to it ; it 
need not, however, have been actually within the tower itself. 

In May, 1256, a writ was issued to Godfrey of Liston ordering him that 

from the outgoings of your bailiwick you cause to be mended the defects of the masonry on the top of the* 
great tower of Windsor Castle, and that you cause the water of the well in the court beside the aforesaid tower 
to be led as far as our cloister in the lower court, and thence to the door of our hall ; and if the water of the 
aforesaid well be not sufficient, you are to cause the water of the well in the great tower to be taken to 
the help of the other water, and you are to cause a house to be made anew over the aforesaid well, with 
a wheel and other engines, and a certain lavatory at the head of our hall on the east side . 153 

The well in the great tower, which is still in existence, is referred to earlier in March, 
1245-6, when two thick and good ropes and two buckets were ordered to be bought for 
it. 154 The other well is mentioned twice in the Pipe Roll for 1234-5 : first, in a charge 
“for ropes and other necessaries for drawing water from the well of the same [inner] 
bailey, and for cleaning the well itself, and repairing the wheels and other things belonging 
to the same well ” 155 ; and again in connexion with an item for the repair of “ a wall which 
fell at the outer gate of the same bailey beside the well ” ; this helps to indicate its 
approximate situation, though that is uncertain. 

The well in the great tower is referred to again in 1256, when the bailiffs of Windsor 
were bidden to buy great ropes for it, 156 and the cost thereof, 25s. 8d., is duly allowed 
them on the Pipe Roll for 1259-60. 157 

The great tower was entered probably, as still, by a doorway on the north side, reached 
by an ascending stair up the slope of the mount from the gatehouse at its foot to the walled 
platform or gallery that encircled its base. There was also another ascent to the gallery 
from the stepped curtain wall that led up to it in continuation of the mural defences on 
the south side of the Castle. Any references to these stepped curtains during the reign 
are probably contained in such an entry as that on the Pipe Roll for 1237-8, following 
one already noticed, concerning the repair of the houses within and without the tower : 
‘and in the repair of the steps of the alures, of the battlements, and of the drains (?) in the 
same place.” 158 

In 1243 one of several instructions in a writ of 1st May, directed to the archbishop 
of York, the bishop of Carlisle, and William de Cant., was “ that they cause to be made 
on the mount of Windsor a cistern to receive all the rain-water falling upon the same 
mount round about.” 159 

In June, 1259, the bailiffs of Windsor were ordered to reimburse to John Pollard 
30s. which he spent by the King’s command “in making rails and bars around the ditch 
in the upper bailey of the Castle ” 160 (probably that round the eastern segment of the 


62 


Windsor Castle. 


mount) ; and in February, 1260-1, Richard of Fremantel was directed to let the wardens 
of the works of the Castle have 15 marks (£10) "towards mending the ditch about the 
tower.’’ 161 

The Royal Lodging. 

When King Henry III ascended the throne the inner bailey was bounded on its north, 
east, and south sides by the Norman walls, with rectangular towers or turrets projecting 
from them at intervals. Within the bailey there was apparently only one important 
block of buildings, that forming the domus Regis or King’s houses. This was of late 
Norman date, and placed against the north curtain about the middle of its length, between 
two of the towers, which formed part of it. 

The royal lodging is first mentioned in 1222-3, when Engelard of Cygony was ordered, 
by a writ dated 31st January, to “cause to be repaired the outer bailey of our Castle of 
Windsor and our inner houses in the same Castle,’’ apparently those of the inner bailey. 162 
Writs were also issued to the treasury directing pa3^ment to Engelard of the following 
sums : 

21st March, 1222-3, 20 marks " towards the repair of our hall and our houses ” ; 

3rd May, 1223, 20 marks " towards the work of our houses, and to master Thomas 
the carpenter and his fellows 20 marks in part payment of 70 marks which they 
ought to have for the work of the aforesaid houses ’’ ; 

17th May, 1223, 20 marks "towards the work of our houses ’’ ; 

13th June, 1223, 20 marks "towards the work of our houses.’’ 163 
Further writs were issued the following year : on 26th March, 1224, for payment of 
50 marks "to John le Draper and William the clerk of Windsor, wardens of the works 
of our castle,” towards the same works ; and on 22nd May of another 40 marks to the same 
for the same works. 163 

On 24th June, 1224, master Thomas the carpenter and his mates were ordered off to 
help at the siege of Bedford Castle, but during their absence writs were issued, on 6th July 
and 18th October, directing payment to John of Borden and William de Broc of two 
sums, each of 100 marks, for the works of the King’s houses. On 13th November another 
100 marks were ordered to be paid over to Ralph Tirel the constable "for the works of 
our houses,” as well as 10 marks, in part payment of their liveries, to master Thomas the 
carpenter and Nicholas his mate, who had meanwhile returned from Bedford. On 
6th June, 1225, William of Staines was ordered to be paid 10 marks "for the works of 
the houses of our castle,” and on 24th March, 1225-6, William de Broc, “one of the wardens 
of our houses,” was to have £40 "for discharged debts which were owing for that work.” 

The above sums amounted in all to £380, and were probably expended for the most 
part in making good damages sustained during the siege of 1216. 

Some further repairs were done between September, 1227, and August, 1230, as 
appears from an item in an account on the Pipe Roll for 1228-9, of £22 6s. 8d. spent “on 
the repair of the houses in the Castle, the King’s hall, and the great tower.” 164 

On 15th March, 1237-8, Engelard of Cygony was ordered to let Walter of Burgh have 
what timber he may want from Windsor Forest for repairing the King’s houses in the 
Castle. 165 

About this time the numerous writs and accounts relating to the buildings in the 
inner bailey enable more to be made out concerning the nature and extent of the royal 
lodging. It certainly included a hall, a chapel, and a chamber beside the hall, together 
with a great chamber for the King, and a wardrobe adjoining ; there must also have been 
a kitchen, etc. and cellars were no doubt provided, as was then usual, by placing all the 
living-rooms on the first floor. These buildings seem to have been arranged about a 
cloister, the garth of which was laid out as a herb-garden. 

The position of the royal lodging can be fixed by the references to the King’s great 
chamber. This is described in 1234-5 and succeeding years as the camera Regis super 
murum, and in 1243 as the alta camera supra murum. The former reference occurs first 
on the Pipe Roll in an account of works done by Nicholas of Hedington for Engelard of 
Cygony : "in barring with iron the windows of the King’s chamber upon the wall in the 
inner bailey of Windsor Castle.” 166 It is also repeated on the Pipe Roll for the following 
year : ‘ ‘ On the repair of that breach in the inner bailey of the Castle of Windsor which is 


6 3 


The Royal Lodging in the Upper Bailey. 

between the chamber that is on the wall of the same Castle, and the corner tower towards 
the north, 19s. 5d.” 167 It is again mentioned in 1237-8, when a charge “for making a 
proper chimney of stone and lime in the chamber on the wall of Windsor Castle ” 168 is 
entered on the Pipe Roll. An order to the bailiffs of Windsor “to cause our chamber 
in our Castle of Windsor to be covered where necessary ” occurs on the Liberate Roll for 
1238-9. 169 

The other reference to the King’s chamber is to be found in an imperative direction 
to the wardens of the works on the Close Roll for the twenty-eighth year, dated 24th 
November, 1243 : 

We command you that by day and by night you cause the high chamber above the wall of the Castle near 
our chapel in the upper bailey of the Castle to be wainscoted ; so that it may be ready and decently wainscoted 
by this Friday when we shall come thither, namely with boards rayed and coloured, and that nothing 
reprehensible may be found in that wainscoting. You are also to have made in each gable of the same 
chamber a white glass window outside the inner window of each gable, so that when the inner windows have 
been opened those glass windows may appear outside . 170 

The cost of this work may be gathered from a writ of the following 12th December, ordering 
10 marks to be paid to master Simon the carpenter and the other clerks of the works at 
Windsor “for wainscoting our chambers there.” 171 

The King’s great chamber therefore formed the upper part of a two-storied building 
against the Castle wall, with two high gable ends, each containing a window. It had 
other windows, which were barred with iron, wainscoted walls embellished with painting, 
and was provided with a fireplace or chimney. 

Extending northwards along the Castle wall, in line with and on the same level as the 
great chamber, was the King’s wardrobe. Its site can be fixed by the same entry on the 
Pipe Roll for 1234-5 that accounts for the barring of the great chamber windows, which 
continues : “and in stopping and making good a breach of the wall of the same Castle 
beneath the wardrobe of the same chamber.” 172 As this breach is obviously the one 
.described in the Pipe Roll for the succeeding year as “ between the chamber that is upon 
the wall and the corner tower towards the north,” the wardrobe must have stood between 
the chamber and the tower in question. The same Pipe Roll, that for 1235-6, also accounts 
for an outlay of £6 os. 6|d. “in making a chimney of stone and lime in the King’s 
wardrobe.” 173 Like so many of the buildings within the Castle at this time the 
wardrobe seems to have been of wood or a half-timbered construction, for a writ on 
the Close Roll for 1236-7 directs the keeper of Windsor Forest to let Simon the King’s 
carpenter have timber props “to push back the King’s wardrobe which has gone over 
on one side.” 174 

There are no entries indicative of the nature or use of the substructure of the great 
chamber and wardrobe. 

The “corner tower towards the north ” mentioned in 1235-6 was evidently one of 
the Norman towers of the bailey, and occupied the north-west angle of the Royal lodging. 
It is again referred to in 1241, when a writ entitled “The King’s counterbrief for making 
the walls at Windsor ” was issued to the clerks of the works bidding them, amongst other 
works, to cause “a certain tower in the inner part of our Castle of Windsor, on the north 
side, to be raised two stories and leaded above, and the two towers next following towards 
the east.” 175 

Of the Norman cloister no particulars are forthcoming, except that it was repaired in 
1195-6, 176 and therefore formed part of the domus Regis of King Henry II. It evidently 
lay to the south of the great chamber and wardrobe, and was surrounded by the usual 
covered alleys, which, in 1243, 177 were ordered to be wainscoted. There are other 
entries relating to “ the King’s cloister ” in 1247-8 and later, but they obviously refer to 
the new cloister beside the new chapel in the lower bailey. 

On the east side of the cloister was apparently the Norman hall. It seems to have been 
of substantial construction, since no special outlay upon it is mentioned throughout the 
reign ; there is also nothing to show whether it was on the ground level or raised upon a 
basement like the Norman halls at Chepstow, Durham, Richmond, and Christchurch 
(Hants). In 1237 it 1S described as the “old hall ” ( vetus aula), near which there were a 
chamber and chimney (distinct from the King’s chamber) that were then repaired. 178 
It is also identical with “the lesser hall ” ( aula minor) of the Castle, which in 1239 was 


6 4 


Windsor Castle . 


ordered to be filled for a feast with poor folk on St. Stephen’s Day, St. John’s Day, and the 
feast of the Lord’s Epiphany, on St. Thomas’s Day with poor chaplains and clerks, and 
on Holy Innocents’ Day with poor children. 179 On the Friday in the next Whitsun week 
the great hall of the Castle and this “hall in the upper bailey ’’ were again filled with poor 
folk, who were therein feasted. 180 Attached to the hall there ought to have been a 
kitchen, but there are no early entries relating to it. 

There is nothing to indicate the exact position of “the chamber and chimney beside 
the old hall ’’ mentioned in the Pipe Roll of 1237-8 as having just undergone repair, nor 
are there any other entries relating to it. If, however, as seems probable, it was a work 
of the reign under notice, it may have adjoined the hall on the south-east, where a 
chamber to which a vault of the thirteenth century has been added still exists. 

The Norman chapel seems to have stood on the south side of the cloister parallel with 
the great chamber, which is described as secus capellam in a writ of 1243 already quoted. 
On the Pipe Roll for 1233-4 are charges for mending its glass windows, and “for making 
a certain window of glass and another one of wood in the King’s chapel.’’ 181 In 1240 
it was ordered to be painted, 182 and in 1243 the clerks of the works were ordered to cause 
“the Old and the New Testament to be painted in the King’s chapel.” 183 

The first mention of the Queen’s lodging is on the Pipe Roll for 1235-6, the same year 
in which, on 14th January, King Henry III married the Lady Eleanor of Provence : 

In putting in two glass windows, like the glass windows in the King’s chamber, in the windows of the 
Queen’s chamber towards the King’s herb-garden, with certain shutters to open and shut ; and in putting 
another glass window in the gable of the same chamber, in which is painted the Root of Jesse, with a wooden 
window, 25s. 3d. 184 

This Queen’s chamber probably extended westwards from one of the Norman towers 
on the wall along the west side of the cloister, since two of its windows faced the herb- 
garden ; the gable with the Jesse window would then have formed its southern end. 

The chamber in question does not seem to have commended itself to the new Queen, 
and two years later a writ upon the Close Roll shows that it was being rebuilt. The writ 
is dated 27th May, 1237, and is headed : “ Concerning lime for the Queen’s chamber.” 
It orders Engelard of C.ygony to “let brother John, custos opens of the chamber of the King’s 
Queen, have two hundred quarters of the lime which is in the King’s Castle of Windsor 
towards building the aforesaid chamber.” 185 In August, 1239, as the work was sufficiently 
advanced, the bailiff of Windsor was directed “to cause the chamber of our Queen to be 
painted.” 186 

In June, 1239, ^e Queen gave birth to her first-born son. A chamber and nursery 
were accordingly provided for him in Windsor Castle, and on the Close Roll is a writ, dated 
nth August, ordering the bailiff of Windsor, among other matters, “to cause the chamber 
of our son Edward to be wainscoted, and iron bars to be made to each of the windows of 
the same chamber, and likewise a privy chamber convenient to the same chamber.” 187 
The royal infant’s quarters seem to have been placed against the Castle wall to the 
west of the King’s and Queen’s lodgings, as another writ of 25th August, 1239, directs 
the bailiffs of Windsor to cause to be made good “the battlements of the wall of the inner 
bailey of our Castle between the gate and the chamber of our beloved son Edward.” 188 
The Prince’s lodging was apparently a wooden structure, for a writ of 15th January, 
1240-1, orders the constable to let master Simon the carpenter have timber “for 
lengthening the chamber of Edward our son,” 189 who had evidently begun to outgrow 
the original accommodation provided for him. 

In September, 1240, the King’s family having been increased through the birth of 
a daughter, Margaret, “ a certain lodging for the use of the children, with a certain 
chimney,” was ordered, in May, 1241, to be built of two stories “ near the chapel,” and 
“another lodging for the use of the children, of two stories with two chimneys.” 190 

Of these two structures, the former apparently abutted upon the chapel, and extended 
westwards from it under the gable of the Queen’s chamber, and was probably connected 
by the second building with Prince Edward’s chamber on the north. The children’s 
lodgings would thus form a little court westward of the Queen’s apartments. 

The chapel of the Queen’s lodging is first mentioned in a writ of 3rd March, 1242-3, 
directing payment from the exchequer to Stephen of Savoy, “ knight of our beloved 


The Queen s Lodging. 


6 5 


and faithful Bernard of Savoy, our constable of Windsor, of 20 marks towards the works 
of our chapel and our Queen’s chapel in our Castle of Windsor, and of 40 marks to be 
brought down and delivered to the wardens of our works during the aforesaid works.” 191 

On 21st April, 1243, a further writ was issued, directing payment to Bernard of Savoy 
and Hugh Giffard of 20 marks “ towards the paintings of our chapel and our Queen’s, 
and towards doing other of our works of the aforesaid chapels ” 192 ; and on 20th June 
another 10 marks was ordered to be paid over to the same Bernard and Hugh “towards 
finishing the painting of our Queen’s chapel.” 193 

The Queen’s chapel was clearly a new one, for a writ of 1245-6 orders the usual stipend 
of 50s. to be paid to the chaplain ministering in nova capella regine . 194 From the 
association of it in the entries just quoted with the King’s chapel it was probably formed 
in the western part of the latter, which was at the same time rearranged ; the two chapels 
were then painted. 

On 1st April, 1246, the constable of the Castle was directed to buy “ two pair of vest- 
ments and also ornaments sufficient for two altars, of medium cost, and two silver chalices, 
each price 20s., for celebrating divine service in the chapel within the King’s park of Windsor 
and in the Queen’s chapel at Windsor.” 195 He was further ordered, on 23rd April, to 
have bought “ two tables decently painted to be put in the Queen’s chapel at Windsor, 
one in front of the altar, the other above the altar, and images of the Rood, Mary, and John 
for the same altar.” 196 The purchase of all these ornaments is duly accounted for on the 
Pipe Roll for 1245-6, but the amount is merged in the cost of other things. 

Simultaneously with the building of the Queen’s chapel another important work was 
being carried out. This was the erection, upon the Castle wall at the north-west angle 
of the children’s court, of a new tower or turret as a lodging for the Queen’s seneschals. 
A charge of £73 14s. 2d. expended “on building a new tower ( turella ) nearer the great tower 
in the Castle of Windsor ” is entered on the Pipe Roll for 1245-6 in an account by Bernard 
of Savoy of works done by him between 3rd February, 1243-4, and Easter, 1247, an d a 
further charge of £15 6s. 3|d. (making £89 os. 5|d. in all) spent “ on embattling the afore- 
said tower and covering it with lead.” 197 

This tower seems to have been the westernmost of four that were standing along the 
north wall of the inner bailey until the reign of King Charles II, when all but the eastern- 
most were destroyed ; the other three are those mentioned in the writ of 1241. The tower 
is also identical with the “ new tower in the bailey of our Castle of Windsor which has been 
assigned to our seneschals,” concerning which the constable was ordered in 1252-3 to 
“ cause a stage to be made above, with a certain chimney, and that tower to be leaded on 
top and embattled as the other new towers in the same bailey are finished.” 198 

For the decade 1246-56 there are no writs or accounts that specially concern either 
the King’s or the Queen’s lodgings in the upper bailey, and for this lack of information 
it is not easy to assign a reason. The King was in great financial straits in 1248-9, but 
on this and other occasions when he was in need of money the fact is not indicated by the 
cessation of the works going on in Windsor Castle. 

In 1251 great damage seems to have been done to the Castle, and to the Queen’s lodging 
in particular, by a severe thunderstorm, an event chronicled by Matthew Paris in the 
following terms : 

During this same year, namely in summer, on St. Dunstan’s day [19th May] a darkness sprung up very 
early in the morning, and all the world, as it seemed, both in the east and the west, and in the south and the 
north, became black, and thunder was heard as if a long way off with flashes going before. And about the first 
hour, the thunder coming nearer, with the lightnings, one stroke more dreadful than the rest, and as if the 
heaven were hurling itself upon the earth, transformed with fear the ears and hearts of those hearing it with 
its sudden crash. Whereupon it fell with that stroke upon the bedchamber of the Queen where she was then 
abiding with the children and her household, crumbled the chimney to powder, cast it to the ground, and shook 
the whole house. And in the adjoining forest, namely of Windsor, it overthrew, or cleaving them tore asunder, 
thirty-five oak trees. It destroyed besides certain mills with their millers, and certain sheepcotes with their 
shepherds, with some plowers and wayfarers. And many damages that we who are describing these things 
have not heard of or seen inflicted on mortals. 199 

There is, however, no reference to this storm or to any repairs immediately consequent 
upon it in the entries relating to works in Windsor Castle. Indeed for four and a-half 
years afterwards there is no notice of any works at all upon or about the Queen’s lodging ; 


66 


Windsor Castle. 


partly, it may be, because the damage was so considerable as to render it uninhabitable, 
and partly, perhaps, because the King could not meanwhile afford to have it mended. 

Another curious and important fact deserves notice. After 1244 there are no entries 
(save a single one in March, 1255-6) that specially relate to the King’s lodging in the upper 
bailey, and with the finishing of the new royal lodging in the lower bailey about 1250 
it seems as if that came henceforth to be regarded as the domns Regis. Moreover, as will 
be seen shortly, sundry buildings in the upper bailey that have hitherto been associated 
with the King’s name are henceforth coupled with the Queen’s instead. It may be con- 
cluded thereby that the domus Regis in the upper bailey was in future the domus Regine, 
and given up to the Queen for her own accommodation and that of her growing family. 

In November, 1255, occurs the first of a long and interesting series of writs, etc. 
relating to the Queen’s lodging. 

It was apparently in contemplation to reconstruct the King’s and Queen’s chapels 
so as to form one building. A writ was accordingly addressed, on 2nd November, to 
Godfrey of Liston, warden of the royal manors of Cookham and Bray, in these terms : 

We command you that out of the issues of your bailiwick you cause to be made an oriel beside the entry 
of the new tower of our Castle of Windsor, together with a little chapel fit for the Queen's use, according as our 
beloved and faithful Matthias Bezill shall tell you on our part : so that it be done against our coming thither- 
ward, which Domino dante will be in a short time . 200 

The “new tower ’’ referred to ought to be that built “nearer the great tower ’’ between 
1244 and 1247, and raised a story in 1252-3, and the lodging for Prince Edward 
apparently stood between it and the old “ corner tower towards the north.” The Queen’s 
oriel and little chapel were therefore apparently to be set up on the west side of the 
new tower against the Castle wall. 

In January, 1255-6, another writ was issued to Godfrey of Liston bidding him to let 
master Gilbert the King’s carpenter have “as much timber as may be needed for the 
repair of the hall and chambers in the upper Castle of the King at Windsor, where the 
King’s children have been nursed.” 201 He was also ordered by a further writ to let master 
John the mason and Alexander the carpenter have £ 20 towards the work. 202 

While these works were in progress directions were issued in March, 1255-6, to 
Gilbert de Tegula, bailiff of Windsor, to let brother William the painter, of Westminster, 
have without delay the sum of 5 marks (£3 6s. 8d.) from the ferm of the aforesaid town 
“for renewing and amending certain paintings in our chamber and our Queen’s chamber 
and in our chapels at Windsor.” 203 

Two months later Godfrey of Liston was instructed to pay “master William the 
painter, monk of Westminster,” 2s. a day for his stipend, etc. from the preceding octave 
of Easter, and so long as he was at work on the paintings of “the houses ” of the Castle ; 
and the bailiffs of Windsor were directed to let him have 40s. “to buy various colours 
for painting the houses of our Castle of Windsor.” 204 The two payments of 5 marks and 
40s. are duly allowed the bailiff of Windsor on the Pipe Roll for the current year. 

After the long period during which nothing seems to have been done to the Royal 
lodgings, these entries indicate an effort to smarten them up. 

Towards the end of May, 1256, both the new chapel and the works on the nursery 
were approaching completion, and orders were given to Godfrey of Liston 

that you cause the new chapel built beside the new tower in the upper bailey of our Castle of Windsor and the 
lodging for the nurses of the same bailey . . . to be wainscoted ; and an almery to be made in the middle 

tower of the upper bailey of the aforesaid Castle for laying up the Queen’s clothes . 205 

Later on in the year further works were put in hand. 

By a writ dated 14th November the bailiffs of Windsor were ordered 

that in our Castle of Windsor you cause to be made a certain garderobe for our Queen’s use . . . and 

likewise a great table ( tabula ) to be put in our Queen’s hall . . . and that you cause a certain drain to be 

made about our Queen’s lodging . 208 

Six months later, on 5th April, 1257, Godfrey of Liston was directed to 

cause the old chamber of our Queen in the upper bailey of our Castle of Windsor to be repaired and mended 
with whatever repair or mending it needs, and that he cause to be made there a certain new garderobe for the 
Queen’s use, according to the counsel and oversight of master John of Gloucester our mason and master 
Alexander our carpenter, whom we have deputed accordingly ; 207 

and on 21st May Godfrey of Liston was ordered out of the issues of his bailiwick to cause 
to be finished the works of the Queen’s garderobe at Windsor that have been begun. 208 


6 ? 


The Queen s Lodging. 

The Queen’s hall, which is so described for the first time in the writ of 14th November, 
1256, was, no doubt, the same as the King’s aula vetus mentioned in 1237. The “ table ” 
made for it seems to have been a reredos or panelling behind the dais, rather than a table 
(■ mensa ) to dine at. The position of the Queen’s new garderobe will be more conveniently 
discussed later on. 

The " old chamber ” ordered to be repaired in April, 1257, was probably identical with 
the King’s old camera super murum, but the absence of any mention of it in the writ of 
21st May suggests that it was beyond mending. This is borne out by the issue of a mandate 
on 25th June to the effect that 

Whereas the King has ordered to be made by the counsel of master John of Gloucester and Alexander the 
carpenter a certain decent chamber of two stories (ad stadium) in the upper bailey of Windsor Castle, for the 
use of the Queen, where her chamber formerly was : Godfrey de Liston, the warden of Windsor Forest, is ordered 
to allow the wardens of the works of the aforesaid Castle to take in the same forest as much timber as may be 
needed to build that chamber . 209 

Six months later the Queen’s chapel was taken in hand ; and the following writ was 
issued to Henry of Farleigh, the new warden of the manors of Cookham and Bray, dated 
25th January, 1257-8 : 

We order you that you cause the chapel of our Queen in the upper bailey of our Castle of Windsor to be 
made to the second story, which has been begun, so that there be there a double chapel with a ceiling ( scilla ) 
above and another below. And that above the privy chambers of the said Queen beside her new chamber 
begun in the said bailey you cause a turret with a certain oriel to be made as master John of Gloucester our 
mason shall provide . 210 

The division of the Queen’s chapel ordered above was a usual arrangement in private 
chapels, and consisted in the erection of a gallery in its western part, sometimes above 
an ante-chapel, sometimes with room below for the household ; the Queen and her family, 
of course, used the gallery itself. It is probable that this new chapel took the place and 
occupied the sites of the old King’s and Queen’s chapels, of which no further mention 
occurs. 

The Queen’s “privy chambers’’ were probably her bedroom, etc. and formed by 
partitioning off portion of the great chamber. They apparently occupied its eastern end, 
and above them were to be a turret and an oriel. 

There seems already to have been hereabouts one of the Norman towers raised in 
1241 ; the new order may therefore refer to the reconstruction of its upper part. 

The new chamber, unlike its predecessor, which was, no doubt, a half-timbered 
structure, was evidently of stone, and of some architectural pretensions, for a writ was 
issued in February, 1258-9, bidding the clerks of the works at Westminster let their 
colleagues at Windsor have marble pillars for the Queen’s chamber. 211 

Two months later, on 8 th March, Henry of Farleigh was ordered to cause 

(i) the Queen’s chamber in the upper bailey “where the Queen herself now lies,” 

the new turret there, the garderobe beneath both her new chambers, and her 
chapel there, above and below, to be wainscoted ; 

(ii) the new turret itself to be raised a story ; 

(iii) the steps of the Queen’s great chamber there to be covered with lead ; and 

(iv) her old kitchen to be moved and set up in a suitable place, and a certain alley to 

be made between the newly erected kitchen and the Queen’s great chamber. 212 
Writs were also issued on 30th June, 1259, for delivery of £ 60 from the treasury to 
Henry of Farleigh “towards doing the works of our Castle of Windsor,” 213 and on 17th 
August the same Herry was directed to furnish eight leafless oaks out of Windsor Forest 
for making thence a limekiln for the aforesaid works.” 214 

Not long after the issue of this last writ Henry of Farleigh died, and on the Pipe Roll 
for 1258-9 is the account of the executors of his will, which is of special interest since it 
enumerates specifically the works of the Queen’s lodgings carried out by him : 

And in making the Queen’s chapel ad slagium in the upper bailey of Windsor Castle, so 
that there may be there two chapels, an upper and a lower ; 
and in making a turret with an oriel over the Queen’s privy chambers beside her new camera ; 
and in wainscoting the new camera of the same Queen in the upper bailey ; 
and in making a certain new turret there ; 
and in wainscoting her garderobe and chapel ; 
and in covering the steps of the great chamber with lead ; 
and in moving the Queen’s kitchen to a fitting place ; 


68 


W indsor Castle. 


and in making a certain alley between the said kitchen and the great chamber of the same 
Queen ; 

and in other works contained in the brief . . . . . . . . . . . . . . £424 14 4 

by three of the King’s briefs and the view and testimony of John Pollard, Gilbert 
the carpenter, and Roger of Eton. 215 

On comparing this list with the works ordered in February it will be seen that it 
contains an additional item for the “ making of a certain new turret ” as well as the one 
with the oriel. Where this was situated there is nothing to show, but it was possibly 
a circular turret or vice giving access to the Queen’s new lodgings from the cloister. 

It can also be gathered from the foregoing entries that the lodging in question had the 
Queen’s garderobe, etc. on the ground floor, with the great chamber and privy chambers 
above. The new turret and oriel probably formed an ante-chamber to these, the oriel 
itself being a porch at the head of a service stair from the kitchen court, which was connected 
with the kitchen by a covered alley. The stair was already roofed over, since it was ordered 
to be covered with lead. 

Henry of Farleigh was succeeded in the wardenship of the manors of Cookham and Bray 
by Richard of Freitmantell, or Fremantel, to whom a writ was issued on 6th November, 1259, 
directing him, out of the issues of his bailiwick, to finish the works begun in the Castle by 
Henry of Farleigh. 216 And on the following day an order was made to the treasury for the 
delivery to master John of Gloucester, the King’s mason, and the other wardens of works at 
Windsor, of £110 to be distributed among the workmen employed at Windsor for arrears 217 ; 
these arrears had probably arisen through Henry of Farleigh’s death. A previous sum 
of £ 22 , “to be distributed among the King’s workmen at Windsor,” had been ordered to 
be paid over to the clerks of the works by the keeper of the hundred of Wootton on 
30th October. 218 

A writ of 3rd May, 1260, to Richard of Fremantel evidently refers to some of Henry 
of Farleigh’s works which had been left unfinished : 

We command you that you cause our Queen’s chapel in the upper bailey of our Castle of Windsor, her 
garderobe in the same place, and a certain turret at the head of the Queen’s chamber to be wainscoted, etc. 219 

An order was also issued on 2nd June to the sheriffs of London to buy in London, 
by the advice of Alexander the King’s carpenter, and deliver at Windsor, a thousand boards 
for the King’s works “for wainscoting therewith certain houses in the same Castle.” 220 

On 13th July of the same year the sheriff of Southampton, from the issues of his county, 
was ordered to pay to Richard of Fremantel and the other wardens of King’s works at 
Windsor £20 “towards doing therewith certain of our works there which we enjoined 
upon them, according to the King’s writ, at the instance of the Queen,” 221 and the 
aforesaid Richard and his fellow wardens were bidden, out of the aforesaid moneys, “to 
cause to be made a certain pentise between the Queen’s kitchen and her garderobe in the 
upper bailey, and in the lowest story of the new turret (or tower) which is beside the said 
Queen’s chamber three doors and three arrow-slits through which light can enter.” 222 

The pentise here mentioned is identical with the alley ordered in February, 1258-9, 
to be made between the kitchen and the Queen’s great chamber. 

Several of the matters above referred to are accounted for on the Pipe Roll for 1259-60 : 

(i) Account of the sheriff of Southampton : 

To Richard of Fremantel and the other wardens of the King’s 

works at Windsor towards doing the same works . . £20 by the King’s brief 223 

(ii) Account of the citizens of London : 

And for half a thousand boards and carriage of the same to 

Windsor for the King’s works there . . . . . . . . £3 16s. 7J d. by the King’s brief 

And for half a thousand of estrich boards and half a hundred 
of fir boards and three carrats of lead bought for the King’s works 
and for carriage of the same by water to Windsor for doing 

thence the King’s works there .. .. .. .. .. £11 15s. by the King’s brief 224 

(iii) Account of Richard of Fremantel : 

And in finishing the works begun by Henry of Farleigh in the 

Castle of Windsor .. .. .. .. .. .. .. £170 is. 9d. 225 

Some of the works in question still remained incomplete in January, 1260-1, when 
Richard of Fremantel was ordered : 

to cause to be finished (i) the salting-house of our beloved Queen in the upper bailey of our Castle of 
Windsor, (ii) the same Queen’s alley between her chamber and kitchen, (iii) the oriel begun above the said alley, 
etc. . . . and that you cause ten new glass windows to be made in the chambers of our Queen. 22 ® 


Hopes Windsor Castle. 



Windsor Castle. Plan showing the probable arrange?nents in 12/2. 
















The Garden. 


69 


A further writ was issued to Richard of Fremantel a few weeks later : 

We order you, from the issues of your bailiwick, to let the wardens of the works of our Castle of Windsor 
have £22 towards making the houses of our Queen in the same Castle, and the offices of the same houses. 227 

There are a few more entries that complete the story of the royal lodging, but they 
throw no additional light on the relative positions of the buildings : 

1261, 27th April. Master Robert of Beverley, warden of the works at Westminster, is ordered to let the 
wardens of the works of the King’s castle of Windsor have from the quarry of Reigate without delay 
two hundred freestones for making thence a certain chimney of the King’s Queen there, so that the 
work of that chimney be not hindered from lack of the said stone. 228 

1261, 27th August. Edward of Westminster and master Robert of Beverley his mason are ordered that 
from the stones that are in their keeping at Westminster they let the wardens of the King’s works 
at Windsor have without delay three hundred stones towards doing the same works. 229 

1261, 23rd December. To Aymo Thurumbert, warden of the King’s manors of Cookham and Bray. 

We order you that from the issues of your bailiwick you cause to be wainscoted the new 
chamber joining to the chamber of our Queen in our Castle of Windsor, like our other chambers there 
have been wainscoted, and that wainscoting to be painted of a green colour with gold stars. 230 

1262, 8th July. Order to the sheriffs of London to buy and send to Windsor “ one thousand boards for 
wainscoting therewith the Queen.’ s chamber in the aforesaid Castle.” 231 

1263, Qth November. To the constable of the King’s Castle of Windsor. 

We order you that you cause . . . two drains beside our Queen’s kitchen in the same Castle 

. . . to be finished . . . (and) an alley from the said Queen’s kitchen as far as her chamber 

there to be mended and covered with lead as may be necessary. 232 

Lastly there is an entry of 21st February, 1261-2, directing Aymo Thurumbert “to 
cause our herb-garden to be turfed,’’ 233 probably that in the King’s cloister. 

Other Buildings in the Inner Bailey. 

Besides the royal lodgings on the north side of the upper bailey there were probably 
other buildings of minor importance against the east and south walls of the same bailey, 
such as “the stable that fell,’’ the repair of which is mentioned in the Pipe Roll for 
I2 34~5- 234 This stable is again mentioned in the Liberate Roll for 1260-1, when it was 
ordered to be repaired, as is also another building which seems to have stood in the middle 
bailey, probably in its north-west part. The writ concerning these buildings is addressed 
to Richard of Fremantel, and orders him 

to cause the lodging ( camera ) which is called William of Auberville’s lodging, near the foot of our great 
tower in the Castle of Windsor, to be covered, and the chimney of the same lodging and our stable to be repaired, 
with what repair they specially need. 235 

A writ on the Liberate Roll for 1261-2 directs that the camera in which Robert 
de Muscegros was wont to lie be amoved and set up in the upper bailey of the Castle “ in 
the place of that house in which our mill was, which was lately burnt.’’ 236 

The only other entry that need be quoted is an order issued in 1237 f° r the making 
good of “two breaches which are in the wall of our Castle towards our garden at 
Windsor.” 237 Since there is other and later evidence that the garden lay to the south of 
the Castle these breaches must have been on the same side of the inner bailey. 

There are practically no other references throughout the reign to the defences of the 
eastern and southern sides of the upper bailey, which consisted of the walls and towers 
built between 1170 and 1178. Of these towers there were four along the east front, and 
probably four more along the south side, but only two survived after the thirteenth 
century. The other two seem to have stood : the one just to the west of the bend in the 
line of the south wall ; the other further on, at the point where the Norman wall crossed 
the ditch and mounted up to the great tower. During the operations of 1223-6, or very 
soon after, both towers were taken down, and replaced by the large round-fronted tower 
still standing at the south-west corner of the bailey. Beside this on the east a postern 
seems to have been made in the Castle wall, and a bridge (mentioned in 1260) leading towards 
the garden. The new tower was assigned to the chancellor for his lodging (see post). 

The Garden. 

Although the garden, as being outside the Castle, does not properly come within the 
scope of the present work, the entries relating to it during the reign of King Henry III 
are sufficiently interesting to deserve a passing notice. 

The garden is first mentioned in connexion with the vineyard in 1156-7, 238 but in 
the present reign not until the order of 1237, noted above. 239 In April, 1239, the bailiffs 


7 ° 


Windsor' Castle. 


of Windsor were enjoined “to cause our garden outside our Castle of Windsor to be 
enclosed with a ditch.” 240 A year later the constable was ordered to let John FitzAndrew 
have fencing and palings for enclosing the garden, 241 and the bailiffs of Windsor to enclose 
it “ with a quick hedge and paling, and to cause the garden gate to be made new.” 242 In 
April, 1246, the constable was bidden to have made good “the houses of our gardeners, 
and the garden hedge where it needs repair, and to cause to be made in the same garden 
a fair shrubbery.” 243 

In April, 1251, an order was issued to the clerks of the works at Windsor “that outside 
the King’s Castle there, near the King’s garden, they cause to be built a certain stable 
for the King’s and the Queen’s horses 80 feet or more in length as the King has enjoined 
by word of mouth.” 244 

Concerning this stable there is on the Liberate Roll for 1255-6 a writ in these terms : 

The King to Godfrey of Liston greeting. Whereas it has been testified before us that the land of Ralph 
Hunfrey, beside the King’s garden at Windsor, which we have caused to be enclosed for building our new stable 
there, was appraised to be retained for our use there for ever at 5 marks to be paid to the same Ralph by our 
hands, we order you that from the issues of your bailiwick you cause to be paid to the same Ralph the said 
5 marks for the aforesaid land. 246 

In May, 1256, a well of freestone was directed to be made in the garden. 246 

A writ of May, 1260, mentions “a bridge which is near our chancellor’s lodging as 
one goes towards the garden,” which was to be made good. 247 

In October of the same year Richard of Fremantel was ordered to "cause to be built 
a certain wall before the gate of our garden of Windsor, and the gardener’s house there to 
be moved and to be put in a more fitting spot towards the east and be covered with tile.” 248 

In the following January “the wall about our garden ” was ordered to be finished, 
and a new house to be built for the gardener. 249 

In February, 1261-2, Aymo Thurumbert was directed “to cause to be made in our 
garden of Windsor a water well,” and by another writ some weeks later he was bidden to 
press forward the making in the garden of a certain gate, a certain house for the gardener, 
and a certain wall of earth. 250 

The last entry is for November, 1263, and again directs the constable to cause " to 
be finished the wall and well of our garden lately begun.” 251 

There is nothing in the foregoing entries that throws any light upon the nature or extent 
of the King’s garden. 

During the last eight or nine years of the reign the affairs of both King and Queen 
were in such confusion that no more work seems to have been done in the Castle of Windsor. 

Owing to the different nature of the records from which the historical evidence of 
building operations is drawn during the reign of King Henry III it is not easy to form any 
consecutive list of keepers and surveyors of works. 

While the constableship was held from 1216 to the end of 1223 by Engelard of Cygony, 
he seems to have supervized everything. But under his successor in 1223-4 there appear 
two custodes or keepers of the works of the King’s houses, John le Draper and William 
the clerk, who seem to be the same as John of Borden and William del Broc, clerk, 
mentioned later in the same account. 252 The latter was still custos in 1225-6. 253 

In 1224-5 certain works were carried out for the constable by William of Staines, 
with Richard and Robert “ de Schaghes ” (perhaps brothers) as surveyors, 254 and in the 
two following years by Ranulf Brito. 255 The important works undertaken between 1227 
and 1230 were viewed by the master trebucheter (who was perhaps master Jordan the 
carpenter) and John FitzAndrew. 256 In 1234 certain works on the King’s kitchen, etc. 
were supervized by Gilbert of Grange and Robert de la Schawe 257 ; the latter is apparently 
the Robert “ de Schaghes ” or Shaw of 1224-5. 

In 1237 brother John was custos of the works of the Queen’s lodging, 258 and probably 
the same man as “ brother John the King’s almoner,” who had in the same year timber 
for the repair of the almonry. 259 

Walter of Burgh was directed to carry out a number of important works in 1236-7 
and 1237-8 260 ; and John Fitz Andrew’s name occurs again in 1239-40, when he was also 
bailiff of Windsor. 261 


7 1 


Surveyors of IV orks. 

In May, 1243, a writ was issued to the archbishop of York, the bishop of Carlisle, 
and W. de Cant, to carry out a number of works in the Castle, 262 and a further writ in 
the following August to the archbishop alone. 263 Why duties of this kind should be 
imposed upon such persons it is difficult to say, since there were also custodes operacionum 
at the same time. These seem to have been Hugh Giffard, William le Brun, and 
Simonthe carpenter, who were custodes the following year, 264 when Robert “ de 
Schages ” and Gilbert of Grange again appear as surveyors 264 * for works that were 
carried on from February, 1243-4, to Easter, 1247. 265 Possibly they had held office 
since 1234. 

The custodes in 1247-8 were J. Silvester and master Simon the carpenter, 266 but no 
further names occur until 1250-1, when Simon the chaplain “ and others ” were keepers. 267 
They are again so named in 1254-5, 268 and had therefore probably continued in office. 
In 1255-6 and for some years to come the keepers of the important works then in progress 
in the upper ward were apparently master John of Gloucester the King’s mason, and 
Alexander the King’s carpenter, 269 who were also the keepers of the King’s works in West- 
minster Abbey ; the surveyors, at any rate in 1258-9, were John Pollard ( janitor of the Castle), 
Gilbert the carpenter, and Roger of Eton. 270 In 1259-60 the keepers were still John 
of Gloucester “ and others,” 271 and in one account Roger Vintdens and Adam Paste 
appear as surveyors. 272 But before the close of the year Richard of Fremantel “ and 
others ” were custodes, 273 and apparently continued to hold office until the general 
cessation of works in 1262 or 1263. 

Shortly before the close of the reign, by letters patent of 7th November, 1271, master 
Robert of Beverley, the King’s mason, was appointed principal surveyor of all the works 
of the Tower of London, Windsor Castle, and the castles of Rochester, Hadleigh, etc. 274 
but his services do not seem to have been needed at Windsor. 

Very few names have been preserved of the craftsmen engaged for the period under 
notice. 

In 1222-3 an d the year after there were working on the great hall master Thomas 
the carpenter and his two mates, 275 one of whom may be master Nicholas the carpenter, who 
was at work in 1224-5. 276 His name occurs again in 1230 -1, 277 when all the carpenters, 
save he, who were working in the Castle were sent with their tools to join the King in 
Shropshire. 

Master Jordan the King’s carpenter is also named in 1224-5, when he was supplied 
with timber for making the King’s trebuchet. 278 In 1225-6 he was employed on other 
works in the Castle, as well as engaged on the trebuchet, for which he received 3 marks 
in part payment of his livery, 279 and in 1227-8 5J marks were ordered to be paid to Jordan 
the carpenter “ who made the trebuchet.” 280 

Master Burnell the King’s carpenter was working in the Castle in 1233-4 and 1234-5 
at the high rate of 9d. a day for his livery. 281 

From November, 1236, and onwards master Simon the King’s carpenter was working 
at Windsor, 282 and from 1243-4 to 1247-8 he was one of the keepers of works. 283 He is 
last mentioned at Windsor in October, 1249, when he and Thomas the mason were 
supervizing the finishing of the barbican. 284 

Master Gilbert the King’s carpenter was in charge of certain works in 1255-6, 285 and 
he was likewise one of the surveyors of divers operations carried out by Henry of Farleigh. 286 

Master John of Gloucester, the King’s mason, appears early in 1256 as director of 
works, 287 and he continued to be one of the keepers as late as November, 1259. 288 In 
an earlier writ, of February in the same year, master John is described as one of the keepers 
of the King’s works at Westminster. 289 

Thomas the painter of Chertsey “ who is making the King's images for the chapel 
of Windsor ” was ordered to be paid 10 marks in 1240--1 290 ; and in this and the year after 
Edward “ le verrer ” or the glazier ( vitrearius ) was also paid for work done. 291 

In 1248 a notable craftsman began to be employed at Windsor : master William 
the King’s painter, a monk of Westminster. In March, 1247-8, 10 marks were ordered to 
be paid to him to buy colours for painting the King’s chapel, 292 and in June 1248, 100s. 
were directed to be paid to him for his work, and scaffolds were to be made for his use. 293 
The keepers of the works were likewise bidden to continue to pay master William his wages 


7 2 


IV incisor Castle 


every week, until the King comes to Windsor. 294 In an account presented in October, 
1249, Godfrey of Liston was ordered to be reimbursed 2 marks paid by him to master 
William the painter for painting the chapel and 40s. for purchase of colours ; also 18s. 
to John Soc, painter, for his wages. 295 

On 20th August, 1251, the King’s cloister was ordered to be wainscoted, and painted 
with the Apostles by master William the King’s painter. 296 There is, however, no record 
of the painting having been done. 

In an account entered on the Pipe Roll for 1252-3, the payments of 2 marks and 40s. 
to master William and the 18s. to John Soc are duly accounted for ; also (apparently) 
another 100s. to master William for painting the chapel, 58s. 8d. for scaffolding, and 100s. 
for buying colours ; £11 9s 6d. were also paid for the making of the King’s seat in the 
middle of the table in the Castle hall and painting it with a certain image of a Ring. 297 
This picture, “decently adorned with gold,’’ of an image of a king holding a sceptre in 
his hand, had been ordered in July, 1250, 298 but it is not stated that master William was 
the painter. 

In March, 1255-6, 5 marks were ordered by the King to be paid to brother William 
the painter of Westminster for renewing and restoring certain paintings “ in our chamber 
and in our Queen’s chamber and in our chapels at Windsor.’’ 299 These works had 
apparently been ordered as far back as August, 1251, 300 when Godfrey of Liston was com- 
manded to cause the chamber and two chapels in Windsor Park to be painted. The 
payment of the 5 marks is duly accounted for on the Pipe Roll for 1255-6, together 
with 40s. for the purchase of various colours for painting the King’s houses in the 
Castle. 301 

This latter payment was authorized in May, 1256, and while master William was at 
work he was to receive 2s. a day for his wages. 302 

In August, 1260, directions were given for the repair and restoration of the paintings 
in the King’s chamber and chapel, 303 and Edward of Westminster was bidden to find colours 
and other necessaries for brother William the King’s painter to restore the King’s paintings 
at Windsor. 304 The account charged on the Pipe Roll for this, William’s last recorded 
work in the Castle, is 116s. 3d. 305 The painter “ and his men ’’ were, however, still unpaid 
in December, 1260, when the King issued a writ for their payment, on master William’s 
representation, and commanded that if any further renewal and repair was needed it was 
to be done at once. 306 

An enterclose and doors in the great chapel were ordered to be made and painted 
in December, 1260, 307 and in the next year the wainscoting of a chamber to be coloured 
green with gold stars. 308 But the work was, no doubt, done by someone of less standing 
than master William the King’s painter. 

Of payments to other craftsmen than those noted above there is no record. 

Entries as to materials are likewise provokingly few. Purchases of attractum or 
rubble, in one case of stone and chalk, occur in 1222-3, 309 1240-1, 310 and 1243-4 311 ; a 
chimney de petra et calce was built in 1237-8 312 ; and freestone [franca petra) is mentioned 
in 1245-6. 313 Plastrum francum occurs in 1260 (note 123). Two hundred freestones 
from Reigate and three hundred other blocks were bought, through master Robert 
of Beverley the King’s mason, in 1260-1. 314 A quantity of marble columns for the 
Queen’s chamber was sent from Westminster in 1258-9 315 ; and in the same year 
37s. 9d. were allowed for the making of nine thousand tiles for a certain hearth in 
the King’s kitchen. 316 

The construction of the limekilns ( rogi or yoga) which mark the beginning of many 
important works seems to have been a costly affair. One made in the Castle in 
1235-6 cost £14 18s. 317 and another in the forest in 1239-40, capable of turning out a 
thousand summas of lime, cost £20. 318 Orders for the supply of brushwood and useless 
oaks for the firing constantly occur. 

Oak timber in bulk was, of course, continually being supplied from Windsor Forest 
or from the neighbouring forests of Pamber, Axholt, etc. Oak boards for making planks 
are mentioned in 1240-1, 319 and oaks for making shingles in 1242-3. 320 

The provision of a hundred of fir (de sapio) for the doors and windows of the great hall 
in 1224 321 is an early instance of the use of timber other than oak. In 1250-1 a purchase 


73 


Craftsmen and Artists. 

of two thousand estrich boards is noted. 322 In 1252-3 three thousand Norway boards, 
and fifty great boards for making tables, cost with carriage from London £19 4s. 6d. ; and 
another lot of two thousand boards and a thousand laths, with carriage, £12 7s. 323 There 
are many later purchases of boards. 

A beech tree ( fagus ) was bought in 1239-40 to make tables for the King’s 
kitchen. 324 

The purchase of a hundred of tin {unam cenienam stagminis ) occurs in 1261-2 325 ; of 
two hundred esperducas of iron through the sheriff of Gloucester in 1254-5 326 ; and of 
a further quantity of Gloucestershire iron in 1263-4. 327 

In 1225-6 thirty carrats of lead were bought for £6 / y 328 ; four carrats bought in 1240-1 
cost £g 12s. 329 ; five carrats in 1243-4, £12 13s. pd. 330 ; and eight carrats in 1245-6. 
£21 13s. 8d. 331 This gives an average cost per carrat, including carriage (usually from 
London only), of about 50s. In 1248-9 a quantity of Derbyshire lead was bought, to the 
extent of thirty carrats, which with the carriage cost /66 10s. 332 Other later purchases 
of lead from the Peak district likewise occur. 

It will be seen that, so far as the documents go, those of the exceptionally long reign 
of King Henry III, though telling much as to the story of the buildings, yield singularly 
little as to the material employed or the workmen engaged in using them up. 

Before taking leave of the reign, it is interesting to note, that although the troubles 
of the year 1263 are not reflected in the history of the buildings, the writer of the Flores 
Historiarum, in commenting upon the garrisoning of the Castle by Prince Edward with 
alien troops, describes Windsor as “ that very flourishing castle, than which, at that time, 
there was not another more splendid within the bounds of Europe.” 333 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 

1 B allium forinsecum, 1222-3 — 1259-60; b. extrinsecum, 1233-4; b. ulterius, 1254-5. 

2 B allium inferius and curia inferior, 1255-6; pars inferior, 1240-1. 

3 Ballium magnum, 1225-6 ; b. mafus, 1233-4. 

4 1222-3, 31st January. “ Rex Engelardo de Cygony salutem. Mandamus vobis quod ballium castri nostri 

Windlesor forinsecum . . . reparari faciatis, etc.” Close Roll, 7 Henry III, m. 20. 

5 Porta forinseca, 1234-5. 

6 ” Et in duabus portis ligneis faciendis videlicet una in ballio extrinseco et alia in ballio intrinseco.” Pipe Roll, 
18 Henry III, m. 16. 

7 1239, 10th September. “ Rex baillivo suo W. salut<_m. Precipimus tibi quod Turellam porte castri nostri 

W. que gistata non est gistari facias, et duo stagia in ea fieri facias et superius stagium plumbo cooperiri 
facias.” Liberate Roll, 23 Henry III, m. 5. 

8 1239, 10th September. ‘‘ Rex baillivo de W. salutem. Precipimus tibi quod carnellos inferioris porte baillii 

Castri nostri W. et aluras ejusdem porte [reparari facias omitted ?].” Ibid. m. 5. 

9 ‘‘ Et in turella juxta barbacanam Castri de Windesor plumbo cooperienda .iiij.li. xviij.s. et ij.d.” Pipe Roll, 
18 Henry III, m. 16. 

10 ‘‘Et quadam camera privata facienda ad turellam juxta barbacanam ejusdem castri.” Pipe Roll, 19 
Henry III. 

11 1249, 12th October. “ In confeccionem barbecane nostre quam per consilium magistrorum Thome Cementarii 
et Simonis Carpentarii nostri fieri providimus ibidem.” Liberate Roll, 33 Henry III, m. 1. 

12 1250, 14th April. “ Rex mittit Roberto de Muscegros. C. marcas ad faciendam Barbecanam Regis apuri 
Windlsor. mandans quod de eisdem denariis operariis Regis ipsius Barbecane stipendia sua solvi faciat.” 
Close Roll, 34 Henry III, m. 13. 

13 1257, 4th April. “ Viz. pro factura unius camere in qua dictus Johannes jacet infra castrum predictum .xx. 

solidos et pro quadam candalaria ibidem facienda .ij. marcas.” Liberate Roll, 41 Henry III, m. 8. 

14 1260-1, 23rd February. “ Rex Ricardo de Freitmantell custodi maneriorum suorum de Cokham et Braye 

salutem. Precipimus tibi quod de exitibus ballive tue cum omni celeritate qua poteris fieri facias ultra 
portam castri nostri de VV. quandam portam coliceam.” Liberate Roll, 45 Henry III, m. 12. 

15 “ Et pontibus ejusdem turris et predicti castri reparandis.” Pipe Roll, 19 Henry III. 

16 1237, 18th July. " Rex Waltero de Burgo salutem. Precipimus tibi quod magnum pontem in Castro nostro 

de Windshour et duos alios pontes superius in eodem castro reparari facias ad quam reparacionem 
Engelardus de Cygony tibi faciat habere in foresta nostra de Wind, maeremium, etc. 

Et mandatum est Engelardo de Cygony quod maeremium sufficiens in predicta foresta eidem Waltero 
habere faciat.” Liberate Roll, 21 Henry III, m. 6. 

This repair of the bridges is entered on the Pipe Roll for 1237-8 : “ Et in reparacione magni pontis 
et aliorum duorum pontium in eodem castro.” [m. 1] 

17 1260, 26th May. ‘‘ Mandatum est Custodi Foreste de W. quod sine dilacione faciat habere custodibus opera - 

cionum Castri nostri de W. maeremium in foresta predicta quantum opus fuerit ad reparacionem magni 
pontis Castri predicti et ad barreras faciendas ante diversos pontes ejusdem Castri sicut Rex ballivis villc 
sue de W. per litteras suas precepit.” Close Roll, 44 Henry III, part i. m. 14. 


74 


Windsor Castle 


“ Henricus Dei gracia Rex Anglie, etc. Ballivis ville sue de W. salutem. Precipimus vobis quod 
magnum pontem forinseci ballii Castri nostri de W. planchiari et reparari faciatis ubi necessarie fuerit 
et extra pontem ilium duos bonos et fortes stapellos cum una grossa ferrea cathena ex transverso. Et 
similiter duos alios bonos stapellos cum consimili cathena ex transverso ante pontem ad pedem magne 
turris poni faciatis. Ita quod hec fiant ante proximum adventum nostrum ibidem qui erit in breve, etc.” 
Liberate Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 7. 

18 “ Et in reparacione magni pontis forinsecj ballij ejusdem castri et eodem ponte planchiando et ij bus bonis et 
fortibus stapellis et una grossa Katena ad eundem pontem et aliis duobus stapellis cum consimili Katena ad pontem 
ante pedem magne turris iiij.li. vj.s. et .ij.d.” Pipe Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 3. 

19 See ante, page 33, and note 16, page 44. 

20 1239, 7th June. “ Rex Ballivis suis de Windles salutem. Precipimus vobis quod . . . murum ejusdem 

castri inter portam et turellam primam ex parte orientali reparari faciatis et emendari.” Liberate Roll, 
23 Henry III, m. 12. 

21 1240-1, 17th January. “ Mandatum est Engelardo de Cygony quod . 1 . marcas quas Johannes filius Andree 

Regi debet . . . faciat habere Custodibus optracionum de W. ad atractum faciendum de petra et 

calce ad castrum de Windles claudendum.” Close Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 15. 

22 1263, 9th November. “ Rex Constabulario Castri sui de W. salutem. Precipimus tibi quod murum retro 
coquinas nostras Castri predicti ex parte boreali Kernellari . . . facias,” etc. Liberate Roll, 48 
Henry III, m. 6. 

23 T256, 5th May. “ De defectibus emendandis in Castro Wind. Rex Godefrido de Liston salutem. Precipimus 

tibi quod de exitibus ballive tue . . quendam caminum in Turri versus villam in camera ubi Guido 

de Lezign jacet et ceteros defectus mazonerie per loca in dicto Castro prout opus fuerit emendari . 
facias.” Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 10. 

24 1239, 2nd April. “ Rex Baillivo suo de Windles salutem. Precipimus tibi quod duas marcas et dimidium 

que restant reddende pro operacione fossati castri nostri Windl. sine dilacione reddi facias et computantur 
tibi ad Scaccarium.” Liberate Roll, 23 Henry III, m. 17. 

25 1240-1, 16th February. “ De fossato castri de Windles. Mandatum est Engelardo de Cygony quod operarios 

operari faciat in fossato Castri de W.” etc. Close Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 14. 

26 1242, 24th April. “ Rex Thesaurario etc. salutem. Liberate de thesauro nostro Aliwino de Tywel Ballivo 

de W. vij. libras et v. solidos pacandos probis hominibus nostris de W. in reccmpensacione dampnorum 
que sustinuerunt de domibus suis prostratis per fossatum Castri de W. quod fieri fecimus.” Liberate 
Roll, 26 Henry III, m. 5. 

27 1243, 1st May. “ Mandatum est Ebor Archiepiscopo Karl Episcopo et W. de Cant, quod . . . elargiri 

faciant fossata circa castrum illud quantum domus ville exterius sive earum ruina permittant.” Close 
Roll, 27 Henry III, m. 8. 

28 1246, 29th March. “ Liberacio pro pluribus hominibus Windlesor. Rex [Thesaurario etc] salutem. Liberate 

de thesauro nostro Godefrido Germeyn .xx.s. Osberto mercatori .xxx.s. Guinuldo Brun .xvi.s. et viij.d. 
pro dampnis eis illatis per fossatum factum subtus murum castri nostri de Windles.” Liberate Roll, 
30 Henry III, m. 15. 

29 1 250-1, 1 8th January. “ Rex Godefrido de Lyston salutem. Precipimus tibi quod de exitibus ballive tue 

facias habere pauperibus hominibus nostris de Windes. quorum terras et domos occasione firmacionis 
castri nostri fecimus occupari unde recipisti extractam xxxiij.li. xviij.s. et x. den. ad quos dampna sua 
per sacramentum legalium hominum estimata fuerunt.” Liberate Roll, 35 Henry III, m. 14. 

This amount is duly accounted for by Godfrey of Liston in the Pipe Roll, 37 Henry III, m. 4 : “ Et 
pauperibus hominibus de Windesor quorum terre et domus occasione firmacione castri de W. occupantur 
.xxxiij.li. xviij.s. x.d.” 

3° 1222-3, 3°th January. “ Deliberacio. Rex E[ustachio] Thesaurario et F. et W. Camerariis salutem. Liberate 
de thesauro nostro Magistro Thome carpentario nostro et duobus sociis suis tres marcas in parte solucionis 
liberacionum suarum. 

Liberate eciam eidem Magistro Thome in parte solucionis sexaginta et decern marcarum quas ei 
debemus pro aula nostra de Windlesor facienda xx marcas ad opus illud incipiendum. 

Liberate eciam Engelardo de Cygoiny .x. marcas ad attractum faciendum ad aulam nostram de 
Windlesor faciendam. 

Rex eisdem salutem. Liberate de thesauro nostro Engelardo de Cygony .x. marcas ad attractum 
faciendam ad reedificandam aulam nostram Windlesor.” [m. 20] 

31st January. " De domibus reparandis. Rex Engelardo de Cygony salutem. Mandamus vobis quod 
ballium castri nostri Windlesor forinsecum et domos nostras ejusdem castri intrinsecas reparari faciatis 
et custum quod ad hoc posueritis per visum et testimonium legalium hominum vobis reddi faciemus." 
[m. 20] 

2 1st March. “ Rex E. Thes. etc. liberate de thesauro nostro Engelardo de Cygoyny .xx. marcas ad 
reparacionem aule nostre et domorum nostrarum Windles.” [m. 16] 

1223, 3rd May. ‘‘Rex eisdem salutem. Liberate etc. Engelardo de Cygoini .xx. marcas ad operacionem 
domorum nostrarum Windlesor et Magistro Thome Carpentario et sociis suis .xx. marcas in parte 
solucionis sexaginta et x. marcarum quas habere debent pro operacione domorum predictarum.” 
[m. 12] 

17th May. “ Rex E. Thes. etc. salutem. Liberate etc. Engelardo de Cygoini xx. marcas ad operacionem 
domorum nostrarum de Windlesor.” [m. n] 

13th June. ‘‘ Rex [ut supra]. Liberate etc. Engelardo de Cygony .xx. marcas ad operacionem domorum 
nostrarum de Windlesor.” [m. 8] 

27th July. “ Rex [ut supra]. Liberate etc. Engelardo de Cygoiny xl. marcas ad operacionem aule nostre 
castri nostri de Windlesor.” [m. 6] 

15th September. “ Rex [ut supra] Liberate etc. Engelardo de Cygoyny xl. marcas ad operacionem aule 
castri nostre de Windlesor faciendam.” [m. 2] 

” Rex eisdem salutem. Liberate de thesauro nostro Thome Carpentario et sociis suis xv. marcas 
in parte mercedis sue quam percipere debent pro aula castri nostri de Windlesor facienda.” [m. 2.] 
Close Roll, 7 Henry III. 

31 1223, 17th August. “ Rex fratri Simoni de Templo London salutem. Mandamus vobis quod de denariis 
nostris qui sunt in custodia vestra. habere faciatis dilecto et fideli nostro Engelardo de Cygoyni xxx.li, 
ad operacionem aule castri nostri de W.” Patent Roll, 7 Henry III, m. 2. 

32 1223, 31st October. “ Rex [ut supra]. Liberate etc. Engelardo de Cygoini centum solidos ad operaciones 
aule nostre de Windlesor faciendas. [m. 18] 


TDocumentary IN^otes. 


75 


Rex Vicecomitibus London, salutem. Mandamus vobis quod habere faciatis Magistro Thome 
Carpentario nostro centum de sapio ad hostia et fenestras aule nostre de Windleshor facienda et custum 
quod ad hoc posueritis per visum et testimonium legalium hominum computabitur vobis ad scaccarium.” 
[m. 4] Close Roll, 8 Henry III, part i. 

33 See the account ante, of William de Milleriis, on the Pipe Roll for 1228-9. 

34 “ Et in fenestris magne aule Castri de Windesor et fenestris camere ejusdem aule reparandis.” 

“ Et quibusdam fenestris vitreis ad medietates fenestrarum ejusdem Aule ex utraque parte deysii Regis aule.” 
Pipe Roll, 19 Henry III. 

36 “ Et magna aula Regis ubi necesse fuerit cooperienda. Et in quodam leone de petra faciendo et erigendo 
super gabulum in eadem aula.” Pipe Roll, 22 Henry III, m. x. 

38 1250, 19th July. “ Contrabreve de sede regali in aula de Windesor. Rex Godefrido de Lyston salutem. 
Precipimus tibi quod in aula castri nostri de Windes in medio mense fieri facias regalem sedem in qua 
depingi facias imaginem regis sceptram in manu tenentis provisur quod sedes ilia pictura aurea decenter 
ornetur.” Liberate Roll, 34 Henry III, m. 5. 

The back of the Coronation Chair in Westminster Abbey Church still retains traces of a painting of 
a similar figure of a King. 

37 “ j n quadam regali sede facta in medio mense Regis in aula de W. et quadam imagine regis depingenda in 
eadem sede xj.li. ix.s. vj.d.” Pipe Roll, 37 Henry III, m. 4. 

38 1260, 14th December. “ Rex Ricardo de Freitmantell custodi maneriorum suorum de Cokham et Braye 

salutem. Precipimus tibi quod in aula nostra de Windles ex utraque parte sedis nostre ejusdem aule 
fieri facias fenestras vitreas cum Imaginibus quas tibi injunximus ibidem faciendas.” Liberate Roll, 
45 Henry III, m. 15. 

39 1261-2, 21st February. “ Rex Aymoni Thurumberd custodi maneriorum de Cokham et Braye salutem. 
Mandamus vobis quod . . . quatuor stapella cum cathenis ferreis ante ostium aule nostre de W. 

poni . . . facias.” Liberate Roll, 46 Henry III, m. 12. 

40 1256, 5th May. “ Rex Godefrido de Liston salutem. Precipimus tibi quod de exitibus ballive tue emendari 

facias defectus mazonerie in summitate magne turris castri de Windes et conduci facias aquam fontis 
in curia juxta predictam turrim usque in claustrum nostrum in curia inferiori et inde usque ad hostium 
aule nostre et si aqua predicta fontis non sufficiat tunc sumi facias aquam fontis in magna turri ad juvamen 
alterius aque et domum ultra predictum fonlem una cum rota et aliis ingeniis et quoddam lavacrum ad 
capud aule nostre a parte orientali de novo fieri facias.” Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 10. 

41 “ Et cooperturam aule nostre et alios defectus in ceteris domibus prout opus fuerit emendari facias.” Ibid. 
m. 10. 

42 Part of the lead pipe of the conduit ordered in 1255-6 was also found in situ. 

43 The Oakham and Windsor halls were also nearly of a size ; that at Oakham being 64J feet long and 44 feet 

wide. v 

44 1227-8, 3rd January. “ De coquina facienda in Castro de Windles. Mandatum est Constabulario Windles 

quod de x. marcis quas Vicecomes Surrie ei liberavit juxta communem ipsius et ipsius Vicecomitis pro- 
visionem cui mandatum est quod ad hoc ad eum accedat sicut competentius et levius poterit fieri faciat 
in Castro predicto unam coquinam ad defectum quem de coquina dominus Rex ibidem habet interim 
supplendum donee dominus Rex meliorem coquinam ibidem fieri fecerit.” Close Roll, 12 Henry III, 
m. 14. 

45 “ Et in operacione nove coquine in eodem castro .xix.li. et iii.s. et ob. per breve Regis et per visum magistri 
tribuchetarij et Johannis filii Andree.” Pipe Roll, 13 Henry III, m. 1. 

46 1233, nth May. “ De necessariis in castro de Windlesor. faciendis. Mandatum est Constabulario de Wyndesor 

quod domos Castri de Wyndesor reparari et unam novam Coquinam in eodem Castro fieri faciat.” 
Liberate Roll, 17 Henry III, m. 5. 

47 “ Et in magna Regis coquina in castro de Wind, perficienda et aliis domibus Regis ibidem reparandis xxi.li. 
xi.s. et ij.d. per breve Regis et per visum et testimonium Gilberti de Grangia et Roberti de la Schawe.” Pipe Roll, 
18 Henry III, m. 16. 

48 The missing word in the original should probably be “ coquinas.” See post, under dates 1236-7, 1253-4, 
1261-2, and 1263-4. 

49 “ Et quadam claustura forti palicio facienda et cum bona porta ab ingressu ejusdem aule que claudat per 
circuitum duas [? coquinas] Regis prope predictam aulam.” Pipe Roll, 18 Henry III, m. 16. 

50 1236, 19th November. ” De coquina de Windlesor. et aliis emendandis. Mandatum est custodi foreste de 

Windles quod in foresta predicta faciat habere Symoni Carpentario Regis duos tortos postes .vj. latios (?) 
et .iiij clauvus (?) ad cmendacionem unius coquine apud Windlesores et maeremium ad unam gutteram 
faciendam in alia coquina Regis ibidem,” etc. Close Roll, 21 Henry III, m. 20. 

51 1240, 22nd August. ” quandam fagum ad faciendas mensas in coquina Regis.” Close Roll, 24 Henry III, 

m. 6. 

52 1240, 2 1st December. “ Rex Custodibus operacionis Castri de W. salutem. Precipimus vobis quod sine 

dilacione fieri faciatis quoddam apenticium inter Aulam nostram et coquinam nostram infra baillium 
castri nostri de W.” Liberate Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 19. 

53 1 240-1, 15th January. “ De maeremio ad aleiam. Rex Constabulario Castri de W. salutem. Precipimus tibi 
quod habere facias Magistro Symoni Carpentario nostro maeremium ad faciendam quandam aleiam de 
coquina nostra de Windles. usque ad aulam nostram,” etc. Close Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 16. 

54 On account of the rapid fall of the ground from the hall westwards. 

55 1241, 8th May. “ Et in inferiori parte castri subtus aulam quandam marescalam Et quoddam apenticium 
ad mappas deponendas fieri faciatis.” Liberate Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 11. 

58 1252, 23rd November. “ De puteo in Castro de Windes. faciendo. Mandatum est Constabulario de Windes 
quod puteum aquaticum qui sit latitudinis .vj. pedum in circuitu fieri faciat in magno Ballio Castri de 
Windes ita quod aqueductus inde per gutteram commode venire possit ad coquinam et operariis puteum 
illud committat facere ad tascham.” Close Roll, 37 Henry III, in dorso. 

57 1252- 3, 18th January. “ Ad magnam coquinam Ballii Castri Regis de Windles emendandam.” Close Roll, 

37 Henry III, m. 19. 

58 1254, 30th July. “ Rex ballivo suo de W. salutem. Precipimus tibi quod cooperturam utriusque coquine 

nostre in castro nostro de W. emendari et coquinam familie in pariete et ligatura et cooperturam magne 
aule nostre et veteris camere similiter emendari et furnum cum dorno supra eundem furnum ubi necesse 
fuerit reparari et cordas ad puteum et ad campanas emi facias.” Liberate Roll, 38 Henry III, m. 2. 


7 6 


Windsor Castle. 


59 Account of Gilbert de Tegula. “ Et in emendacione cooperture coquine Regis in Castro de W. et emendacione 

coquine ad familiam in pariete et ligatura et emendacione cooperture magne aule Regis et veteris camere 
et reparacione furni cum domo supra eundem et cordis emptis ad puteum et ad campanas Regis ibidem 
.xix.li.” Pipe Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 3. 

60 1259, 22nd June. “ Rex Ballivis suis de Windesor. Precipimus vobis quod de firma vestra ejusdem villc 

faciatis habere Johanni Pollard . . . xxxvij.s. et ix.d. quos posuit per preceptum nostrum in novem 
miliaribus tegularum faciendis ad quoddam astrum in coquina nostra ibidem inde reparandum.” Liberate 
Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 4. 

61 1261-2, 2 1st February. “ Rex Aymoni Thurumberd custodi maneriorum de Cokham et Braye salutem. 

Mandamus vobis quod coquinas nostras in castro de W. palicium circa easdem coquinas. murum lapideum 
extra predictas coquinas reparari . . . facias.” Liberate Roll, 46 Henry III, m. 12. 

62 1263, 9th November. “ Rex Constabulario Castri sui de W. salutem. Precipimus tibi quod murum retro 

coquinas nostras Castri predicti ex parte boriali Kernellari et murum terreum ex parte australi earundem 
coquinarum . . . facias.” Liberate Roll, 48 Henry III, m. 6. 

63 “ Et in capella que juncta est Camere Regis in majori Baillio in Castro de Windes .xviii.s. et xj.d. 

************* 

Et in fenestris magne aule Castri de Windesor et fenestris camere ejusdem aule reparandis . . . et in 

fenestris vitreis predicte camere et capelle juxta predictam aulam et capelle intrinseci baillii ejusdem castri reparandis.” 
Pipe Roll, 18 Henry III, m. 16. 

64 “ Et cuidam [capellano] ministranti in capella Aule Regis infra forinsecum baillium castri Regis de Windesore.” 
Pipe Roll, 20 Henry III. Account of Engelard of Cygony. 

65 “ Et Willelmo Oswy . . . ij marcas et dim. pro quodam vestimento cum tualliis ponendo in capella Aule 

nostre Windles. et eidem .xx. et unum solidos et vij. denarios pro quodam calice argenteo deaurato ponendo in eadem 
capella.” Liberate Roll, 21 Henry III. 

66 Account of Gilbert de Tegula. “ In emendacione cooperture magne aule Regis et veteris camere.” Pipe 
Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 3. 

67 “ Et in reparacione Garderobe Regis in baillio ejusdem castri.” Pipe Roll, 22 Henry III. m. 1. Account of 
Walter of Burgh. 

68 “ Et In operatione Elemosinarie et Sepium circa Coquinas .xlij.s. & .x.d. per breve Regis.” Pipe Roll, 31 
Henry II. 

69 1237, nth May. “ De maeremio ad elemosinariam Regis. Mandatum est Engelardo de Cygoyny. custode 

Foreste Windes. quod habere faciat fratri Johanni Elemosinario Regis vij quercus in foresta Regis de 
Windlesor. ad maeremium inde faciendum ad reparacionem elemosinarie Regis Windes.” Close Roll, 
21 Henry III, m. 13. 

70 1241, 13th November. “ Rex Custodibus operacionem de W. salutem. Precipimus vobis quod cameram 

elemosinarie nostre de W. que nuper corruit cum muro castri ejusdem reparari faciatis et alias domos 
ejusdem elemosinarie que indigent reparacionem faciatis emendari.” Liberate Roll, 26 Henry III, m. 16. 

71 1239-40, 4th January. “ Contrabreve Regis de Cameris et quadam capella faciendis apud W. Rex Waltero 

de Burgo salutem. Precipimus tibi quod in Castro de Windles fieri facias quandam cameram ad opus 
nostrum juxta murum ejusdem castri de longitudine sexaginta pedum et de latitudine xxviij pedum 
et aliam cameram ad opus Regine nostre de longitudine xl. pedum que contigua sit camere nostre et sub 
eodem culmo in longum ejusdem muri et quandam capellam de longitudine lxx. pedum et de latitudine 
xxviij pedum in longum ejusdem muri. Ita quod spacium quoddam competens relinquatur inter predictas 
cameras et ipsam capellam ad pratellum quoddam faciendum.” Liberate Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 22. 

72 1239-40, 8th January. “ Contrabreve Regis de quodam rogo faciendo. Rex Engelardo de Cygony salutem. 

Mandamus vobis quod de roboribus foreste de W. ubi capi possunt ad minus nocumentum predicte foreste 
faciat quendam rogum usque ad summam mi lie quarteriorum calcis ad operaciones nostras in castro 
W. faciendas.” Liberate Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 22. 

73 Ibid. m. 20. 

74 Close Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 15. 

75 1240, 5th December. “ De CC. bordis. Mandatum est Edwardo filio Odonis quod faciat habere custodibus 

operacionum Windles. CC. borda de quercu ad faciendas inde plancheas ad novam cameram de W. que 
quidem borda fuerunt empta in Coga et jacent in novo Gardino.” Close Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 18. 
A cog is a large boat or barge. 

76 1241, 28th March. “ De maeremio ad cameram de W. Mandatum est Ballivis de Bray quod in foreste de W. 

permittant Magistrum Simonem Carpentarium capere maeremium ad cameram de W. facere.” Ibid. m. 12. 

77 1249, 14th October. “ quos liberavit per preceptum nostrum Magistro Carpentario nostro ad pavimentum 

camere nostre faciendum.” Liberate Roll, 33 Henry III, m. 1. 

1256, 2 1st May. ” introitum magne Camere nostre ultra hostium magne garderobe nostre in inferiori ballio 
ejusdem Castri lambruscari . . . facias.” Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 9. 

78 1243, 15th June. “ Mandatum est Custodibus episcopatus Winton ut ballivos manerii de Wergrave quod 

habere faciant Magistro Symoni carpentario domini Regis sex bonas quercus ... ad scindulas 
faciendas ad operaciones Castri Regis de Windlesor.” Close Roll, 27 Henry III, part ii, m. 4. 

79 1244, 19th April. “ Mandatum esf Vicecomitibus London quod Ouinque carratas plumbi cmi et mitti faciant 

usque Wind, liberandas custodibus operacionum Regis ibidem ad operaciones illas faciendas.” Liberate 
Roll, 28 Henry III, m. 12. 

This lead is duly accounted for in the Pipe Roll for the same year : Et pro v. carratis plumbi emptis 

et cariatis usque W. liberatis ibidem Hugoni Giffard et Magistro Willelmo Bruno .xii.li. xiij.s. ix.d. per 
breve Regis.” [m. 10] 

80 Liberate Roll, 28 Henry III, m, 8. 

81 1259, 22nd June. ” Rex Ballivis suis de Windesor. Precipimus vobis quod de firma vestra ejusdem ville 

faciatis habere Johanni Pollard xxxix.s. et viij.d. quos posuit per preceptum nostrum in reparacione 
Camini magne Camere nostre Castri nostri de Windesor.” Liberate Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 4. 

See also Pipe Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 3. On the Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, is a writ to Godfrey 
of Liston : “ Precipimus tibi quod de exitibus ballive tue emendari facias per consilium Magistri Johannis 
de Gloucestria cementarii nostri magnum caminum camere nostre de W. cmcndandum qua necessarie 
indiget.” [m. 13] The work was not, however, done until 1259. 

82 1261-2, 2 1st February. “ duas cameras forinsecas magne camere nostre plumbari.” Liberate Roll, 46 

Henry III, m. 12. 


83 

84 

85 

86 

87 

88 

89 

90 

91 

92 

93 

94 

95 

96 

97 

98 

99 

100 

L01 

102 

103 

104 

105 


r Documeittary -7{otes. 77 


1245-6, 17th March. “ Mandatum est Constabulario Castri de W. quod . . . Gardcrobam etiam Regis 

et Regine lambruscari faciat.” Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 16. 

The work is duly charged on the Pipe Roll for the same year. 

1258-9, 10th January. “ Rex Ballivis suis Windesor salutem. Precipimus vobis quod caminum Garderobe 
nostre qui nuper vento corruit in castro nostro dc W. et ceteros defectus domorum ejusdem castri 
reparari faciatis.” Liberate Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 7. 

1259, 22nd June. “ Et xxxix.s. quos posuit per preceptum nostrum in duobus hostiis magne garderobe 
nostre ejusdem Castri amovendis et in eadem Garderoba elonganda.” Liberate Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 4. 

This work is duly accounted for on the Pipe Roll for the following year. 

Probably the north transept. 

1243, 20th August. “ De operacionibus capelle Regis Wind. Mandatum est Ebor Archiepiscopo quod tam 
in hyeme quam in estate operari faciat donee Capella Regis Windesor perficiatur. et fieri faciat ibidem 
cumulum altum ligneum ad modum cumuli novi operis Lichfeld. Ita quod appareat opus lapideum 
cum bona lambruscura et pictura et capellam illam plumbo cooperiri. et .iiij. Imagines fieri faciat in eadem 
capella deauratas et eas assidi locis quibus prius hujusmodi Imagines Rex poni disposuerat. et unam 
turellam lapideam ad frontem ejusdem capelle in qua possint suspendi .iij. vel .iiij. campane.” Close 
Roll, 27 Henry III, m. 5. 

1241, 19th September. “ Et de eisdem xxx marcis habere faciat Thome pictori de Certes qui facit ymagines 
Regis ad Capellam de W. x. marcas.” Close Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 3. 

“ ad cooperiendam capellam Regis ibidem.” Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 22. 

“ in octo carrettas blumbi [sze] emptis et cariatis usque Wyndesor ad Capellam Regis ibidem cooperiendam 
xxi.li. xiij.s. viij.d. per breve Regis.” Pipe Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 7. 

On 7th December, 1247, the sheriff of Nottingham and Derby was ordered to buy and send to Windsor 
30 carrats of lead [Liberate Roll, 32 Henry III, m. 14], and the cost thereof, £66 10s., is duly entered on 
the Pipe Roll for 1248-9 [m. 3]. Possibly this also was for the works of the chapel, though the fact is 
not so stated. 

1246, 2 1st July. " Mandatum est Henrico de Farleg. quod in foresta de Axiholt faciat habere custodibus 
operacionum Regis Windles xxx Quercus ad operaciones capelle Regis et ad alias operaciones in eadem 
Castro faciendas.” Close Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 7. 

1247-8, 24th March. “ Rex dilecti et fideli suo Petro de Geneve salutem. Precipimus tibi quod de exitibus 
terrarum alienigenarum ” to pay “ fratri Willelmo Pictori monachi Westmonasterii .x. marcas ad emendos 
colores ad capellam nostram de Windles depingendam.” Liberate Roll, 32 Henry III, m. 9. 

1248, 30th May. “ Mandatum est Godefrido de Liston quod faciat habere custodibus operacionum Regis 
Windleshor de alnetis et cleiis prout opus fuerit ad faciendum inde estanfacia (?) ad picturas quas Rex 
injunxit Magistro Willelmo Pictori faciendas in capella Regis Windles.” Close Roll, 32 Henry III, m. 8. 

1248, nth June. “ Rex Godefrido de Lyston salutem. Precipimus tibi quod de exitibus ballive tue facias 
habere Magistro Willelmo pictori nostro de Windles .C. solidos ad depingendam capellam nostram de 
W. sicut ei injunximus et fieri faciat scalfacia ad opus ejusdem Picture.” Liberate Roll, 

32 Henry III, m. 6. 

1248, 28th August. “ Mandatum est J. Silvestr et Magistro S. carpentario custodibus operacionum suarum. 
de Windles quod singulis septimanis solvi faciant Magistro Willelmo pictori stipendia sua sicut solvere 
per septimanam consueverunt usque ad adventum Regis apud Windlesor.” Close Roll, 32 Henry III, m. 3. 

1248, October. 

(i) 2 marks “ quas liberavit per preceptum nostrum Magistro Willelmo Pictori ad capellam 
nostram de Windleshour depingendam” ; 

(ii) 40s. ‘‘quos liberavit per preceptum nostrum predicto Willelmo pictori ad emendos colores” ; 

(iii) 18s. “ quos liberavit per preceptum nostrum Johanni socio pictori pro stipendiis suis.” 
Liberate Roll, 33 Henry III, m. 1. 

1248, 2nd November. “ Rex Godefrido de Liston salutem. Precipimus tibi quod invenies quatuor capellanos 
ad celebrandum in Nova Capella nostra apud Windles et de exitibus ballive tue facias habere cuilibet 
ipsorum . 1 . solidos pro stipendiis suis usque ad festum sancti Michaelis proximo futurum.” Liberate 
Roll, 33 Henry III, m. 2. 

“ Ad operaciones capelle nostre ibidem perficiendas.” Ibid. m. 10. 

1249, i6thMay. Edward FitzOdo of Westminster ordered to buy “ duo Antiphonaria cum Impnerio capitulare 
et collectario et duo gradalia cum tropario et unum missale psalteria et unum breviarium de usu Sar 
et ea liberetis Constabulario Castri nostri Windes ut per manum suam tradat ea capellanis nostris nove 
Capelle nostre de Windes deservientibus ad divina officia per ea excercenda Ita quod iidem Capellani 
eidem Constabulario de librario illo respondeant.” Close Roll, 33 Henry III, m. 9. 

1249-50, 14th February. Edward FitzOdo of Westminster “ ad capellam Regis Windes deserviend.im venire 
faciat ibidem unam albam et amictam cum paruris brudatis et unam infulam de samitto et unum calicem 
argenteum decentem et deauratum.” Close Roll, 34 Henry III, m. 15. 

1251, 2 1st May. Edmund [sic] of Westminster to provide for the King “ in nova capella sua apud Windesor 
unum missale unum breviarium collectare capitulare et impnerium duo antiphonaria duo salteria duo 
gradalia et troparium unum calicem et quatuor manutergia et quatuor tuella super altare ad ministranda 
in capella predicta.” Close Roll, 35 Henry III, m. 13. 

1251, 19th October. Order to the Treasury to pay to Laurence of Westminster, the King’s chaplain, 100s. 
“ pro quodam missali quod ab eo emimus ad capellam nostram de Windesor inde deserviendam.” Liberate 
Roll, 35 Henry III, m. 2. 

1252, 30th October. “ Rex mittit Edwardo de Westmonasterio unum pannum de aresta de quo sine dilacione 
fieri faciat unam casulam ad celebranda divina diebus ferialibus in capella Regis de W. et preterea fieri 
faciat ad eandem capellam quandam albam cum paruris et aliisque ad vestimentum pertinent et cum facta 
fuerint ea ibi mittat trahenda capellanis in eadem capella ministrantibus.” Close Roll, 37 Henry III, 
m. 27. 

1256, 2 1st May. “ Et subtus altare magne Capelle nostre ejusdem Castri nostri unum almariolum ad vesti- 
menta ejusdem capelle ibidem reponenda fieri facias.” Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 9. 

1249-50, nth February. “ Mandatum est Edwardo de Westmonasterio quod per magistrum Johannem 
de Ssynt’ fieri faciat de metallo quod remansit de magna campana Westmonasterii quatuor campanas 
ponendas in capella castri de Windes videlicet duas similes illis que sint in capella Regis sancti Stephani 
Westm. et alias duas secundum quod Supprior Westmonasterii ei dicet ex parte Regis.” Close 
Roll, 34 Henry III, m. 15. 


7 « 


Windsor Castle . 


i°6 1250, 20th July. “ Rex Godefrido de Lyston salutem. Precipimus libi quod ab hostio aule nostre de Windesof 
usque ad galileam nove capelle fieri facias quendam murum lapideum altitudinis decern pedum cum quodam 
hostio contra warderobam non nimis amplo. Fieri etiam facias quandam barruram ligneam circa 
exteriorem partem ejusdem galilec Ita quod equi non possint ad eandem galileam attingere.” Liberate 
Roll, 34 Henry III, m. 5. 

107 1260, 8th August. Order to Richard of Fremantel that “ picturam capGle nostre et picturam camere 
nostre ibidem renovari et emendari facias.” Liberate Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 4. 

1260, 13th August. “ Pro Rege de coloribus ad picturam Windes. Mandatum est Edwardo de Westmonasterio 
quod colores et alia ad picturam necessaria sine dilacione faciat habere fratri Willelmo monacho West- 
monasterii pictori Regis ad picturas Regis apud Windesof inde renovandis prout frater Willelmus predicto 
Edwardo dicet ex parte Regis. Et hoc sicut Rex diligit non omittat.” Close Roll, 44 Henry III, 
part i, m. 6. 

1260, 14th December. “ De pictura capelle et Camere de Windes. Rex Ricardo de Freitmantell custodi 
maneriorum suorum de Cokham et Braye salutem. Cum nuper tibi preceperimus quod picturam capelle 
Castri nostri de Windes et picturam camere nostre ibidem renovari et emendari faceres emendacione qua 
indigerent et adhuc restant reddenda Magistro Willelmo pictori nostro et hominibus suis stipendia sua 
de renovacione et emendacione ejusdem picture sicut ex querela predicti Willelmi accepimus : tibi preci- 
pimus quod eidem Magistro Willelmo et hominibus suis stipendia sua de tempore predicto habere facias 
sicut prius habere consueverunt. Et id quod restat renovandum et cmendandum de picturis predictis 
sine dilacione perfici facias.” Liberate Roll, 45 Henry III, m. 15. 

108 ‘‘Et in reparacione picture capelle Regis in eodem castro et picture camere Regis ibidem .c.xvi.s. iij.d.” 
Pipe Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 3. 

109 1260, 14th December. “ Et ex utraque parte magni altaris capelle nostre de Windes fieri facias unum 

interclusum de bordo cum hostiis competentibus. Et eadem interclusum et ostia depingi facias prout 
tibi injunximus.” Ibid. m. 15. 

110 1260-1, 2nd January. “ Emas eciam unum coffrum ad reponenda vestimenta capelle nostre loci predicti.” 

Ibid. m. 14. 

111 1245-6, 17th March. “ Mandatum est Constabulario Castri de W. quod fieri faciat . j bancum in 

muro castri juxta pratellum prope Cameram Regis de franca petra.” Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 16. 

112 1248, 27th April. “ Mandatum est Godefrido de Liston custodi foreste de Windles quod faciat habere 

custodibus operacionum Regis de W. macremium in ipsa foresta ad claustrum Regis ibidem perficiendum 
per talliam inter ipsum et ipsos factam de numero quercuum.” Close Roll, 32 Henry III, m. xo. 

113 1248, 2nd October. “ ad claustrum capelle nostre ibidem cooperiendum.” Liberate Roll, 32 Henry III, m. 2. 

114 1251, 20th August. “ Mandatum est Simoni Capellano et aliis custodibus operacionum Windes quod 

claustrum Regis in castro W. paviri et lambruscari et apostolos depingi faciat sicut Rex ei et magistro 
Willelmo pictori suo ibidem injunxit.” Close Roll, 35 Henry III, m. 5. 

115 1256, 25th April. “ Rex Godefrido de Lyston custodi maneriorum suorum dc Cokham et Braye salutem. 

Precipimus tibi quod unam cisternam in claustro nostro Windesof fieri . . . facias.” Liberate 

Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 12. 

116 1256-7, 28th February. " Mandatum est Godefrido dc Liston custodi foreste Regis de Windes quod in eadem 

foresta faciat habere custodibus operacionum Castri Regis de Windesof maeremium quantum necessarie 
fuerit ad quoddam treylicium faciendum circa claustrum Regis ibidem.” Close Roll, 41 Henry III m. 8. 

117 “ Et cuidam ministranti in capella Aule Regis infra forinsecum baillium castri Regis de Windesof.” Pipe 
Roll, 20 Henry III. 

118 “ Et cuidam capellano in forinseco baillio de W. l.s de liberatura sua. . . . Et cuidam capellano ministranti 

in capella turris Castri W. xxv.s. per breve Regis.” Pipe Roll, 28 Henry III. m. 9 dors. 

On the Liberate Roll for 1239—40 is a writ dated 16th December (1239) directing the bailiff of Windsor that 
“ without delay he is to cause to be sought a certain fit chaplain who can perpetually celebrate the mass of the Blessed 
Virgin for the estate and safety of our beloved son Edward (who had been born on the preceding 17th June) ; such 
chaplain to be paid yearly 50s. for his sustenance.” [Rex Baillivo de W. salutem. Precipimus tibi quod sine dilacione 
queren facias quendam idoneum capellanum qui in perpetuo pro statu et incolumitate dilecti filii nostri Edwardi 
missam Beate Virginis possit celebrare et ei habere facias annuatim .l.s. ad sustentacionem suam.] This chaplain 
may not, however, have been appointed until 1243-4. 

119 (i) “ in forinseco ballio Windesof,” (ii) " ministranti in capella turris castri de Windesof,” (iii) “ in capella 
Regis in parco de W.,” (iv) “ in capella Regine in castro W.” Pipe Roll, 31 Henry III, m. 12. 

120 Liberate Roll, 35 Henry III, m. 16. 

121 1247, 23rd August. “ et ibidem de eodem maeremio levari faciat quandam domum ad opus capellanorum 

Regis et earn cindulis cooperiri faciat.” Liberate Roll, 31 Henry III, m. 3. 

122 1251, nth August. “ Mandatum est Simoni Capellano custodi operum Windes quod in castro Regis de 

Windesof elongari faciat cameram capellanorum et ad eandem cameram quandam cameram et parvam 
coquinam et in anteriori parte claudi muro faciat.” Close Roll, 35 Henry III, m. 6. 

123 1260, 4th July. “ Rex Ricardo de Freitmantell Custodi Maneriorum suorum de Kokham et Braye salutem. 

Quia volumus quod venerabilis pater A. Laodicensis Episcopus inhabitet domos ex opposito capelle 
nostre de W. in quibus familiares capellani et clerici nostri de capella nostra jacere consueverunt. tibi 
precipimus quod domos illas reparari facias reparacione qua necessarie indigent et in solio domorum 
illarum quendam caminum de plastro franco et inter easdem domos et capellam predictam quandam 
portam cum uno wyketto fieri facias.” Liberate Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 6. It is uncertain here 
whether de plastro franco means ‘‘of French plaster,” i.e. plaster of Paris, or “of plaster of the finest 
quality,” cf. franca petra. 

124 “ ad quasdam operaciones nostras quas eis injunximus ibidem inde faciendas per breve Regis ad instanciam 
Regine.” Ibid. m. 5. 

125 1260, 6th October. “ De quadam Camera facienda in Castro Windes. ad opus Episcopi Laodecensis. Rex 

Ricardo de Freitmantell Custodi maneriorum suorum de Cokham et Braye salutem. Precipimus tibi 
quod in castro nostro de W. inter elemosinariam nostram et Turellam in qua Johannes Maunsell jacere 
consuevit ad opus Episcopi Laodecensis quandam cameram appenticiam longitudinis quinquaginta pedum, 
et unum caminum de plastro ad eandem cameram. et quandam garderobam longitudinis quindecim 
pedum ibidem fieri facias.” Liberate Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 3. 

128 1260, 4th November. Sheriffs of London to buy “ dimid. miliare bordi estrensis dimidium centum bordi 
de Sapio et tres carratas plumbi ” and send by water to Windsor “ ad easdem operaciones inde faciendas.” 
Liberate Roll, 45 Henry III, m. 18. 


79 


TDocuinentary J^otes. 


127 1260, 12th November. Treasury to pay “ Ricardo de Frcymauntel ballivo nostro dc Cokham et Bray et 

aliis custodibus operacionum nostrarum Castri nostri dc W. quinquaginta marcas ad operaciones predictas.” 
Ibid. m. 18. 

128 1260-1, 2nd January. “ Rex eidem custodi salutem. Precipimus tibi quod . . . cameram episcopi 

de Windes ibidem factam dealbari . . . facias.” Ibid. m. 14. 

129 ‘‘Et Gayole ejusdem castri reparanda et plumbo cooperienda. Et muro Garderobe castri reparando et 
Gutteris desuper faciendis xxx.li. xj.s. ix.d. per breve ejusdem [Regis et] per visum et testimonium predictorum G[ilberti 
de Grangia] et R[oberti de la Schawe].” Pipe Roll, 18 Henry III, m. 16. 

130 1259, 22nd June. “ Rex Ballivis suis de Windesof. Precipimus tibi quod de firma vestra ejusdem villc 

faciatis habere Johanni Pollard . . . xx.[s.] quos posuit per preceptum nostrum in quadam fabrica 

et quadam plummeria in eodem Castro faciendis.” Liberate Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 4. 

131 1225-6, 26th February. “ Rex etc. Liberate Magistro Jordano carpentario x. marcas deferendas usque 

Windles ad fossatum reparandum quod est in magno baillio nostro inter aulam nostram ejusdem baillii 
et turrim nostram ejusdem castri.” Close Roll, 10 Henry III, m. 22. 

132 1239-40, 20th February. “ quod reparari facias fossatum infra Castrum nostrum de W. usque ad magnam 

Turrim.” Liberate Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 18. 

133 1254, 18th November. “ Mandatum est Eymoni Turbert Constabulario de W. quod reparari et ampliari 

faciatis fossatum subtus turrim ejusdem Castri ad superiorem novam portam in ulteriori ballio sicut 
Rex Comes Cornubie providit. Et mandatum est ballivis de W. quod ei liberent xiij marcas ad fossatum 
illud reparandum et ampliandum.” Close Roll, 39 Henry III, m. 22. 

The writ to the bailiffs of Windsor is entered on the Liberate Roll [m. 14] and the 13 marks are duly 
accounted for on the Pipe Roll, 40 Henry III. 

134 1237, 18th July. “ duos alios pontes superius in eodem castro reparari facias.” Liberate Roll, 21 Henry III, 

m. 6. See the entire entry above, note 16, in connexion with the great gate. 

135 Close Roll, 44 Henry III, part i, m. 14. 

136 1260, 26th May. “ Et similiter duos alios bonos stapellos cum consimili cathena ex transverso ante pontem 

ad pedem magne turris poni faciatis.” Liberate Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 7, and Pipe Roll, m. 3. 

137 1260, 13th July. Out of £ 20 ordered to be paid by the sheriff of Southampton to Richard Freitmantel and 

other wardens of the King’s works at Windsor, 

“ Et mandatum est predictis Ricardo et custodibus quod de predictis denariis pontem ad pedem magne 
turris in castro de Windes et domum supra pontem ilium de novo reparari . . . faciant.” Ibid. m. 5. 

138 1260-1, 2nd January. “ Pontem ad pedem turris nostre ejusdem loci . . . perfici facias.” Liberate 

Roll, 45 Henry III, m. 14. 

139 B allium intrinsecum, 1233-4 and 1235-6; b. interim, 1238-9; b. superius, 1236-7 to the end of the reign. 
Once in 1 240-1 it is called pars interior. 

i4°“ duabus portis ligneis faciendis videlicet una in ballio extrinseco et alia in ballio intrinseco.” Pipe 

Roll, 18 Henry 111, m. 16. 

141 “ Et in quadam columpna lapidea ad faciendam portam interiorem baillii intrinseci Castri de Windlesof ad 
murum ejusdem porte sustcntandam et in muro illo qui corruit ad portam exteriorem ejusdem baillii juxta fontem.” 
Pipe Roll, 19 Henry III. 

The Pipe Roll for 7 Richard I (1195-6) also contains a charge inter alia : " Pro una Columpna facienda et nondum 
pcrfecta. ad sustentandam Motam Castelli de Windlf.” 

142 1245-6, 17th March. “ Mandatum est Constabulario Castri de W. quod fieri faciat Karnellas Turris ejusdem 

castri. et j caminum in camera ultra [portam] ejusdem Turris,” etc. Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III. 

The Pipe Roll for the same year also has : “ [Pro] Kernellis turris ejusdem castri et uno chamino in 
camera ultra portam ejusdem turris.” [m. 9] 

143 1248-9, 21st March. “ Precipimus tibi quod habere facias custodibus operacionum nostrarum Castri nostri 
de Windesor decern libras ad perficiendas turellas de super portam Turris nostre in eodem Castro.” 
Liberate Roll, 33 Henry III, m. 8. 

144 1223-4, 24th February. “ Rex E. Thes. et E. et W. Camerariis salutem. Liberate de thesauro nostro Ricardo 

de Wokindon .xx. libras ad domos que sunt in mota Castri nostri de Windlesof emendandas.” Close 
Roll, 8 Henry III, m. 11. 

145 1224-5, 17th February. “ Rex E. Thes. et Camerariis salutem. Liberate etc. Willelmo de Estan .xl.li. 

ad operacionem turris nostre Windles.” Close Roll, 9 Henry III, part i, m. 11. 

146 1225, 31st October. “ Rex, etc. Liberate, etc. Ricardo Renger majori London .lxvii. libras pro xxx. 

carratis plumbi emptis et missis usque Windlesof ad turrim castri nostri Windlesouf cooperiendam.” 
Close Roll, xo Henry III, m. 29. 

147 “ Et in reparacione domorum in castro et aule Regis et magne turris .xxij.li. & vj.s. & ij.d. per breve Regis 
et per visum magistri tribuchetarij et Johannis filii Andree.” Pipe Roll, 13 Henry III, m. 1. 

148 1237-8, 6th February. “ Rex Waltero de Burgo salutem. Precipimus tibi quod domos nostras in castro 

nostro Windles tarn in Turri quam extra turrim que reparacione indigent reparari facias.” Liberate 
Roll, 22 Henry III, m. 5. 

149 “ Et in reparacione domorum ibidem tarn in turri quam extra turrim. . Et in capella et clocherio 

prope turrim ibidem et domibus in eadem turri reparandis.” Pipe Roll, 22 Henry III, m. x. 

150 1240-1, 19th March. “ Rex Hugoni Giffard et Magistro Waltero de Dya salutem. Mandamus vobis quod 

aulam Castri nostri de W. et eciam aulam infra turrim ejusdem Castri die Paraceves impleri pauperibus 
et eos pasci faciatis mandatum die cene xx pauperunx.” Libeiate Roll, 25 Henry III, part ii, m. 15. 

151 “ Et cuidam capellano ministranti in capella turris Castri W. xxv.s. per breve Regis.” Pipe Roll, 28 Henry III, 
m. 9 dors. 

152 “ Iix capella et clocherio prope turrim.” Pipe Roll, 22 Henry III, m. 1. 

453 1256, 5th May. “ De defectibus emendandis in Castro Wind. Rex Godefrido de Listoix salutem. Precipimus 
tibi quod de exitibus ballive tue emendari facias defectus mazonerie in summitate magne turris Castri 
de Windes et conduci facias aquam fontis in curia juxta predictam turrim usque in claustrum nostrum 
in curia inferiori et inde usque ad hostium aule nostre et si aqua predicti fontis non suffxciat tunc sumi 
facias aquam fontis in magna turri ad juramentum alterius aque et domum ultra predictum fontem una 
cum rota et aliis ingeniis et quoddam lavacrum ad capud aule nostre a parte orientali de novo fieri facias.” 
Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 10. 

154 1245-6, 17th March. " Mandatum est Constabulario Castri de W. quod. . Emi et faciat ij grossas 
et bonas cordas et ij os bukettos ad puteum predicte Turris.” Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 16. 


8o 


IV incisor Castle , 


155 “ Et pro cordis et aliis necessariis ad aquam extrahendam de puteo ejusdem [intrinseci] baillii et ipso puteo 
mundando et rotis et aliis ad ipsum puteum competentibus reparandis.” Pipe Roll, 19 Henry III. 

156 1256, 14th November. “ Precipimus vobis quod in castro nostro de Windlesor . . . grossas cordas 

ad fontem in superiori turri emi . . . faciatis.” Liberate Roll, 41 Henry III, m. 12. 

157 “ Et in grossis cordis emptis ad fontem in superiori turri ejusdem Castri xxv.s. viij.d. per breve Regis et per 
visum et testimonium Rogeri Vintdens et Ade Paste.” Pipe Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 3. 

158 ‘‘ Et in reparacione graduum allurarum et kernellorum et bovarum ibidem.” Pipe Roll, 22 Henry III, m. 1. 
This was done in compliance with the following order of 4th March, 1237-8 : “ Mandatum cst Waltero de Burgo quod 
gradus alerarum et kernellos in Castro de Wyndes et bovas in eodem Castro videri et qua reparacione indigent de 
consilio Engelardi Constabularii ejusdem Castri reparari faciat.” Liberate Roll, 22 Hemy III, m. 7. 

159 1243, 1st May. “ quod fieri faciant in mota de Windlesor unam cisternam que totam pluviam cadenLm 
super eandem motam circumquaque recipiat.” Close Roll, 27 Henry III, part i, m. 9. 

i6° 1259, 22nd June. “ Et xxx ta .s. quos posuit per preceptum nostrum in liciis et barris circa fossatum in 
superiori ballio Castri predicti faciendis ” Liberate Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 4. 

161 1260-1, 23rd February. “ Rex [Ricardo de Freitmantell custodi maneriorum suorum de Cokham et Braye] 
salutem. Precipimus tibi quod de exitibus ballive tue facias habere custodibus opcracionum Castri nostri 
de W. quindecim marcas ad fossatum emendandum circa turrim in castro nostro predicto.” Liberate 
Roll, 45 Henry III, m. 12. 

192 1222-3, 31st January. “ De domibus reparandis. Rex Engelardo de Cygony salutv m. Mandamus vobis 
quod ballium castri nostri Windlesor forinsecum et domos nostras ejusdem castri intrinsecas reparari 
faciatis et custum quod ad hoc posueritis per visum et testimonium legalium hominum vobis reddi 
faciemus.” Close Roll, 7 Henry III, m. 20. 

163 These and other entries following relating to the King’s houses and the provision of funds for works in 
connexion with them have already been quoted. See pages 31 and 43, note 4. 

164 See ante, page 33, and page 44, note 16. 

165 1237-8, 15th March. “ Mandatum est Ingelardo de Cygoneye quod in foresta Regis de Wyndes habere 

faciat Waltero de Burgo maeremium ad domos Regis in Castro de Wyndes reparandos.” Close Roll, 
22 Henry III, m. 18. 

166 ‘‘ Et in fenestris Camere Regis super murum in intrinseco baillio Castri de Windesor ferro barrandis.” Pipe 
Roll, 19 Henry III. 

167 “ Et in reparacione illius brecche in intrinseco baillio Castri Windesor que est inter cameram que est super 
murum ejusdem Castri et turrem angularem versus aquilonalem .xix.s. v.d.” Pipe Roll, 20 Henry III, m. 1. 

168 “ Et in camino competenti de petra et calce in camera super murum castri de Windesor faciendo.” Pipe Roll, 
22 Henry III, m. 1. 

169 1239, 7th June. “ Rex Ballivis suis de Windles salutem. Precipimus vobis quod Cameram nostram in Castro 

nostro de Windles cooperiri faciatis ubi necesse fuerit.” Liberate Roll, 23 Henry III, m. 12. 

170 1243, 24th November. “ Rex custodibus operum de Windesor salutem. Mandamus vobis quod de die et 

nocte lambruscari faciatis altam cameram supra murum castri secus capellam nostram in superiori ballio 
castri. Ita quod prompta sit et decenter lambruscata hac die Veneris cum illuc venerimus. scilicet bordis 
radiatis et coloratis et quod nichil inveniatur in lambruschura ilia reprehensibile. fieri cciam faciatis ad 
quodlibet gabulum ejusdem camere unam fenestram vitream albam extra fenestram interiorem 
cujuslibet gabuli. Ita videlicet ut cum reserate fuerint interiores fenestre extrinsecus appareant ille 
fenestre vitree.” Close Roll, 28 Henry III, m. 18. 

17J 1243, 12th December. “ Rex custodibus episcopatus London salutem. Mandamus vobis quod de exitibus 
episcopatus London, faciatis habere magistro Simoni carpentario nostro et aliis custodibus operum 
nostrorum de Windles .x. marcas ad lambruscandas cameras nostras de Windles.” Liberate Roll, 
28 Henry III, m. 17. 

172 ‘‘ Et in fenestris Camere Regis super murum in intrinseco baillio Castri de Windesor ferro barrandis et in 
breca muri ejusdem Castri subtus Warderobam ejusdem camere obstruenda et reparanda.” Pipe Roll, 19 Henry III. 

173 “ Et in uno camino de petra et calce faciendo in Warderoba Regis in Castro de Windesor .vj.li. & vj.d. ob.” 
Pipe Roll, 20 Henry III, m. 1. 

174 1236, 19th November. “ Mandatum est custodi foreste de Windles quod in foresta predicta faciat habere 

Symoni Carpentario Regis . . . .vj. punzunos et .vj. clauvus (?) ad retaceandam Warderobam Regis 

ibidem quo inclinata est in una parte et maeremium ad unam gutteram ad cameram Regis.” Close Roll, 
21 Henry III, m. 20. 

175 i24f, 8th May. ‘‘ Contra breve Regis pro parietibus faciendis apud Windlesores. Rex custodibus operacionum 

suarum de W. salutem. Precipimus vobis quod quandam turrim in interiori parte castri nostri de W. 
in angulo aquilonari ad duas stagias fieri et desuper plumbari et duas turres propinquiores sequentes 
versus orientem . . . faciatis.” Liberate Roll, 25 Henry III, part ii, m. 11. 

176 ” Et pro claustro Regis ibidem reparando.” Pipe Roll, 7 Richard I. 

177 1243, 10th April. “ Et quod claustrum Regis ibidem lambruscari faciant.” Close Roll, 27 Henry III, part i, 

m. 9. 

178 1237, 12th August. “ Mandatum est eidem [Walteri de Burgo] quod cameram et chimeneam juxta veterem 

aulam in superiori baillio castri de Windlesor reparari faciat.” liberate Roll, 21 Henry III, m. 4. 

“ Et camera et chimeneo juxta veterem aulam ibidem reparandis.” Pipe Roll, 22 Henry III, m. 1. This was 
not the same as the camera super murum mentioned below, as both are named in successive entries in the roll here 
quoted . 

179 1239, 5th December. “ Contrabrevia Regis de pauperibus pascendis. Rex baillivis de W. salutem. Preci- 

pimus vobis quod in die Natalis Domini implere faciatis magnam aulam nostram de W. pauperibus per 
visum Hugonis Giffard et minorem aulam nostram ejusdem Castri nostri die Sancti Stephani et die Sancti 
Johannis et die Epiphanie Domini similiter impleri faciatis pauperibus. et die Sancti Thome impleri 
faciatis eandem aulam pauperibus capellanis et clericis et die Innocentium martirum impleri faciatis eandem 
aulam pueris pauperibus et omnibus diebus predictis pascatis per visum predicti Hugonis in honorem 
domini et sanctorum predictorum.” Liberate Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 23. 

180 1240, 5th June. Order to bailiffs of W. “ quod magnam aulam nostram in Castro de W. et similiter aulam 

in superiori baillio ejusdem Castri pasci faciatis hac instanti die Veneris in ebdomada Pentecost, plenas 
pauperibus.” Ibid. m. 11. 

i8! <• jTf- j n fenestris vitreis . . . capelle intrinseci ballii ejusdem castri reparandis. . . . Et in quadam 
fenestra vitrea et alia lignea faciendis in capella Regis in castro de Windesor.” Pipe Roll, 18 Henry III, m. 16. 


T^ocumentary ■ c \otes. 


The window in the second item seems to have been what it is at present called a “ low-side window,” glazed 
above and shuttered below a transom. Since the chapel was on the first floor the window could not have been used 
by lepers or for confessions, nor for showing lights towards a cemetery, these being three of many other impossible 
reasons for which low-side windows are supposed to have been made. They were apparently for ringing the 
sacring bell at from within. 

182 1240, 13th December. “ Rex custodibus Edwardi filii sui salutem. Precipimus vobis quod depingi faciatis 

capellam castri nostri de Windlesor sicut vobis viva voce plenius injunximus.” Liberate Roll, 25 Henry III, 
part ii, m. 20. 

183 1243, 10th April. “ Pro picluris faciendis. Mandatum est custodibus operacionum de Windlesor quod in 

capella Regis depingi faciant vetus testamentum et novum, et quod claustrum Regis ibidem lambruscari 
faciant.” Close Roll, 27 Henry III, part i, m. 9. 

184 “ Et in duabus verrinis consimilibus verinis camere Regis de Windesor ponendis in fenestris camere Regine 
ibidem versus herbarium Regis cum quibusdam fenestralibus ad aperiendum et claudendum. Et in alia verina 
ponenda in Gabulo ejusdem camere in qua depista [sfc] sit Radix Jesse cum fenestra lignea .xxv.s. ij.d.” Pipe Roll, 
20 Henry III, m. 1. 

185 1237, 27th May. “ De calce ad cameram Regine. Mandatum est Engelardo de Cygoyny quod habere faciat 

fratri Johanni Custodi operis de Camera Regine Regis ducenta quarteria de calce que est in Castro Regis 
de Windesor ad predictam cameram construendam.” Close Roll, 21 Henry III, m. 11. 

188 1239, nth August. “ Rex Ballivo suo de Windles salutem. Precipimus tibi quod . . . depingi Cameram 

Regine nostre de W. . . . facias.” Liberate Roll, 23 Henry III, m. 7. 

187 1239, nth August. “ Rex Baillivo suo de Windles salutem. Precipimus tibi quod . lambruscari 

cameram Edwardi filii nostri et barras ferreas fieri facias ad singulas fenestras ejusdem camere. et unam 
cameram privatam similiter eidem camere convenientem et bovam subterraneam in castro de W. que 
indiget repar? oione facias emendari.” Liberate Roll, 23 Henry III, m. 7. 

188 1239, 25th / ,ust. “ Rex baillivis suis de W. salutem. Precipimus vobis quod kernellos muri interioris 

ballii castri nostri de W. inter portam et cameram dilecti filii nostri Edwardi reparari faciatis.” 
Ibid. m. 6. 

188 1240-1, 15th January. " Rex Constabulario Castri de W. salutem. Precipimus tibi quod habere facias 

Magistro Symoni Carpentario nostrum maeremium ... ad elongandam cameram Edwardi filii 

nostri.” Close Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 16. 

1,0 1241, 8th May. " Rex custodibus operacionum suarum de W. salutem. Precipimus vobis quod . . . 

quandam Cameram ad opus puerorum cum quodam Camino juxta capellam. Et aliam cameram ad 
opus eorundem puerorum ad duas stagias cum duobus caminis . . . fieri faciatis.” Liberate Roll, 

25 Henry III, m. 11. 

181 1242-3, 3rd March. “ Rex Thesaurario et Camerariis suis salutem. Liberate de thesauro nostro Stephano 
de Sabaudia militi dilecti et fidelis nostri Bernardi de Sabaudia Constabulario nostro de W. viginti marcas 
ad operaciones capelle nostre et Capelle Regine nostre in Castro nostro de W. et quadraginta marcas 
deferendas ibidem et liberandas custodibus operacionum nostrarum ad predictas operaciones faciendas.” 
Liberate Roll, 27 Henry III, m. 8. 

192 1243, 2 1st April. “ Liberacio pro depicturis domini Regis in Castro de Windles. etc. Rex Thesaurario et 

Camerariis suis salutem. Liberate . . . B. de Sabaudia Constabulario nostro de W. et Hugoni 

Giffard xx M marcas ad depicturas capelle nostre et Regine nostre in eodem castro et ad alias operaciones 
nostras predictarum capellarum faciendas.” Liberate Roll, 27 Henry III, m. 7. 

193 1243, 20th June. “ Liberacio de operacionibus de Windles. Rex (ut supra). Liberate . x marcas 

deferendas usque Windles et liberandas ibidem B. de Sabaudia Constabulario nostro et predicto Hugoni 
Giffard ad picturam Capelle Regine nostre perficiendam.” Ibid. m. 4. 

194 Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 16. 

195 1246, 1st April. “ ij° paria vestimentorum simul et ornamenta sufficiencia ad duo altaria deprecio mediocri 

et ij calices argenteas uterque de precio .xx.s. ad celebranda divina in capella infra Parcum Regis W. 
et in capella Regine apud W.” Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 14. 

198 1246, 23rd April. “ ij tabulas decenter pictas ponendas in capella Regine apud Windes .j. in fronte altaris 
et alteram desuper altare. et Imagines Crucifixi Marie et Johannis ad idem altare.” Ibid. m. 12. 

197 “ Et in una nova turella propinquiori magne turris in Castro de Wind, facienda .lxxiij.li. xiiij.s. & .ij.d. per 

breve Regis. . . . Et in predicta turri kernellanda et plumbo cooperienda xv.li. vj.s. & iij.d. oR. per breve Regis 

et visum et testimonium Gilberti de Grangia et Roberti de Sawe.” Pipe Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 9. 

198 1252-3, 14th January. “ Rex Constabulario suo de W. salutem. Precipimus tibi quod unum estagium 

supra novam turrim in ballio Castri nostri de W. que senescallis nostris est assignata cum quodam camino 
fieri et turrim illam desuper plumbari et kernellari facias sicut cetere nove turres in eodem ballio 
perficiuntur.” Liberate Roll, 37 Henry III, m. 11. 

199 1251, 19th May. “ Sub ejusdem anni temporibus, videlicet in restate, die Sancti Dunstani, caligo summo 

mane orta, totum, ut videbatur, mundum, tarn in Oriente quam Occidente, tarn in Austro quam Aquilone, 
denigravit, et auditus est tonitrus, quasi valde remotus, cum choruscationibus prseambulis. Et circa 
horam primam appropinquante tonitruo cum choruscationibus, unus ictus caeteris horribilior, ac si 
ccelum se terris ingereret, omnium audientium aures et corda terribiliter subito fragore immutavit. 
Cecidit igitur cum illo ictu super thalamum reginae ubi tunc commorabatur cum filiis et familia sua, et 
caminum in puh 'rem comminutum in terram usque prostravit, et domum totam concussit. Et in foresta 
adjacentc, scilicet Windelesore, triginta quinque robora vel prostravit vel findens dilaceravit. Molendina 
insuper qmedam cum suis molendinariis, et quasdam caulas cum pastoribus suis, cum quibusdam aratoribus 
et viatoribus, contrivit. Et multa quae nos haec scribentes non audivimus vel vidimus dampna irrogavit 
mortalibus.” Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora (Rolls Series 57) v. 263, 264. 

2°o 1255, 2nd November. “ Rex Godefrido de Liston salutem. Precipimus tibi quod exitibus ballive tue fieri 
facias unum oriolum juxta introitum nove Turelle Castri nostri de W. una cum parva capella decenti 
ad opus Regine prout dilectus et fidelis noster Mathias Bezitt tibi dicet ex parte nostra. Ita quod fiat 
citra adventum nostrum ibidem qui erit in brevi domino dante.” Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 19. 

2D ' i 2 55~6, 22nd January. “ maeremium quantum sibi opus fuerit ad reparacionem aule et Camerarum in 
superiori Castro Regis de Windesor ubi liberi Regis nutriti fuerint.” Close Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 16. 

201 1 2 55 - 6, 10th January. “ De reparacione aule in superiori castri Windes. Rex Godefrido de Liston salutem. 
Precipimus tibi quod de exitibus ballive tue facias habere magistris Johanni Cementario et Alexandro 
Carpentario nostro xx libras ad reparacionem et emendacionem aule et camerarum in superiori castro 
nostro de W, ubi liberi nostri nutriti fuerint.” Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 14. 


82 


Windsor Castle. 


2°3 1255-6, 15th March. “ Rex Gilberto de Tegula ballivo ville de W. salutem. Precipimus tibi quod fratri 
Willelmo pictori de Westmonasterio sine dilacione habere facias v. marcas de firma ville predicte ad 
quasdam picturas in Camera nostra et Camera Regine nostre et in capellis nostris apud Windesor renovandas 
et emendandas.” Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 12. 

204 1256, 16th May. “ De picturis in castro Windesor. Rex Godefrido de Liston custodi maneriorum suorum de 

Cokham et Braye salutem. Precipimus tibi quod ab octabis Pasche proximo preteritis in antea et quam 
diu intenderit depictionibus domorum Castri nostri Windesor facias habere dilecto nobis magistro 
Willelmo pictori monacho Westmonasterii duos solidos per diem pro stipendio suo. etc. 

Rex ballivis suis Windesor salutem. Precipimus vobis quod de exitibus ballive vestre faciatis 
habere dilecto nobis magistro Willelmo pictori monacho Westm. xl a .s. ad colores varios emendos ad domos 
Castri nostri de Windesor depingendas.” Ibid. m. 9. 

205 1256, 2 1st May. “ Rex Godefrido de Lyston salutem. Precipimus tibi quod novam capellam erectam juxta 

novum Turellam in superiori ballio Castri nostri de Windesor et Cameram ad nutrices ejusdem ballii 
. . . lambruscari. unum almariolum in medio turelle superioris ballii predicti castri ad pannos regine 

nostre reponendos fieri . . . facias.” Ibid. m. 9. 

The “ middle tower” was probably that to the north of the Queen’s lodgings. 

206 1256, 14th November. “ Rex ballivis suis de Windles salutem. Precipimus vobis quod in castro nostro 

de Windlesor fieri faciatis quandam garderobam ad opus regine nostre . et similiter unam magnam 

tabulam in aula regine nostre poni . . . et quoddam fossatum circa cameram regine nostre in predicto 

castro fieri faciatis.” Liberate Roll, 41 Henry III, m. 12. 

207 1257, 5th April. ” veterem cameram Regine nostre in superiori ballio Castri nostri de W. reparacione et 

emendacione quibus indiget et ibidem fieri faciat quandam novam garderobam ad opus ejusdem regine 
juxta consilium et providenciam Magistri Johannis de Gloucestria Cementarii nostri et Magistri Alexandri 
Carpentarii nostri quos ad hoc deputavimus.” Ibid. m. 8. 

208 1257, 21st May. “ Mandatum est Godefrido de Liston quod de firma ballive sue perfici faciat inceptas 

operaciones Garderobe Regine de Windes.” Ibid. m. 6. 

209 1257, 25th June. “ Cum Rex fieri precepit per consilium magistrorum Johannis de Gloucestria et Alexandri 

carpentarii quandam decentem cameram ad stagium in superiori ballio Castri Windesor ad opus Regine 
ubi camera sua prius fuit. mandatum est Godefrido de Liston custodi foreste Windes quod custodes 
operacionum castri predicti capere permittat in eadem foresta maeremium quantum necessarie fuerit ad 
cameram illam facere.” Close Roll, 41 Henry III, m. 6. 

210 1257-8, 25th January. “ Rex Henrico de Farleg. custodi maneriorum suorum de Kokham et Braye salutem. 

Mandamus vobis quod capellam Regine nostre in superiori ballio castri nostri de Windesor fieri faciatis 
ad stagium secundum quod incepta est. Ita quod sit ibi duplex capella una scilla superius et alia inferius. 
Et ultra privatas cameras dicte Regine juxtam novam cameram suam in dicto ballio inceptam fieri faciatis 
unam Turellam cum quodam oriolo prout magister Johannes de Gloucestria Cementarius noster 
providebit.” Liberate Roll, 42 Henry III, m. 4. 

211 1258-9, 2 1st February. “ Mandatum est Magistro Johanni Cementario Regis et aliis custodibus operacionum 

Regis Westmonasterii quod faciant habere custodibus operacionum Castri Regis de Wind, columpnas 
marmoreas ad Cameram Regine apud Windesor.” Close Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 15. 

212 1258-9, 8th March. “ De operacione Castri de Windr. Rex Henrico de Farleya Custodi maneriorum Regis 

de Cokham et Braye salutem. Mandamus vobis quod Cameram Regine nostre in superiori ballio Castri 
nostri de Windesor ubi ipsa Regina modo jacet, novam Turillam ibidem, garder[obam] subtus utrasque 
novas Cameras suas, et Capellam suam ibidem inferius et superius, lambruscari, et ipsam novam turellam 
de uno stadio [sic] exaltari, gradus magne Camere sue ibidem plumbo cohoperiri, et coquinam suam 
[veterem] amoveri et in loco competenti assideri, et quandam aleam inter coquinam illam et magnam 
Cameram dicte Regine fieri faciatis ibidem.” Liberate Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 6. 

213 Liberate Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 4. 

214 1259, 17th August. “ De roboribus ad unum rogum ad operaciones de Windes. Mandatum est Henrico de 

Farlegh quod in foresta Regis de Wind, faciat habere custodibus operacionum Regis de Wind, octo robora 
folia non ferencia ad unum rogum ad predictas operaciones Regis inde faciendum.” Close Roll, 43 
Henry III, m. 5. 

215 " Executores testamenti Henrici de Farr el. 

Et in capella Regine facienda ad stagium in superiori ballio castri de Windlesor ita quod sint ibi 
due capelle una superius et alia inferius, et in una turella cum uno oriolo facienda ultra privatas cameras 
Regine juxta novam cameram suam, et nova camera ejusdem Regine in superiori ballio lambruscanda, 
et quadam nova turella ibidem facienda, et garderoba ejusdem et capella lambruscanda, et gradu 
magne camere plumbo cooperiendo, et coquina Regine ammovenda in loco competenti, et quadam 
alea facienda inter dictam coquinam et magnam cameram ipsius Regine, et aliis operacionibus in brevi 
contentis . . . CCCC xxiv.li. xiv.s. iiij.d. per tria brevia Regis et visum et testimonium Johannis 

Pollard Gilberti Carpentarii et Rogeri de Eton.” Pipe Roll, 43 Henry III. 

Gilbert the carpenter also received 5 marks for his wages and f'j 17s. 6d. for his livery. 

216 Liberate Roll, 44 Henry III, m. n. 

217 Ibid. m. 11. 

218 Ibid. m. 11. 

219 1260, 3rd May. “ Rex Ricardo de Freitmauntel Custodi Maneriorum de Cokham et de Braye salutem. 

Precipimus tibi quod capellam Regine nostre in superiori ballio castri nostri de W. et Garderobam suam 
ibidem et quendam turellam ad caput Camere ipsius Regine lambruscari . . . facias,” etc. Liberate 

Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 8. 

220 “ ad quasdam domos nostras in eodem castro inde lambruscandas.” Ibid. m. 7. 

221 ‘‘ ad quasdam operaciones nostras quas eis injunximus ibidem inde faciendas per breve Regis ad instanciam 
regine.” Ibid. m. 5. 

222 ‘‘Et mandatum est predictis Ricardo et custodibus quod de predictis denariis . . . inter coquinam 

Regine et garderobam ejusdem. in superiori ballio quoddam appenticium, et in infimo stagio nove turelle que est juxta 
cameram dicte Regine tria ostia, et tres archeras per que lumen intrare possit. fieri faciant.” Ibid. m. 5. 

223 " Et Ricardo de Frietmauntel et aliis custodibus operacionum Regis apud Windlesor ad easdem operaciones 
faciendas .xx.li. per breve Regis.” Pipe Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 3. 

224 ‘‘ Et pro dimidio milliar bordorum et cariagio eorundem usque W. ad operaciones Regis ibidem lxxvj.s. vij.d. 
ob per breve Regis. Et pro dimidio milliar bordorum estrensium et dimidio C. bordorum de sapio et iij bj9 carratis 
plumbi emptis ad opus Regis et cariagio eorundem per aquam usque W. ad operaciones Regis inde ibidem faciendas 
xj.li. xv.s. per breve Regis.” Pipe Roll, 44 Henry III, 


83 


Documentary Notes. 


From this entry it looks as if the sheriffs of London were able to buy only half the quantity of boards ordered 
in the King’s writ of 2nd June ; the other boards and the lead mentioned in the second item were bought in obedience 
to another writ of 4th November [Liberate Roll, 45 Henry III, m. 18]. 

225“ ££ j n perficiendis operacionibus inceptis per Henricum de Farleg. in castro dc W. clxx.li. xxi.d.” Pipe Roll, 
44 Henry III. , 

226 1260-1, 2nd January. “ Rex eidem custodi salutem. Precipimus tibi quod salsariam dilecte Reginc nostre 

in superiori ballio castri nostri de W., aleam ejusdem Regine inter cameram suam et coquinam. Oriolum 
inceptum ultra candem aleam . . . perfici facias . . . et decern novas fenestras dc vitro in 

cameris Reginc nostre ibidem fieri facias,” etc. Liberate Roll, 45 Henry III, m. 14. 

227 1260-1, 23rd February. " Rex [eidem] salutem. Precipimus tibi quod de exitibus ballive tue facias habere 

custodibus operacionum castri nostri de Windes. viginti et duas libras ad domos regine nostre in eodem 
castro et officinas eorundem domorum inde faciendas.” Ibid. m. 12. 

223 1261, 27th April. “ Mandatum est Magistro Roberto de Beverlaco custodi operacionum Westmonasterii 
quod de quarrera de Reygate sine dilacione faciat habere custodibus operacionum castri Regis de Windes 
duo centum libere petre ad quoddam caminum Regine Regis ibidem inde faciendum. Et hoc non 

omittat. Ita quod operacio illius Camerii pro defectu dicte petre non retardatur.” Close Roll, 45 

Henry III, m. 12. 

229 1261, 27th August. “ Mandatum est Edwardo de Westmonasterio et Magistro Roberto de Beverlaco 
Cementario suo quod de lapidibus qui sunt in custodia sua apud Westmonasterium sine dilacione faciant 
habere custodibus operacionum Regis de Windes CCC lapides ad easdem operaciones inde faciendas.” 
Ibid. m. 5. 

It is of course not certain that these stones were for finishing the Queen’s chimney. 

23 ° I2 6i, 23rd December. “ Rex Aymoni Thurumbert custodi maneriorum suorumde Cochamet Bra ye salutem. 
Mandamus vobis quod de exitibus ballive vestre novam cameram contiguam camere Regine nostre in 
Castro nostro de W. lambruscari sicut alie camere nostre ibidem lambruscate sunt et lambruscaturam 
illam colore viridi et stellis aureis depingi faciatis.” Liberate Roll, 46 Henry III, m. 13. 

231 1262, 8th July. “ unum miliare bordorum ad Cameram Regine in castro predicto inde lambruscandam,” 

etc. Ibid. m. 5. 

232 1263, 9th November. “ Rex Constabulario Castri sui de W. salutem. Precipimus tibi quod . . . duas 

bovas juxta coquinam Regine nostre in eodem Castro . . . perfici . . . unam aleiam a coquina 
dicte Regine usque ad cameram suam ibidem reparari et plumbo cooperiri facias prout magne 
necessarie fuerit.” Liberate Roll, 48 Henry III, m. 6. 

233 I2 6i-2, 2 1st February. “ Rex Aymoni de Thurumberd custodi maneriorum de Cokham et Braye salutem. 

Mandamus vobis quod . . . herbarium nostrum . . . turbari . . . facias.” Liberate Roll, 
46 Henry III, m. 12. 

234 ‘‘ Et in marscallia intrinseci baillii castri de Windlesof que corruit et domibus turris ejusdem castri et ahis 
domibus illius castri et pontibus ejusdem turris et predicti castri reparandis xxxviii.li. xiii.s. iij.d. ob.” Pipe Roll, 
19 Henry III. 

235 1260-1, 2nd January. “ De operacionibus de Windes. Rex Ricardo de Freitmantell Custodi maneriorum 

suorum de Cokham et Bray salutem. Precipimus tibi quod cameram que vocatur camera Willelmi de 
Aubervilla prope pedem magne turris nostre in castro Windles cooperiri. et caminum ejusdem camere 
et stabulum nostrum reparari facias reparacione qua necessarie indiget.” Liberate Roll, 45 Henry III, 
m. 14. 

236 1261-2, 1st January. “ Rex Constabulario Castri sui de Windes salutem. Mandamus vobis quod cameram 

in qua Robertus de Muscegros jacere consuevit infra castrum nostrum de Windes amoveri faciatis et 
poni in superiori ballio ejusdem castri loco domus illius in qua molendinum nostrum ibidem fuit et ques 
nuper fuit combusta.” Liberate Roll, 46 Henry III, m. 13. 

237 1^7, 13th August. “ De Brecca reparanda. Rex Waltero de Burgo salutem. Mandamus vobis quatinus 

duas breccas que sunt in muro castri nostri versus gardinum nostrum apud Windles reparari faciatis.” 
Liberate Roll, 21 Henry III, m. 3. 

The making good of these breaches is duly accounted for on the Pipe Roll for 1237-8 (22 Henry III). 

238 “ Et in Operatione Vinee et Gardini .xi.s.” Pipe Roll, 3 Henry II. 

239 It possibly had been greatly injured in the siege of 1216. 

240 1239, 7th April. “ Rex ballivis suis de Windles salutem. Precipimus vobis quod gardinum nostrum extra 

Castrum nostrum de Windles fossato claudi faciatis,” etc. Liberate Roll, 23 Henry III, m. 17. 

241 1239-40, 3rd March. “ Mandatum est Constabulario de W. quod Johanni [filio] Andree . . . clausturam 

et palos ad Gardinum de W. claudendum ei habere faciat.” Close Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 15. 

242 1239-40, 6th March. “ quod Gardinum nostrum de W. \iva haga et palo claudi facias et portam ejusdem 

Gardini fieri novam.” Liberate Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 16. 

243 1246, 23rd April. “ reparari eciam faciat domos Gardinarum Regis et haiam gardini ubi reparacione indiget 

et unum pulcrum virgultum in eodem Gardino fieri faciat.” Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 12. 

244 1251, 23rd April. “ Mandatum est custodibus operacionum Regis Windlesof quod extra Castrum Regis ibidem 

prope gardinum Regis fieri faciant quondam marscalciam ad opus equorum Regis et Regine de A 3 - pedibus 
in longitudine vel amplius prout Rex ei injunxit oretenus.” Close Roll, 35 Henry III, m. 15. 

245 I2 55 _ 6. “ Rex Godefrido de Liston salutem. Ouia testificatum est coram nobis quod terra Radulphi Hunfr 

juxta Gardinum Regis Windesor quam includi fecimus ad novam marescalciam nostram ibidem con- 
struendam appreciata fuit ad opus nostrum retinenda inperpetuum ad quinque marcas eidem Radulfo 
pre manibus solvendas. tibi precipimus quod de exitibus ballive tue eidem Radulfo dictas quinque marcas 
pro predicta terra habere facias.” Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 17. 

246 1256, 5th May. “ Et quendam fontem in gardino nostro cum libera petra construi.” Ibid. m. 10. 

247 1260, 3rd May. “ Et pontem qui est prope cameram Cancellarii nostri sicut itur versus gardinum reparari 

facias ” Liberate Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 8. 

248 1260, 6th October. “ Rex Ricardo de Fritmantell, etc. salutem. Precipimus tibi quod quendam murum 

ante portam gardini nostri de W. fieri, et domum gardinarii nostri ibidem amoveri et versus orientem 
loco competentiori poni et tegula cooperiri facias.” Ibid. m. 2. 

249 1260-1, 2nd January. Rex eidem custodi salutem. Precipimus tibi quod . murum circa gardinum 

nostrum ibidem perfici facias. Fieri eciam facias unam novam domum ad opus gardinarii nostri ibidem.” 
Liberate Roll, 45 Henry III, m. 14. 


8 4 


Windsor Castle. 


250 1261-2, 2 1st February. “ et fieri facias unum puteum aquaticum in gardino nostro de W.” [m. 12] 

30th March. “ quod in gardino nostro Wyndes quamdam portam et quamdam domum ad opus 
gardinarii nostri ejusdem gardini et quemdam murum de terra sine dilacione fieri faciatis prout in 
recessu nostro de W. vobis injunximus.” [m. n] Liberate Roll, 46 Henry III. 

261 1263, 9th November. “ murum et fontem gardini nostri ibidem nuper inceptos perfici.” Liberate Roll, 
48 Henry IIT, m. 6. 

252 Close Roll, 8 Henry III, part i, mm. xo, 5 ; part ii, m. 2 ; and part iii, m. 2. 263 Close Roll, 10 Henry III. 

mm. 21, 20, 14. 254 Close Roll, 9 Henry III, part i, m. 11, and part ii, m. 11. 265 Pipe Roll, 11 Henry III, m. 5- 

256 pipe Roll, 13 Henry III, m. 1. 257 Pipe Roll, 18 Henry III, m. 16. 258 Close Roll, 21 Henry III, m. 11. 

259 Ibid. m. 13. 260 Liberate Roll, 21 Henry III, mm. 6, 4, 3 ; and Pipe Roll, 22 Henry III, m. 1. 201 Pipe Roll, 

24 Henry III. 262 Close Roll, 27 Henry III, part i, m. 8. 203 Ibid. m. 5. 264 Liberate Roll, 28 Henry III, m. 16. 

264 * -phe comparative status of the cuslodes and the visores at this rate is not easy of understanding, especially since 
the keepers were sometimes surveyors also. 265 Pipe Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 9. 200 Close Roll, 32 Henry III, m. 

3. 207 Close Roll, 35 Henry III, m. 20. 208 Pipe Roll, 39 Henry III, m. 19. 269 Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, 

m. 14. 270 Pipe Roll, 43 Henry III. 271 Liberate Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 11. 272 Pipe Roll, 44 Henry III, 

m. 3. 273 Liberate Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 5. 274 Patent Roll, 56 Henry III, m. 30. 276 Close Roll, 7 Henry 

III, m. 20; and Close Roll, 8 Henry III, m. 2. 276 Close Roll, 9 Henry III, part ii, m. 10. 277 Close Roll, 15 

Henry III, m. 8. 278 Close Roll, 9 Henry III, part ii, m. 3. 279 Close Roll, 10 Henry III, mm. 22, 13. 280 Liberate 

Roll, 12 Henry III, m. 3. 281 Pipe Roll, 18 Henry III, m. 16 ; and Pipe Roll, 19 Henry III. 282 Close Roll, 

21 Henry III, m. 20, etc. 283 Liberate Roll, 28 Henry III, m. 16, etc. 284 Liberate Roll, 33 Henry III, m. 1. 
285 Close Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 16. 286 Pipe Roll, 43 Henry III, 287 Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 14. 288 Liberate 

Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 11. 289 Close Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 12. 290 Close Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 3. 291 Ibid. 

m. 6 ; and Close Roll, 26 Henry III, m. 5. 292 Liberate Roll, 32 Henry III, m. 9. 293 Ibid. m. 6. 

294 Close Roll, 32 Henry III, m. 3. 295 Liberate Roll, 33 Henry III, m. 1. 296 Close Roll, 35 Henry III, m. 5. 

297 Pipe Roll, 37 Henry III, m. 4. 298 Liberate Roll, 34 Henry III, m. 5. 299 Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 12. 
300 Liberate Roll, 35 Henry III, m. 5. 301 Pipe Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 5 dors. 302 Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 9. 

303 Liberate Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 4. 304 Close Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 6. 305 Pipe Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 3. 

300 Liberate Roll, 45 Henry III, m. 15. 307 Ibid. m. 15. 308 Liberate Roll, 46 Henry III, m. 13. 309 Close Roll, 

7 Henry III, m. 20 (bis). 310 Close Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 15. 311 Liberate Roll, 28 Henry III, m. 16. 312 Pipe 

Roll, 22 Henry III, m. 1. 313 Liberate Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 16. 314 Close Roll, 45 Henry III, mm. 12, 5. 

315 Close Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 12. 316 Liberate Roll, 43 Henry III, m. 4. 317 Pipe Roll, 20 Henry III, m. 1. 

318 Pipe Roll, 24 Henry III; and Liberate Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 20. 319 Close Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 18. 

320 Close Roll, 27 Henry III, part ii, m. 4. 321 Close Roll, 8 Henry III, m. 4. 322 Close Roll, 35 Henry III, 

m. 6 . 323 Liberate Roll, 3 7 Henry III ; and Pipe Roll, 37 Henry III, m. 4. 324 Close Roll, 24 Henry III, m. 6. 

325 Liberate Roll, 46 Henry III, m. 13. 320 Liberate Roll, 39 Henry III, m. 11. 327 Liberate Roll, 48 Henry III, 

m. 5. 328 Close Roll, 10 Henry III, m. 29. 329 Pipe Roll, 25 Henry III, m. 13 dors. 330 Pipe Roll, 28 Henry III, 

m. 10. 331 Pipe Roll, 30 Henry III, m. 7. 332 Pipe Roll, 33 Henry III, m. 3. 

333 1263. “ Interim Edwardus regis primogenitus, castrum illud vernantissimum Windeshore, quo non erat ad id 

tempus aliud splendidius infra fines Europae, munivit, militaribus copiis alienigarum, quos secum, ut dixi, adduxerat 
in Angliam, ibidem introduces.” Flores Historiarum (Rolls Series 95), ii. 481. 


Windsor Castle , 


85 


CHAPTER VIII. 

THE CASTLE DURING THE REIGNS OF KING EDWARD I (1272—1307) 

AND KING EDWARD II (1307—1327). 

When King Henry III died on 16th November, 1272, his eldest son and heir, 
Edward, was absent in Sicily on his way home from the Holy Land, and there he heard the 
news of the death of his father, of his uncle Richard, King of the Romans, and of his own 
first-born son, John. 1 

Edward did not, however, land in England until 2nd August, 1274. He was anointed 
and crowned King on the 19th of the same month, and on the same day his beloved 
consort, the Lady Eleanor of Castile, was anointed and crowned Queen. 

The documentary history of the Castle during King Edward’s reign is in marked 
contrast to that of the preceding fifty years. The minute directions as to works are no 
longer entered on the Close Rolls, and such as occur on the Liberate Rolls are few and far 
between ; while the accounts upon the Pipe Rolls rarely descend to details. Just before 
the close of the thirteenth century these sources of information begin to be supplemented 
by a somewhat intermittent but interesting series of account rolls for works done in the 
Castle, giving particulars of the outlay incurred week by week, but very little can be gleaned 
from them as to the architectural history between 1272 and 1307. 

The Pipe Roll for 1272-3 accounts for 20s. 2d. spent “on repairing and mending the 
houses of the Castle ’’ and for £48 19s. 3d. laid out on repairing and mending the houses 
of the Castle and for the enclosing of Windsor Park. 2 

A writ on the Liberate Roll for the following year (1273-4) directs repayment to 
Geoffrey of Pichford, constable of the Castle, of £39 os. 3|d. “ which by our command 
he spent on the repair and mending of the houses of the Castle ’’ from St. Bartholomew’s 
day (24th August), 1273, to the following Michaelmas. 3 

On the Pipe Roll for 1274-5 the constable accounts for another sum of £56 17s. o|d. 
laid out by him on like works, 4 and the Liberate Roll for the same year directs repayment 
of that sum to him, as well as a further £200 “for our works.” 

For 1275-6 nothing is recorded, and the operations of 1276-7 seem to have been 
confined to the King’s manor house in Windsor Park. 5 

The King himself was at this time fully occupied with his troubles with the turbulent 
Welshmen, and not able to devote attention to his Castle of Windsor. 

A sum of £65 12s. nd. is entered upon the Pipe Roll for 1277-8 for the works of the 
Castle for a whole yeu.r, 6 after which there is nothing until 1282-3, when £12 2s. 4d. and 
£19 is. 7|d. were expended upon repairs. 

From 23rd May, 1286, to 12th August, 1289, King Edward was abroad, and the only 
record within that period is an item on the Pipe Roll for 1288-9 of £43 10s. id. for repairs. 
The Pipe Roll for 1291-2 also accounts for £39 10s. 5d. for other repairs in 1288-9, and 
for £31, again for repairs, in 1289-90 ; and that for 1293-4 for £44 8s. 3|d. spent in 1289-91 
and £109 19s. 4fd. in 1291-2, also on repairs to the Castle. No details are given. 

On 18th July, 1298, letters patent were issued appointing John of London constable 
of Windsor Castle in the room of Geoffrey of Pichford deceased. 7 And on 24th January, 
1314-15, the barons of the exchequer were ordered to allow to Richard, son of Geoffrey 
of Pichford, various sums which the late King, on 28th January, 1297-8, had ordered to 


86 


Windsor Castle 


be allowed to the said Geoffrey, which sums had not been allowed to him because he had 
delayed delivering the said order to the barons of the exchequer. Among these sums 
were : 

£50 14s. 3|d. spent on the repair of the houses and bridges of the Castle, and the stables, 
walls, and vineyards of the garden without the Castle in 1292-3 ; and 
£34 15s. iod. similarly expended in 1293-4. 

making a total thus far of £796 11s. n|d. 

With Michaelmas, 1295, begins the series of accounts mentioned above. 

The first of them 8 is for “works in the castle of Windsor after the feast of St. Michael 
in the 23rd year of the reign of King Edward,” and is a roll of small expenses, arranged 
by weeks, and covering twelve months. The total amount, including works upon the 
garden, was only £25 15s. 7d., which accords with the then financial straits of the King 
himself. 

For the twenty-fourth year no account has been preserved, but there are two other 
rolls, an imperfect one covering a portion of the period Michaelmas, 1296, to Michaelmas, 
1297, 9 the other for the same period of the following year, in which the total outlay was 
£13 13s. 2|d. 10 

Although these accounts only refer to small repairs, they are not without value, first 
as giving the current rate of wages of various artificers, and the cost of divers materials, 
and secondly as containing many little items of interest about different parts of the Castle 
which are not to be found elsewhere. 

As regards wages, the usual pay at the end of the thirteenth century for a glazier, 
carpenter, mason, and even a common workman, was 4d. a day ; and a carter with his 
cart received 6d. a day. 11 

With regard to materials, lime cost is. 4d. a barrel, tallow id. a pound, and 
pewter (stamftnum) 2d. a pound. Canvas cost 3d. an ell. Ordinary tiles for tiling 
were bought at 2s. a thousand, but curved tiles, probably for ridges, cost 2s. a 
hundred. Oak laths were 6d. a hundred, but fir laths cost only half as much, and lath 
nails 6d. a thousand. Door nails, being of a more substantial nature, came to 3s. 4d. 
a thousand. 

Concerning buildings, etc. repaired, mention occurs in 1295-6 of the great chain 
made in 1260 that spanned the Castle bridge, and of two other chains without the outer 
gate, probably those of the drawbridge, 12 which received eight new links (?) in the mending. 
A vertivel of a door beside the great gate was mended in the following year, and another 
door over the gate was furnished with a new lock. 13 The porter’s house is named in 
1295-6, when a hundred nails were bought for a lattice in it. 14 

Of the buildings in the outer bailey several entries concern the great hall. A cellar 
“at the head of the great hall ” occurs in 1295-6, 15 and the buttery and butler’s chamber 
in it are mentioned in 1296-7. 16 The louvre or lantern of a kitchen was repaired in 1295-6, 17 
but there is nothing to show whether it was that attached to the great hall ; a kitchen 
door was also repaired the same year. Two other entries certainly relate to the kitchens 
of the inner bailey : one refers to “the mending of a breach of the Castle walls beside 
the kitchens of the lord King ” 18 ; the other to the cleaning of a garderobe beside the 
same kitchens. 19 

It has been already noted that a new lodging for the use of the King and Queen, which 
stood to the east of the great hall in the north-east corner of the lower bailey, was directed 
to be built in 1240-1. Several entries in the accounts under notice show that the block 
of buildings in question was partly destroyed by fire early in 1295-6, 20 and, as will be seen 
later, its ruins were cleared away by King Edward III in 1350. The entries relating to 
it are as follows : 

1295- 6. In renewing iij vertivels with nails and a new ring for the door of the King’s little garderobe 

after the fire, 6d. 

In wages of 24 men carrying water to put out fire for a night in the King’s great chamber which 
was burnt, 2s. 

Also in wages of 24 men removing burnt timber and carrying water to put out the fire for a 
whole day following, 2s., because they feasted with the King’s son. 21 

1296- 7. In mending of two vertivells and two crooks to put on a certain door in the oriel before the 

burnt great chamber leading towards the steps of the great chapel, i|d. In a new lock 
for the same door, 4d. 22 


«7 


The Castle under King Edward I. 

The reference to the great chapel in the last entry is conclusive as to the identity of the 
burnt building with part of the royal lodging. Why the men who helped to put out the 

fire should have taken their meals with the King’s son is not apparent, unless it was 

by way of a graceful acknowledgment of their services. 

The accounts also contain a number of interesting entries relating to the great chapel : 

1295-6. In 6J ells of canvas for stopping the glass windows broken by the wind in the great chapel, i8fd., 
which were bought of William Mercer. 

In a wooden circle bought for a round window in the chapel, id. 

In twelve great curved crooks for a round window in the chapel, 6d. 

In mending a gudgeon bar for a window beside the altar of the great chapel, 5d. 

In renewing five bars with eighteen latchets and catches for a window at the head of the chapel 

towards the west, 4d. 23 

As the upper part of the chapel has been more than once entirely rebuilt since the 
thirteenth century there is nothing to show to what these entries exactly relate. The 
round window was probably in a gable, with a triplet of lancets below, and one of these 
lancets was perhaps that for which the latchets and catches were made. 

The belfry or clocher adjoining the great chapel seems to have been in need of repair 
in 1297-8, there being a charge “for timber to support one side of the belfry of the castle 
(which is) ruinous.” 24 The following entries relate to its repair 25 : 

John Lucy, carpenter, for felling timber in the Forest, and carpentry for raising the belfry, for 5 days, 2s. id. 

In two pieces of iron bought of Ralph the ironmonger for making a great bolt ( cavillum ) for timber for 
raising the belfry, 9d. 

In two pieces of brass bought for the same, 6d. 

Also in three pieces of timber bought for the same belfry of Richard Mich’, 3d. 

In five great bolts (kervillis) of iron for joining timber for raising the belfry, and making of the King’s 
iron by Robert Davy, 2s. 7d. 

The chaplains’ lodging is also twice mentioned : in 1295-6, when “ a lock for the 
priests’ house ” was mended 26 ; and again in 1297-8, when a key was bought “for the 
door of a chamber in the chaplains’ hall.” 27 

Concerning other buildings that were certainly in the lower bailey there are entries 
relating to the almonry and almoner’s tower, the bishop’s hall, etc. and the Maunsel tower. 

It has been suggested above (page 54) that the almonry buildings were placed to 
the west of the kitchens, against the Castle wall between the Clewer tower and the next 
tower south of it, and it has been shown (page 59) that in 1260 lodgings for the bishop 
of Laodicea were ordered to be built between the almonry “and the tower in which John 
Maunsell has been wont to lie.” The accounts for 1296-7 contain two entries relating 
to the almonry 28 : one for the purchase of a latchet for the door of the almonry close ; 
the other for mending the locks of two doors for the Almonry tower. If the above- 
mentioned suggestion be correct the Almonry tower must have been that south of the 
Clewer tower, and the Maunsel tower the corner one next to the great gatehouse. The 
bishop’s lodging therefore stood against the Castle wall between the two towers. It was 
undergoing repair for several weeks in 1296-7, the first entry relating to it being : 

Robert Gardiner, carpenter, put to mending the walls in the bishop’s hall, of the chapel, and of the lodgings 
in the same place, for 6 days, 2s. 29 

A number of other entries refer to the Maunsel tower 30 : 

1295- 6. For mending a lock at the door of the stable beside the Mauncel tower with a new ring staple 

and key, 2d. 

For a new key for the stable beside the Maunsel tower, i|d. 

12 9 6 - 7 - wages of Robert Gardiner, carpenter, mending the manger of the stable beside the 

Maunsel tower for half a day, 2d. 

For mending two vertivels of a certain window in the hall of the Mauncel tower, id. 

1297- 8. For three staples with forty-five nails for the door of the Mauncel tower. 

For two women put to carrying water for mending a bench in the hall of the said Mauncel tower 
for half a day, id. 

For mending a lock for the door of the cellar of the Mauncel tower with a new key and two iron 
plates for the same, 2-|d. 

The hall of the Maunsel tower was probably the principal chamber in it, and the cellar 
was, of course, the basement story. The stable adjoining might have stood between the 
tower and the great gatehouse. 

One other feature can certainly be placed in the lower bailey, “the well at the head 
of the great hall,” the wheel of which was mended in 1297-8. 31 This well was ordered to 
be made in November, 1252 (see page 53), and is still in existence on the north of the 
nave of St. George’s chapel, where its site is marked by the pump over it. 


88 


ICindsor Castle. 


It is also probable that the Pollard tower, which is twice mentioned towards the 
end of the year 1297-8, was in the lower bailey, 32 since it doubtless got its name from John 
Pollard of Windsor, who was appointed janitor in 1253. 33 On the Liberate Roll for 1256-7 
is a writ directing Godfrey of Liston to pay him 20s. “ for the making of the lodging in 
which the said John lies within the Castle aforesaid.” 34 The Pollard tower may have been 
the name given to that just to the east of the great gate. 

A number of entries relate to the Great tower, though they contain little else of interest 
than the names of the buildings within it. The greece (or stairs, since it was apparently 
of wood) of the chamber or lodging above the gate of the tower was repaired in 1295-6, 35 
and the door of the tower itself. 36 The buildings referred to include the larder, a chamber 
beside it, and the store-room or dispense, 37 the pantry, 38 the buttery, 39 the great hall, 
and the well. 

The “King’s great table,” no doubt that in the great hall, was damaged and mended 
in 1295-6, 40 and the hall itself was in evident need of repair in February, 1297-8, when 
“the carpenter and his mate were set to fell and cut timber in the wood of Bray for 
repairing and mending (?) the outer side of the hall in the Great tower which has begun to 
fall.” 41 For several weeks after the Lady Day following the accounts show that repairs 
were in progress. The hall was evidently only a wooden structure, and the other buildings 
within the tower were, no doubt, of the same material. The windows of a room in it were 
supplied with three crooks in 1295-6. 42 The well is also twice mentioned in the same 

year, once when the lock of the door of it was mended, and again when it was cleaned 
out. 43 The ditch about the tower is referred to in 1296-7 when “Ralph de Ponte, mason, 
was put to mend a certain stone wall beside the ditch of the tower in the upper bailey for 
3 days ” at a cost of I2d. 44 

A number of interesting entries relate to buildings in the upper bailey. A new door 
was made near the cloister of the King's chapel in 1296-7, 45 and in the preceding year 
repairs were done to the door of a cellar under the “long chamber,” 46 which probably 
formed part of the royal lodging. Another cellar in the upper bailey is also mentioned 
in the account for 1295-6. 47 

In the upper bailey was the lodging assigned to the lord Edmund, the King’s brother, 
better known as Edmund Crouchback earl of Lancaster. Entries relating to it occur 
in the accounts for 1297-8, but as the earl of Lancaster had died in June, 1296, the lodging 
in question must have continued to bear his name. The items are as follows : 

Ralph de Ponte, mason, for mending a chimney in the lodging of the lord Edmund for a day, qd. 

For two crooks for a certain door in the lord Edmund’s chapel, i^d. 

For a crook and a vertivell for a window for the lord Edmund’s lodging with eighteen nails, 2d. 

For mending two iron bars for a glass window in a little chapel beside the lord Edmund’s lodging, |d. 18 

The “ little chapel ” in all probability was that made for the Queen in 1255, and the lord 
Edmund’s lodging may therefore have included all the chambers along the Castle wall 
west of the old “corner tower towards the north.” 

Another building that can be located in the upper bailey is the lodging assigned to 
the King’s chancellor. This is first mentioned in the Liberate Roll for 1259-60, when 
“the bridge which is near our chancellor’s lodging as one goes towards the garden ” was 
ordered to be repaired. 49 Since the only bridge from the Castle, except the great bridge, 
was one a little to the east of the tower at the south-west corner of the upper bailey, and 
the garden can hardly have been situated elsewhere than outside the Castle towards the 
south, the chancellor’s lodging must be looked for near the bridge in question. The entries 
relating to it are as follows : 

1295-6. For mending of a lock with a new key for the cellar beside the Chancellor’s lodging, i|d. 50 

1297-8. John Lucy carpenter for the belfry and for making windows in the Chancellor’s tower, 2s. 6d. 

Alexander Lucas, labourer, for mending defects in the hall and lodgings beside the Chancellor’s 
tower, 3^d. 61 

As it is unlikely that the chancellor had moved his quarters between the dates of these two 
accounts his lodgings had probably all along been in the tower in question, which had 
therefore come to be known as his. 

A parallel case is that of the Senescnais' tower. It is described in 1252-3 as “the new 
tower in the bailey ... which has been assigned to our seneschals, ’ ’ and was then 
ordered to be raised a stage, releaded, and “embattled as the other new towers in the 


8 9 


The Castle under King Edward I. 


same bailey are finished.” 52 It was apparently the tower which was built between 1244 
and 1247, to the west of the three Norman towers along the north side of the upper bailey 
that were raised in height in 1240-1. In 1295-6 reference is made to “the seneschalls’ 
lodging,” but in 1296-7 the lodging is called “the Seneschalls’ tower.” 53 

Another tower “where prisoners are put ” is also mentioned in the accounts under 
notice, but it is difficult to identify 54 ; it may be the “ prison,” which is also referred to. 55 
The same account, that for 1295-6, also mentions the gaol : 

For 46 great nails for the step of the gaol and the step of the lodging over the gate of the tower, 6d. 

To mending a lock for the trap-door of the gaol, id. 56 

From its association with the gate of the Great tower in the first entry the gaol may have 
been in one of the turrets of the inner gate of the Castle. It had been repaired and covered 
with lead in 1233-4. 57 

Reference is also made in the account for 1295-6 to “the lodging of Sir Guy Ferre,” 58 
a trusty officer of the King who was steward to the lady Eleanor, the King’s mother, 
until her death in 1291. He was probably housed somewhere in the upper bailey. 

Another important official whose lodging ought to be located in the upper bailey was 
the constable of the Castle. The few references to buildings attached to his office are, 
however, quite unimportant, his stable, his garner, and his garderobe being all that are 
mentioned. 59 He perhaps was lodged in the Great tower. His stable was probably in 
the upper part of the Castle, as was also another which is described as “the great stable 
in the Castle towards the garden,” 59 and therefore stood somewhere on the south side. 

Two other buildings within the Castle are also mentioned which cannot be placed, 
viz. the“astelry ” or carpenter’s shop ( astelna ) and the plummery. 60 It is pretty clear 
what the astelry was ; it is thrice mentioned in 1295-6 61 : 

To timber bought for the astelry of William ate Void, 2s. 8d. 

For twelve great spikings for the astelry, 2d. 

For a lock with a key and a hinge for the astelry door, 4d. 

Besides the several wells already mentioned there was another, probably in the upper 
bailey, which was evidently the principal one, and therefore known as “the great well.” 
It was worked by means of a wheel, perhaps after the manner of the famous example in 
Carisbrooke castle in the Isle of Wight, but whether by human agency or that of an ass 
does not appear. Two entries relate to it in 1295-6 : 

In wages of Robert Gardiner, carpenter, mending the wheel of the great well that was broken, for 6 days, 2s. 

For a band and a plate for the wheel of the great well, iod.® 2 

There is also a charge of 3d. for mending the lock of a cistern, but the particular cistern 
is not specified. An order was given in 1242-3 for the making “on the mount of Windsor 
of a cistern to receive all the rain falling on the same mount round about ” 63 ; and in 1255-6 
another cistern was ordered to be made in the King’s cloister. 64 

Several interesting entries occur in the accounts relating to the posterns and 
subterranean outlets or sallyports from the Castle, but they will more conveniently be 
dealt with in connexion with the accounts of the next reign. 

Only one other document, the Pipe Roll for his thirty-second year (1303-4), tells 
anything of the works done in the Castle during the reign of King Edward. On this John 
of London accounts for various amounts expended during the past four years, as follows : 


1299 — 1300 

1300 — 1301 
ijoi— 1302 
l 3 ° 3 — 1304 

and 

1304 


£ s ■ d - 
26 11 of 
30 14 of 
17 13 3-1 
19 4 9 
42 1 5 

7 *5 3 


£143 19 iof 

He also accounts for a further sum of £10 13s. 3d. spent between 12th June and 
Michaelmas, 1301, on 

the repairing and mending of the great hall, of the chambers of the same hall, and of the kitchens beside 
it ; of the great wall of the Castle opposite the hall towards Underore ; of the houses in the upper bailey ; of 
a cellar at the outer gate ; of a hanging chamber at the foot of the tower ; of the chambers of the Chancellor’s 
tower ; and of the chapel in the upper bailey.® 5 

The Pipe Rolls for the rest of the reign do not contain any further details. 


9 ° 


Windsor Castle . 


It is evident from his itinerary, as shown by the Patent and Close Rolls, that King 
Edward I cared little or not at all for Windsor Castle as a residence, and except for a 
stay of thirty-nine days in the autumn of 1274, 66 soon after his return to England, and 
another of thirty-six days early in the following year, 67 he seems rarely to have visited 
it (except for a few days) during the next five years. 68 After the autumn of 1281, when he 
spent a week at Windsor, King Edward only visited the Castle seven other times during 
the rest of his reign, 69 and in nineteen particular years he did not go there at all. 70 

King Edward I is famous in history as a builder of castles, and the ruins of the great 
fortresses to overawe the Welsh erected by him at Flint and Rhuddlan, Conway and 
Carnarvon, Beaumaris and Harlech and Caerphilly, testify to this day of his genius as a 
military engineer of the first rank. But at Windsor he neither built anything nor added 
anything, partly, no doubt, because the Castle had been left in good order by his father, 
partly because the necessities of his kingdom demanded the exercise elsewhere of his 
energies and building talents. 


King Edward died at Burgh-on-Sands on 7th July, 1307, worn out in heart and body 
by his strenuous efforts against the Scots, with whom he had been at war more or less 
constantly since 1296. 

He was succeeded in the kingdom of England by his eldest surviving son, Edward 
prince of Wales and earl of Cornwall, who on 25th February, 1307-8, was anointed and 
crowned at Westminster, with his newly-wedded consort, the Lady Isabel of France; 

King Edward II, unlike his father, was constantly at Windsor Castle during the first 
ten years of his reign, and his elder son Edward was born there in 1312. There is, 
however, no evidence of any important structural alterations by him in the Castle, and the 
few entries on the Pipe and other Rolls show that the annual outlay was but small. 

The detailed yearly account rolls of repairs, etc. which first appeared in 1295, are 
preserved for nine years of the new reign, and cover the periods July, 1308, to Michaelmas, 
1312, Michaelmas, 1314, to Michaelmas, 1315, and February, 1319-20, to Michaelmas, 
1323. 71 

The first two rolls are for £5 ns. 9d. and £11 14s. 4d., but the Pipe Roll for 1314-5 
accounts for £159 19s. 2fd. spent on materials for the repairs then in progress ; a fact 
suggestive of caution in deducing from the rolls in question any statistics as to sums 
actually expended. The third roll, for Michaelmas, 1310, to Michaelmas, 1311, and that 
for the corresponding period of the following year, account respectively for £39 16s. 7|d. 
and £21 12s. 3d. spent on minor repairs. 

For the next two years (1312-3 and 1313-4) no rolls have been preserved, but the 
Pipe Roll for 1314-5 accounts for £18 10s. 6£d. laid out upon works during the preceding 
year. Also for £9 9s. 8£d. spent “ in purchase of divers necessaries and wages of workmen 
for the construction of a certain new kitchen within the aforesaid Castle in the said seventh 
year ” (1313-4). 72 A further account on the same roll, for various repairs, amounting to 
£15 12s., includes “ the construction of a new house made for a dressing-house beside the 
new kitchen in the same Castle” 73 during the seventh, eighth and ninth years (1313-4 — 
I3I5-6)- 

Although the account rolls for the years 1312-3 and 1313-4 are unfortunately missing, 
the detailed bill for the construction of this new dressing-house, amounting to 56s. i|d., 
is appended to the next account roll that has been preserved, 74 that for “ works upon 
the towers, houses, and walls of the Castle” from Michaelmas, 1314, to Michaelmas, 1315, 
amounting in all to the £15 12s. of the Pipe Roll ; it is sufficiently interesting to deserve 
being done into English : 

The New Building. 

In wages of John Bous and Alexander Saveray, being the carpenters working about 
a certain new house made for a new dresser beside the new kitchen in the 
Castle, namely, about the timber of the old kitchen in the same place lately s. d. 
pulled down, for 15 days of which each took 4d. a day for the same time . . 10 0 

Also in wages of John Hercherd and John Sweteglad, carpenters, about the same 
for 14 days of which each took 4d. a day for the same time. . 


9 


4 


9 1 


The Castle under King Edward II. 


Also in wages of John Somerey and Simon atte Dene and Walter Gange, carpenters, 
about the same for 2 days 

Also in wages of Robert Wolfrich and Elias Pygod, sawyers, sawing timber to 
making boards for the said dresser-house for 7 days, who took by day 7d. 
jointly for the same time 

Also in a thousand and a half of laths bought of Daniel the ironmonger 8s gd. @ 

5s. iod. per thousand. . 

Also in three thousand and a half of nails for laths bought 
Also in a hundred spikenails bought of the same 
Also in a thousand and a half of tiles bought of John the forester 
Also in three thousand and a half of tiles bought of Robert Buffard . . .* . 

Also in five thousand pegs for tiles bought of the same 

Also in eight boards for windows and doors for the same, bought of Robert 
Pershore 

Also in wages of John the woodward for carriage of the boards for the dresser 
from the forest for 2 days 

Also in wages of Roger the carter for carriage of tiles for 2| days 
Also in wages of Robert Buffard and Richard le Godclere, tilers, tiling upon the said 
house for 2 days 

Also in wages of Robert Bagard and John Buffard, John Dilwaker and Alexander 
Lucas helping the same for the same time i6d. of which each took for a day 2d. 

Total = £2 16s. i|d. 

The place of the new kitchen and dresser-house cannot be fixed with certainty, but an 
item in 1321-2 (see post) for “tiling the dresser-house beside the great hall ” shows that 
it was in the lower bailey. It was evidently built throughout of timber, and roofed 
with tile. 

For the next four years no account rolls are forthcoming. The first of the remaining 
series for some reason is for seven months only, and headed : 

Works of the towers, houses, walls, and bridges of the Castle of Windsor and of the walls of the garden 
outside the same Castle done by the view and testimony of Alexander le Peintour and Thomas le Rotour, 
surveyors of the works aforesaid, from 22nd February in the 13th year of the reign of King Edward until the feast 
of St. Michael next following. 75 

The total amount expended during this period was £25 4s. nd. 

The next account is for like works carried out for twenty-five weeks between 
Michaelmas, 1320, and Michaelmas, 1321, costing in all £29 10s. 

Appended to this is a slip beginning “Particulars of certain works done in the 
Castle of Windsor by turns this 14th year, namely in brattices (brutaschiis ) , barriers, and 
other engines made for the munition of the aforesaid Castle on account of the perturbation 
of the kingdom between the lord King and the earls.’’ 76 After specifying various 

purchases of timber, nails, etc. it continues : 

s. d. 

And in eight carpenters hired for twenty days to make brattices, barriers, 

engines, and other necessary things of the kind . . . . . . . . 53 4 

And in a cord bought for a drawbridge in the upper bailey . . . . . . 9 

And in the wages of six labourers making a certain wall of earth in the Castle ditch 

on the west side (for fifteen working days), each at 2d. a day . . . . 15 o 

And in six carts engaged to carry earth for the construction of the aforesaid wall 
made for the defence of a certain outlet of the Castle in the same place for six days 
18s namely for each cart per day . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 

The total amount expended was £9 14s. iod. The works described will be referred to 
more fully presently. 

Two remaining accounts, respectively for £21 15s. 6d. spent during twenty-five 
weeks in 1321-2 and £20 19s. n|d. during twenty-one weeks of the next year, carry 
on the story until Michaelmas, 1323, when this series of rolls ends. Since the King himself 
hardly ever visited Windsor Castle during the last seven years of his reign, and not at all 
in 1322, 1323, or 1327, it is possible that nothing more was done at the Castle. 

As no works of an extensive character were carried out at Windsor during the reign 
of King Edward II, it will be convenient, as in the case of his father’s reign, to group 
together under various headings all the more interesting entries in the accounts, and to 
deal with them topographically, so as to show what light they throw on the arrangements, 
etc. of the Castle. 

Beginning with the great gatehouse, the bridge before it was under repair in 1309-10, 77 
and a charge also occurs in the same year for “ tiling upon the lodgings towards the great 


2 o 


4 1 

8 g 

2 4 
5 

3 6 
8 2 

7* 

2 0 

1 0 
1 3 

1 4 

1 4 


9 2 


W incisor Castle. 


gate.” 78 These lodgings probably adjoined it against the Castle wall towards the east- 
Two gratings (?) were likewise made for the great gate in 1309-10, 79 and in the 
following year the portcullis or “ running gate ” at the entrance was renewed. The 
charges for this show that it was in hand for several weeks. 80 The bridge was again 
under repair in 1310-1 81 and in 1311-2, 82 and in the latter year the ironwork of the gate 
was renewed. 83 

An interesting entry in 13 20-1 84 seems to refer to the use of wooden galleries or hoards 
as part of the defences of the gate, three carpenters being busy for some days “placing 
new boards on each side of the walls without the great gate upon the bridge there.” 
Timber was also bought at Eton “for the covering of the new work beside the great gate,” 
which occupied the carpenters for nearly four weeks in all. 

The bridge was again under repair seven months later ; it must, in fact, have 
constantly needed attention owing to the continual wear and tear to which it was exposed. 85 

In or under the gatehouse itself was a cesspool, which was cleaned out and put 
in order in 1322-3 86 ; and some building within the yard or close of the gatekeeper’s lodging 
was tiled in 1319-20. 87 

Of the towers or turrets in the outer bailey, the first to be noted is the Clewer tower. 
In 1310-1 two carpenters were working for ten weeks “ about the porch of the cellar of 
the Clewer tower,” that is of the existing vaulted basement. They were followed by two 
masons making “ the walls of the porch before the cellar of the Clewer tower,” and by 
a tiler tiling the porch and the smith’s house which was opposite. 88 In 1322-3 some slight 
repair was made to the steps and a door within the Clewer tower for keeping prisoners 
there. 89 

The almoner’s lodging against the west wall of the bailey near the Clewer tower was 
under repair in 1310-1. 90 An iron bar for the door of the almonry was bought in 1319-20, 91 
and the roof of the tower above it was mended in 1322-3. 92 

The lodging and hall of the bishop of Laodicea, which adjoined the almonry, were 
repaired in 1309-10, 93 and his kitchen in 1321-2. 94 

Concerning other buildings in the lower - bailey, there are a number of items relating 
to the great hall and its immediate surroundings. 

In 1309-10 the wheel of the well beside it was mended, and a tiler was at work “upon 
the kitchens and chambers beside the great hall.” 95 In the following year the Castle wall 
at the north end of the hall seems to have given way, and John atte Brugge was employed 
for five days “about supporting the great wall of the hall,” and in the following week 
“working upon the foot of the wall of the great hall on the north side.” 96 The tiled roof 
of the hall itself was also mended. Later on in the same year (1310-1) two men were 
engaged in “repairing the benches and walls for the herb-garden beside the great hall by 
order of the chancellor,” 97 and one thousand turves, and a second lot of three hundred more, 
were dug for it. This herb-garden, which has not been mentioned before, was evidently 
laid out in the vacant ground between the hall and the royal lodging east of it, and as it 
was furnished with seats, it had probably served as a pleasaunce for the King and Queen 
until the fire of 1295. 

The paling about the hall was also repaired, and boards bought for the same. 98 Just 
before the close of the year two carpenters were employed for six days “making an enter- 
close in the great hall in which the King’s pavilions were placed,” 99 which looks as if the 
hall were sometimes put to other than its proper uses. The well by the hall is again 
mentioned in 1319-20, when 6d. was paid to John the porter for “seeking a certain 
bucket fallen into the well at the head of the great hall.” 100 The “dresser beside the 
great hall,” perhaps that built in 13 14-5 (see ante), underwent repair to its tiled roof 
in 1321-2. 101 

There are few entries beyond minor 102 repairs specially relating to the great chapel 
of St. Edward. It was cleared of some prickly plants ( tribulis ) and pigeons’ dung in 
1308. The cloister beside it was repaired in 1314-5, 103 and again in 1319-20. 104 
The lead on the chapel roof was also new cast the same year, and 8d. were paid to Adam 
of Thame working for four days “cleaning the said chapel under the lead and drawing 
out birds’ nests.” 105 Twelvepence was also paid to the smith “for 26 prickets (?) of iron 
made for putting candles on in the chapel of the Castle by the King’s order.’ 106 The 


93 


The Castle under King Edward II. 

chapel windows were also repaired in 1310-1 107 and 1314-5. 108 In 1320-1 is a charge of 
gd. “for two new locks with keys bought for the barrier beside the chapel, with the mending 
of another lock for another barrier.” 109 Though the particular chapel is not specified, 
it was probably the great chapel, about the galilee of which a wooden barrier for keeping 
off horses had been made in 1250. 

Two entries refer to the mending of the lead covering of the belfry. 110 

The only other building in the lower bailey of which anything of interest can be noted 
is “the stable beside the chaplains’ house,” for which nine cheverons, no doubt for the 
repair of its roof, were bought in 1314-5. 111 

In the same year there occur a series of charges for a new lock “for the lodging of the 
friars staying in the castle,” 112 for crooks and vertivells “for the door of the same lodging,” 
and for other locks for the same lodging. These friars were certain Carmelite or White 
Friars, concerning whom the King issued a writ on 1st June, 1315, to Warin de Insula, 
constable of the Castle, “to cause the friars of St. Mary of Mount Carmel staying in the 
Castle by the King’s orders to have the maintenance ordained for them by the King at 
another time until the King shall otherwise ordain.” 113 Their lodging was most likely 
somewhere in the outer bailey. 

A few other entries relate to buildings which were, or are believed to have been, in 
the lower bailey. 

One of these was the “long stable,” about which a charge for tiling occurs in 1311-2. 114 
It was probably the same as the “great stable ” near which was a kitchen tiled the same 
year. 115 The "great stable” is again mentioned in 1319-20, 116 when the mangers and 
stalls in it were repaired, and an account roll for 1343-4 (see post) definitely refers to it 
as being in the lower bailey. 

A number of entries relate to the treasury, the Treasurer's tower, and the chamber 
and hall of the treasurer in the outer bailey and his kitchen. 117 There is also one relating 
to the counting-house, 118 including a charge for an iron bar for the inside of the door. 
But the place of these is uncertain. 

At the head of the lower bailey, close to the chapel, was the gatehouse referred to 
in 1254-5 as "the upper new gate in the outer bailey.” In the roll for 1314-5 two 
carpenters are entered as working for five days making anew what is here called “a certain 
gate beside the great chapel,” and the smith was paid “for two new vertivells for the said 
gate.” 119 These hinges, and the crooks on which they were hung, were again renewed 
in 1319-20. 120 In 1320-1 other small works were done at the gate, now called “the new 
gate in the middle bailey beside the chapel,” and John the mason was paid “for fixing 
crooks at the said gate in the stone wall and running them in with lead.” Two chains 
of iron made the following week “for a certain drawbridge ” may have been for the bridge 
before this gate. Other works “about the gate aforesaid ” occupied two carpenters for 
twelve days more, and finally John the mason and his boy were engaged for four days 
"repairing the wall above the new gate.” 121 

The first of the entries above quoted from the account of 1320-1 contains the earliest 
application of the term “middle bailey ” to the area lying between the cross ditch at the 
head of the lower bailey and the gate by the Great tower leading into the upper bailey. 

A number of consecutive entries in the account for 1311-2 refer to the last-named gate. 
Thus there are payments to two carpenters working for five days “about the repair of 
the chamber above the second gate of the tower ” ; two masons “making the steps towards 
the solar above the gate beside the tower ” for five days ; two carpenters another five 
days “making the rails beside the said steps and a certain little house for the porter under 
the said steps ” ; a tiler “tiling the said chamber ” ; and two men “plastering the walls 
of the said chamber and steps.” John "le masoun ” was also busy “upon the steps of 
the said chamber ” for five days, and for five days more “repairing a certain piece of the 
wall of the Castle beside the gate of the tower,” which shows that the gatehouse stood 
between the tower and the Castle wall, as its successor does still. Further entries tell 
of other carpentry work in the chamber, probably for its roof ; the mason was mending 
its walls, and the plumber casting webs of lead for its covering. Lastly there is the building 
out of a garderobe opening from the chamber beyond the wall, 122 and the laying of the 
newly-cast lead upon the chamber roof. 123 The chamber was again re-leaded in 1320-1, 124 


94 


Windsor Castle 


and in 1322-3 its walls and windows were repaired. 125 The “lodge (?) beside the chamber 
over the gate ” was also repaired in 1321-2. 126 In 1319-20 the tiler and his boy were 
working for two days “tiling the chamber beside the gate at the foot of the tower, ” and in 
1320-1 ten carpenters were working for six days “making a certain new gate under the 
chamber at the foot of the tower.” 127 

The entries relating to the Great tower, like those of the preceding reign, afford little 
information beyond the names of buildings within it. A certain pentise was covered 
with lead in 1308, 128 the hall windows were mended in 1309 -10, 129 and mention is made 
in 1310-1 of the larder, the chapel, and a “certain chamber ” with a lead roof, which was 
renewed in 1320-1. 130 This last may be the “high chamber of the tower,” the walls of 
which were limewashed in 1311-2. 131 The kitchen is also mentioned in 1319-20, when 
crooks and vertivells were furnished for its windows. 132 A wall of masonry was built 
within the tower in 1310-1, 133 and the well received attention in 1309-10 and the 
following year. 134 

At this time the Great tower seems still to have been approached by an ascending stair 
upon the wall that was carried up the mount from the gatehouse on the north to the tower 
itself. These steps were repaired in 1309-10, and again in 1310-1, when “the gate within 
the tower ” was also mended, and vertivells and hasps were bought for the drawbridge in 
front of it. 135 

The last of the entries to be noticed concerning the Great tower refers to the payment 
of id. a day to five women for two days for mowing kumphos and nettles growing about 
the tower on the slopes of the mount and ditch. 136 

Somewhere just within the gate of the inner bailey, and against the north wall of the 
Castle, 137 was a lodging known as the Lady de Vesci’s. Who this lady was is uncertain. 
One Isabel, daughter of Adam of Periton, and widow of Robert of Welles, married as her 
second husband William lord de Vesci, who died in 1297. She was still living in 1309, 
but there is nothing to show that she had any connexion with the court. John de Vesci, 
son of William lord de Vesci, married in 1287 a kinswoman of Queen Eleanor of Castile, but 
as he died in his father’s lifetime his widow can hardly have been called Lady de Vesci. 

The Lady de Vesci’s lodging probably adjoined the lodging assigned to the seneschal. 
This is mentioned several times in the accounts, 138 and as its tiled roof is referred to, it 
cannot have been, although it doubtless adjoined, the Seneschal’s tower of 1252-3 
and 1296-7, which was covered with lead. 

The references to the King’s lodging are very meagre, being confined to a charge for 
the mending of a lead pipe beside the stair to it in 1310-1, and to certain alterations to the 
royal garderobe in 1314 -5. 139 

The entries relating to the hall in the upper bailey point to a reconstruction, or at 
least a re-roofing of it, at the beginning of the King’s reign. In the account roll for 
1308 are charges for sixteen carpenters working upon the “ finishing ” of the hall, for 
sawyers sawing wood for it, and masons working upon the foundation of a wall in it. 
These are followed by tilers tiling its roof, and plasterers plastering its walls, and by 
carpenters putting the final touches. 140 The tiled roof seems to have needed attention 
in 1310-1, 141 and in 1319-20 two carpenters were repairing the lantern or louvre that 
surmounted the roof. 142 

The only entry of interest relating to the chapel is a charge in 1308 for mending the 
gutter between it and the hall, 143 which fixes the relative positions of the two buildings. 
To distinguish it from other chapels within the bailey it is sometimes termed “the great 
chapel in the upper bailey.” 144 Its windows underwent repair in 1311-2. 145 

In the garth of the cloister adjoining the chapel on its north side a herb-garden was 
again formed in 1319-20 at the hands of Adam the gardener. 146 For it and other herbaries 
(including, no doubt, that beside the great hall in the lower bailey) three thousand three 
hundred turves were dug, at a cost of I5d. per thousand, and a further lot of one thousand 
at a cost of i6d. The herb-garden was enclosed by a wooden paling, the door of which was 
mended in 1319-20, and the paling itself in 1321-2. 147 

Very few entries relate to that part of the royal lodging which contained the apart- 
ments of the Queen. In 1314-5 a pit or well, probably of a garderobe, below her chamber 
was cleaned out, 148 and in 1319-20 the walls of her dresser-house were plastered. 149 In 


95 


The Castle under King Edward II. 

1322 the plumber and his mate were busy making a sink or gutter beside the Queen’s 
chamber, perhaps for rain-water, and the tower beside the same chamber was new leaded. 150 

In 1321-2 are the charges for forming another herb-garden in the upper bailey, 
“ within the close of the Queen’s lodgings,” but it does not seem to have been a arge one. 151 

The great kitchen, or Queen’s kitchen as it was also called, that stood in the north- 
east part of the bailey was re-tiled and otherwise repaired in 1310-1 and 1311-2 152 ; and 
in the latter year a new furnace was placed in it, 153 which was repaired in 1322-3. 154 

A gate that opened from the bailey into the kitchen yard was fitted with new crooks 
and verti veils in 1310-1, and again in the following year 155 ; and it was also repaired in 
1319-20. 156 New ironwork was likewise again provided for it in 1321-2. 157 

It appears from an inquisition of the state of the Castle taken in 1327 (see post) that 
the Queen’s great kitchen in the upper bailey had on one side a larder, and on the other 
a great bakehouse. One or two entries during the period under notice probably relate to 
them. In 1320-1 two tilers and two boys helping them were engaged for a day “tiling 
the larder in the upper bailey,” 158 and in 1322-3 the bakehouse evidently underwent an 
entire reconstruction, the carpenters alone being at work upon it for eight weeks. 159 

The last of the entries relating to the bakehouse is involved with the making of a certain 
enterclose for keeping the King’s balistce . 160 As it was important that these engines of 
war should be kept dry, it is possible that a warm place next the bakehouse was chosen 
for the purpose. 

In the account for 1310-1 are a number of entries relating to the turrellum Principis 
or Prince’s tower. At this date the King’s eldest son Edward was yet unborn, and the 
only two princes living were the King’s half-brothers, Thomas of Brotherton, born in 
1300, and Edmund of Woodstock, born in 1301. But as it is unlikely that an important 
tower would be set apart as the residence of a mere boy, it is more probable that the 
Prince’s tower ” was the camera or lodging assigned to the lord Edmund (Crouchback), 
the King’s uncle, which, as has been shown above, had continued to be called after him 
as late as 1297-8, notwithstanding his death in 1296. 

The entries referring to the “Prince’s tower ” are confined to (1) the repair of the chapel 
beside it at the hands of three carpenters, (2) the tiling of the chapel roof, (3) the repair 
by the three carpenters of the chapel and the “bo we ” (see post) during three more weeks, 
for the last of which they were also working “about the porch before the door of the White 
cellar.” Two of the carpenters continued working for part of the next week at “the 
porch of the cellar aforesaid.” 161 

There are no further references to the “Prince’s tower,” but later in the same account 
for 1310-1 occurs the first of a series of entries relating to a “White tower,” which seems 
to be the Prince’s tower under a new name. This entry relates to the “plastering of the 
walls of the cellar under the chapel beside the White tower,” 162 probably the “White 
cellar ” mentioned above, and in 1314-5 is a charge for “tiling the chapel beside the White 
tower.” 163 Later entries refer to the lead roof of the tower, the chimneys in it, and the 
use of it, now that it was no longer a Prince’s residence, as a place to keep prisoners in ; 
also to the steps of the cellar. 164 

The items concerning the Chancellor's tower are but few. A charge for sawing planks 
for its repair occurs in 1308, 165 and in 1310-1 are a number of entries relating to mending 
and renewal of its windows 166 ; the lead roof was also repaired in 1322-3. 167 

Adjoining the Chancellor’s tower was a stable, the walls of which were plastered in 
I 3°9 _I0 - 168 It seems to be again referred to in 1310-1 as “the little stable beside the 
garden gate,” and also as “the Queen’s stable.” 169 The “Queen’s stable” is again 
mentioned in 1319-20, when the bridge near it, probably the garden bridge, was being 
repaired. 170 

Besides the references to the garden gate and bridge already quoted, there are other 
items in the account for 1309-10 dealing with the mending of “the gate towards the 
garden,” and in that for 1310-1 of the bridge without it. In the latter account is also 
a charge for sawing timber “for a certain bridge beside the Chancellery,” which seems 
to be the same as that “towards the garden.” 171 

In addition to the Queen’s stable there was likewise another in the upper part of the 
Castle, and a bakehouse adjoining it, which are described as being “at the foot of the 


9 6 


IV indsor Castle. 


Great, or High, tower.” The foundation of the stable was mended in 1308, 172 and during 
1310-1 173 the tiled roofs of both bakehouse and stable were repaired, and a rail’ng was 
made between the stable and the ditch beside it, probably that round the mount of the 
tower. The mangers and racks in the stable were also repaired in 1319-20. 174 

It is not very clear where the bakehouse and stable stood. The expression “at the 
foot of the Great tower ” has hitherto been applied to the gatehouse, etc. at the foot of 
the northern ascent to it, but the term would apply equally to the beginning of the corre- 
sponding steps on the south, and the stable and bakehouse may well have stood on this 
side against the wall enclosing the middle bailey. 

A number of other buildings are mentioned in the accounts of the reign under notice, 
the sites of which are not definitely known. 

One of these, the “ little hall,” occurs in 1319-20 and again in 1322-3. 175 It was 
certainly in the upper bailey, and it also adjoined a bridge, described in an entry relating 
to new metalwork for it as “the bridge beside the little hall.” 176 Close by the little hall 
was also an enclosed herb-garden. 177 The bridge is difficult to identify, the more so as 
it was evidently a drawbridge, and the four of that kind in the Castle can all be located 
with certainty. 

Another building that cannot definitely be placed is a “ great cellar ” mentioned in 
1308. 178 It probably formed the ground story of one of the ranges of chambers in the 
upper bailey, and may be identical with “the cellar under the long chamber” referred 
to in 1295-6. The “long chamber ” is again mentioned in 1310-1 and 1322-3 179 ; it 
was certainly in the upper bailey, and, if not part of the royal lodging, may have stood 
against the Castle wall on the east or south side. The fact that it was covered with lead 
shows that it was a building of some importance. 

The “ black chamber,” a building with a tiled roof referred to in 1310-1, 180 and the 
camera or lodging of Oliver of Bordeaux mentioned in the same year, 181 were probably 
also in the upper bailey. Oliver of Bordeaux was one of the King’s yeomen, and evidently 
in high favour, judging from the constant grants of manors and lands to him throughout 
the King’s reign. These grants were all confirmed to him by King Edward III, under 
whom he also held office. His lodging would naturally be not far from that of 
the King. 

A “certain tower beside the chapel,” in which a new hearth was made in 1314-5, 182 
and “a certain prison,” the wall of which was repaired at the same time, must also have 
been in the upper bailey, but the position of neither can be fixed. Reference also occurs 
in 1310-1 to a chamber or lodging “beside the Montagu tower,” 183 no doubt the same as 
the turns vocata Montaguwestour mentioned in the constable’s account for 1392-3. 
The latter reference shows that it was one of the towers on the Castle wall, but it cannot 
be identified, and it is not clear after whom it was called. 

Somewhere, too, within the Castle was the “long granary ” named in 1311-2, which 
was, no doubt, identical with the “great granary” of 1321-2. 184 

In the accounts both of the reign of King Edward II and that of his father are a 
number of items relating to the bovce or “ bowes,” as they seem to have been called in 
English. 

These were subterranean outlets or sallyports from the Castle, guarded by strong 
doors, of which those at their outer ends, from their being back doors, were called posterns. 
These posterns opened out upon the Castle ditch. The bowes are apparently mentioned 
first during the reign of King Henry III, in 1238-9, when a writ on the Liberate Roll 
orders “an underground bowe in the Castle which needs repair” to be mended. 185 A 
writ on the roll for 1259-60 also directs that “a certain bowe ” in the upper bailey be 
repaired. 186 The roll for 1261-2 likewise orders “the bowes of our Castle to be finished 
as they have been begun and the ditch outside these bowes as it has been begun” 187 ; and 
they are again referred to in 1263-4 as “two bowes beside the Queen’s kitchen,” which, 
with other things, were forthwith to be finished. 188 

During the reign of King Edward I a charge occurs in the account roll for 1295-6 
for a new key, etc. for a postern, 189 and that for 1297-8 contains a number of entries 
relating to “the bowe towards the garden,” as well as a reference to “a bowe towards 
Upnor (Oponhore).” 190 


The History of the Bowes. 


97 


Since Upnor or Uponore was the higher part towards the east of the manor of 
Underore, which extended along the north or “under” side of the Castle, the “bowe 
towards Upnor ” must have been at the eastern head of the upper bailey, and was probably 
one of the“ two bowes beside the Queen’s kitchen ” mentioned in 1263-4, or that mentioned 
as beside the Prince’s tower in 1310-1 (see ante). 

The vagueness as regards locality of the earlier entries of King Henry’s reign is repeated 
in the account roll for 1310-1, which contains charges for masons and others working 
upon “a certain head de la Bowe .” 191 A few weeks later two masons were again busy 
“repairing a certain wall beside a bowe of the upper bailey,” 192 and a new lock and key 
were bought “for the porch of a bowe of the upper bailey.” 193 

Besides the bowe at the east head of the upper bailey and that on the south towards 
the garden there seems to have been a third bowe, which was made new in 1310-1, perhaps 
in place of the other of the two beside the Queen’s kitchen. The entries relating to it 194 
mention first the carpenters’ work on the “new entry of the new bowe,” then “the making 
of a certain new bowe,” the plasterer plastering its walls, and again the carpenters 
“repairing” it. The carpenters were also engaged making “a certain house above the 
aforesaid bowe,” which the next entry shows was opposite one of the stables. The site 
of this new bowe is unknown ; it may, however, be identical with that beside the Prince’s 
tower mentioned earlier in the same account. 

A fourth bowe is also mentioned in the accounts, which is still in existence, namely 
that by the Clewer tower. The earliest references to it occur in the account roll for 
1320-1 in the form of charges for its repair and for new ironwork for its door. 195 This bowe 
opened out into the western ditch, and was constructed in 1227-30 at the same time 
as the walls and towers at that end of the Castle. 

Appended to the roll for 1320-1, in which the reference to this bowe occurs, is a slip 
containing particulars of certain works, etc. already transcribed above. 196 Two of the 
entries therein which specially relate to the western bowe may be again quoted : 

In wages of six labourers making a certain wall of earth in the Castle ditch on the west side (for fifteen 
working days) each @ 2d. a day, 15s. 

And in six carts engaged to carry earth for the construction of the aforesaid wall made for the defence 
of a certain outlet of the Castle in the same place for six days, 18s. namely for each cart 6d. a day. 

In 1319-20 the bowe at the eastern head of the Castle is mentioned three times : 
firstly, in a charge for the mason and his mates working “about the repair of a certain 
postern outside the Castle on the east part ” 197 ; secondly, when the mason and his boy 
spent eleven days in all “repairing the bowe on the east part of the Castle towards 
Upnor” 198 ; and, thirdly, in a charge “for crooks and vertivells for the great door of 
the bowe at the east head of the Castle.” 199 

The bowe in question may be the one under the present East Terrace. 

There is also another bowe yet remaining under the south side of the upper bailey, 
and in a very perfect state of preservation. (Figs. 1 and 2). This is, no doubt, the “bowe 
towards the garden,” which is first mentioned by name in the account roll for 1297-8. 
A succession of entries therein refer to (i) the making of a new door for it, (ii) the sawing 
of the boards for the door, (iii) the buying of a lock, all of iron, for the outer door, and (iv) 
the mending of its vertivells, (v) the mending of a lock for the second door, and (vi) the 
making of a vertivell for the inner door. 200 

It is also again mentioned in 1319-20 when John the mason was at work “repairing 
the postern and bowe towards the garden.” 201 

These and other works carried out the same year were done, as has already been shown, 
“on account of the perturbation of the kingdom between the lord King and the earls.” 

One other entry occurs in the account roll for 1321-2, following a charge of i6d. 
for the “cleaning of a certain postern ” : 

To two great vertivells with crooks bought for the great door of a postern. And in four new locks 
bought of Hugh the lockyer for a postern and for the doors within the bowe in which is an outlet of 
the Castle with a hanging lock, 2s. 8d. 202 

The bowe in question, from the number of doors in it, may have been that on the south 
side of the upper bailey. Several of the bowes were not improbably large drains. 

A few miscellaneous entries of interest dealing with the purchase of various materials, 
etc. during the reign of King Edward II are given in the foot-note below. 203 


9 8 


W indsor Castle. 


As the works carried out during the reigns of King Edward I and King Edward II 
were mostly repairs and minor alterations, only ordinary workmen were employed, as may 
be seen from the uniform rates of wages paid to the masons, carpenters, sawyers, etc. 
engaged. The works were apparently done, as before, under the direction of surveyors 
{visor es ) . Of these Alexander le Peintour and Roger of Windsor were appointed by letters 
patent of 12th December, 1307, but in 1318-9 Thomas le Rotour succeeded Roger, and 
Alexander and Thomas held office till the close of and into the next reign. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII. 


1 He was born at Windsor in 1266. “ Eodcm anno, tertio idus Julii, Johannes filius Edwardi natus cst apud 

Wyndelsore.” Annales Londonienses (Rolls Series 76), i. 71. 

2 “ Et in reparacione et emendacione domorum Castri Regis ibidem [anno] primo, xx.s. ij.d. 

Et in reparacione et emendacione domorum Castri Regis ibidem et clausura ejusdem Parci Regis ibidem,” 
etc. £48 19s. 3d. [m. 7] 

3 “ quos per preceptum nostrum posuit in reparacione et emendacione domorum Castri nostri Windes.” [m. 7] 

4 “ Et in reparacione et emendacione domorum et murorum Castri predicti per idem tempus, lvj.li. xvij.s. et. ob, 
per breve Regis.” [m. 21] 

5 “ Et in operacionibus Regis in parco de Windes per regem provisis, viz. in Capella Regis et nova capella 

Regine et oriolo depingendo. quadam nova camera facienda ad capud Camere Alphonsi filii Regis, 
breccis magni cay in magno fossato ibidem tarn de carpentario quam de opere terreo noviter 
relevanda et reparanda.” Pipe Roll, 5 Edward I (1276-7), m. 21c?. 

[m. 27] 


6 ‘‘ Et in operacionibus Castri de W. per totum predictum annum, £65 12s. nd.” rr 

7 Patent Roll, 26 Edward I. 

8 P.R.O. Accounts, etc. (Exch. K.R.) Bundle 492/11. 


14 1295-6. 
15 1295-6. 
16 1296-7. 

17 1295-6. 

18 1295-6. 

19 1295-6. 

20 1295-6. 


9 Bundle 492/12. 

10 Bundle 492/13. 

11 We learn from other sources that the stipend of the royal chaplains at this time was only 50s. per annum, 
or less than 2d. a day, but they probably also received board and lodging in the Castle. 

12 1295-6. “ In reparacione ij catenarum extra portam exteriorem cum viij malettis novis et clavis grossis 

et emendatione magne catene extra pontem cum ij ceruris gumphis et platis, ij.s. iij.d.” 

The charge for the making of these chains is entered upon the Pipe Roll for 1259-60. See ante, page 49. 

13 1296-7. “ In emendatione .j. vertivelle cujusdam hostii juxta magnam portam, ob. In una serura cujusdam 

hostii ultra magnam portam, iij.d.” 

“ In C. clavis ad unum latis ad domum janitoris et uno gumpho ad unam portam, jd. ob.” 

“ In una cerura nova cum nova clave ad unum celarium ad capud magne aule vj.d.” 

“ In una serura nova ad hostium pimceme in magna aula Domini Regis, iiijd.” 

“ In emendatione unius serure ad cameram botelrie in magna aula, jd.” 

“ In una barra. plata. axe ferr. cum clav ad unam loveriam in coquina v.d. s. de ferro Regis.” 

“ In uno gumpho vj Dumeyl ad hostium coquine etc. iij.d. ob.” 

“ In stipendio Radulfo de Ponte cementarii emendandi unam brekam Murorum Castri juxta coquinas 
domini Regis per vj dies, ij.s.” 

“ In stipendio Thome de Hethe mundandi unam Garderobam juxta coquinas domini Regis in exteriori 
ballio ad tascham, vj.d.” 

“ The last of February there sodainely arose such a fire in the castle of Windsor, that many offices 
of the same house were therewith consumed, and many goodly images made to beautifie the building, 
were defaced and deformed.” Annales, or a Generali Chronicle of England. Begun by John Stow: 
continued by Edmund Howes (London, 1631), 206. 

21 “ In iij vertivellis renovandis cum clavis novo anulo ad hostium parve garderobe regis post ignem. vj.d. 

Item in stipendiis xxiiij hominum portancium aquam ad extinguendum ignem per unam noctem in 
magna camera domini Regis que fuit arsa, ij.s. 

Item in stipendiis xxiiij hominum removencium meremium combustum et portancium aquam ad 
extinguendum ignem per totam diem sequentem, ij.s. quia comederunt cum filio domini Regis.” 

22 “ In emendatione ij vertivellorum et ij gumphorum ad ponend. in quodam hostio in oriolo ante magnam 
cameram combustam deserviente versus gradus magne capelle, jd. In una serura nova ad idem hostium, iiijd.” 

23 ‘‘ In vj ulnis et uno quaterno canabi ad obstupendas fenestras vitreas fractas per ventum in magna capella 
xviijd ob. q. empt. per Willelmum Mercer. 

In uno circulo ligneo empto ad unam fenestram rotundam in capella jd. 

In xij magnis curvis crokes ad unam fenestram rotundam in capelle vjd. 

Item in emendand. barr. Gojon ad fenestram juxta altare magne capelle v.d. 

In v. barris renovandis cum xviij lakettis et cakettis ad unam fenestram ad capud capelle versus 
occidcntem .iiij.d.” 

24 1297-8. ‘‘ Pro meremio ad supponendum unum latus clocherii Castri similiter ruinosi, etc.” 

25 1297-8. “ Johannes Lucy carpentarius ad prostemendum meremium in forestia et Carpentaria ad clocherium 

levandum per v. dies, ijs jd. 

In ij peciis ferri emptis de Randulfo le yrmonger ad magnum cavillum faciendum ad meremium 
pro clocherio levando, ix.d. 

In ij peciis enie emptis ad idem, vj.d. 

Item in iij peciis meremij emptis ad dictum clocherium de Ricardo Micti, iij.d. 

In quinque magnis kervillis ferri ad meremium jungendum propter clocherium levandum fabri- 
candis de ferro regis per Robertum Davy, ij.s. vij.d,” 


Documentary S\otes. 


99 


26 1295-6. 
27 1297-8. 
28 1296-7. 

29 1296-7. 

30 1295-6. 

1296- 7. 

1297- 8. 


1297-8. 


32 


I297-8. 


“ In emendatione unius cerure ad domum sacerdotum, j.d. ob.” 

“ In una clave ad hostium camere in aula capellanorum, j.d. ob.” 

“ In una laketta ad hostium clausi Elemosinarie, j.d. 

In emendatione ij serurarum duorum hostiorum ad turrim ibidem, iij.d.” 

“ Robertus Gardiner carpentarius appositus ad emendandas parietcs in aula Episcopi Capellc et 
Camerarum ibidem per vj dies, ij.s.” 

“ In emendatione unius cerure ad hostium stabuli juxta Turrim Mauncel cum novo anulo stapulo 
et clave, ij.d. 

In una nova clave ad stabulum juxta turrim Mauncel, j.d. ob.” 

“ In stipendio Roberti Gardiner carpentarii emendantis maniuram stabuli juxta turrim Mauncel 
per dimidium diem, ij.d. 

In emendatione ij vertivellorum cujusdam fenestre in aula turelli Mauncel, jd.” 

“ In iij stapulis cum xlv. clavis ad portam turelli Mauncel. 

In ij mulieribus locatis ad aquam portandam pro emendacionc unius scamni in aula dicti turelli 
Mauncel per dimidium diem, jd. 

In emendatione unius cerure ad hostium celarii turelli Mauncel cum nova clave et ij platis ferri 
ad idem, ij.d. ob.” It was not unusual to employ women to carry water, etc. See Durham 
Account Rolls (Surtees Soc. 99, 100, 103), 864. 

“ In stipendio Roberti Davy pro fabrica de proprio ferro regis ad emendandam Rotam fontis ad 
capud magne aule, v.d.” 

“ Willelmus le Decken cementarius ad Turrim Pollard, per v. dies xx.d.” Also “ per vj dies ijs.” 


33 Patent Roll, 37 Henry III, m. 10. 

34 “ Pro factura unius camere in qua dictus Johannes jacet infra castrum predictum xxs.” 

35 


1295-6. 
36 1295-6. 
37 1295-6. 


38 1295-6. 
39 1297-8. 
40 1295-6. 
41 1297-8. 


42 1295-6. 
43 1295-6. 

44 1296-7. 

45 1296-7. 

46 1295-6. 

47 1295-6. 

48 1297-8. 


“ In xlvi grossis clavis ad gradum gayole et gradum camere ultra portam turris vj.d.” 

" In ij vertivellis emendandis ad hostium magne turris ijd.” 

“ In emendatione unius cerure cum nova clave ad hostium lardarij et una serura emendanda cum 
nova clave ad hostium dispense in turri iijd. 

In una cerura emendanda cum nova clave ad unam cameram juxta lardarium in magna turri jd. ob.” 
“ In emendatione unius cerure in novo trunco ad panetriam in magna turri, ij.d. ob.” 

“ In una clave ad hostium pincerne in magna turri, jd. ob.” 

“ In vij bondis ferri cum 1 . clavis ad magnam mensam domini Regis fractam vij.d. in magna turri.” 
“ Appositi fuerunt carpentarius et socius ejus in bosco de Braye ad meremium prosternendum et 
sicandum pro reparatione et emendatione (?) exterioris lateris aule in magna Turri quod corruerc 
incepit.” 

“ In tribus gumphis ad fenestras unius camere in turri, j.d. ob.” 

“ In emendatione unius cerure cum uno vertivello ad hostium fontis in turri ij.d. 

In stipendio Radulfi le Ferur mundantis fontem in magna turri ad tascham xij.d.” 

“ Radulfus de Ponte cementarius appositus ad emendandum quendam murum lapideum juxta 
fossatum Turris in superiori ballio per iij dies, xij.d.” 

“ In stipendio Roberti Gardiner carpentarii per ij dies facientis unum novum hostium juxta claustrum 
capelle domini regis, viij.d.” 

“ In una vertivella longa cum clavis ad unum celarium sub longa camera, vj.d.” 

The long chamber is described in an account for 1322-3 (see post) as “ in superiori ballio.” 

“ In una vertivella magna reparanda ad hostium unius Celarii in superiori ballio cum xviij clavis 
iiij.d.” 

“ Radulfus de Ponte cementarius ad emendandum caminum in camera domini Edmundi per unum 
diem, iiij.d. 

In ij gumphis ad quoddam hostium in capella domini Edmundi, jd. ob. 

In uno gumpho uno vertivello ad unam fenestram ad cameram domini Edmundi cum xviij clavis, 
ij.d. 

In emendandis ij barris ferreis ad unam fenestram vitream in parva capella juxta cameram domini 
Edmundi, ob.” 

49 “Pontem qui est prope cameram Cancellarii nostri sicut itur versus Gardinum reparari facias.” Liberate 
Roll, 1259-60. 

The “ bridge towards the garden ” is again mentioned in 1309-10 and 1310-11, and “ the gate towards the garden ” 
in 1309-10 (see post). 

50 1295-6. “ In emendatione unius cerure cum nova clave ad celarium juxta cameram cancellarii, jd. ob.” 

51 1297-8. “ Johannes Lucy carpentarius ad clocherium et ad fenestras faciendas in turri Cancellarii, ijs. vjd. 

Alexander Lucas operarius ad emendandos defectus in aula et cameris juxta Turrim Cancellarii, 
iijd. ob.” 

62 “ Precipimus tibi quod unum estagium supra novam turrim in ballio Castri nostri de W. que senescallis nostris 
est assignata cum quodam camino fieri, et turrim illam desuper plumbari et kemellari facias, sicut cetere nove turres 
in eodem ballio perficiuntur.” Liberate Roll, 37 Henry III, m. 11. 

In emendatione unius cerure et unius vertivelle ad hostium camere Senescallorum, iijd.” 

In ij seruris no vis ad hostium turelli Senescallorum, viijd. 

In emendatione unius vertivelle cum clave ad hostium ibidem, jd. ob.” 

In una cerure nova cum clave barra pipa ferri clav. ad unam turrim ubi prisones ponuntur, vijd.” 
In ij stapulis magnis cum clavis ad unam prisonam, iiijd.” 

In xlvj grossis clavis ad gradum gayole et gradum camere ultra portam turris, vjd. 

In emendatione unius cerure ad trappam gayole, jd.” 

57 Pipe Roll, 1233-4. “ Et Gayola ejusdem Castri reparanda et plumbo cooperienda.” 

“ In uno gumpho vj Durneyl ad hostium coquine et una cerura emendanda cum clave ad cameram 
domini Guydonis Ferre, iijd. ob.” 

“ In una nova cerura cum clave et clavis ad stabulum Constabularii, iiijd. 

In emendatione unius cerure cum apparatu ad garderobam Constabularii, ijd. 

In una cerura cum clave nova ad gamarium constabularii, vd.” 

“ Robertus Gardiner carpentarius appositus ad emendandum magnum stabulum versus gardinum 
per vj dies, ijs.” 

“ Edmundus Tegulator et homo ejus appositi ad tegulandum super magnum stabulum in castro 
versus gardinum et etiam super stabulum Constabularii per iiij dies, ijs.” 


63 1295-6. 
1296-7. 

54 1295-6. 
55 1295-6. 
56 1295-6. 


58 1295-6. 
59 1295-6. 

1296- 7. 

1297- 8. 


I oo 


JV in c/so r C astle . 


60 1295-6. “ In una cerura nova cum apparatu ad hostium Plomerie, iiijd. ob.” 

61 1295-6. “ In meremio empto ad astelriam de Willelmo ate void, ijs. viijd. 

In xij grossis spiking ad astelriam, ijd. 

In una cerura cum clave et una vertivella ad hostium astelrie, iiijd.” 

62 1295-6. “ In stipendio Roberti Gardiner Carpentaria reparantis rotam magni fontis fractam per vj dies, ijs.” 

“ In una benda et una plata ad rotam magni fontis, xd.” 

A well “ in curia juxta (magnam) turrim ” is mentioned in the Liberate Roll for 1255-6, in 
addition to the well in the great tower itself. 

63 1252-3. “ Mandatum est . . . quod fieri faciant in mota de Windlesor unam cisternam que totam 

pluviam cadentem super eandem motam circumquaque recipiat.” Close Roll, 37 Henry III, m. 8. 

64 1255-6. “ Precipimus tibi quod unam cisternam in claustro nostro Windlesor fieri . . . facias.” 

Liberate Roll, 40 Henry III, m. 12. 

65 1303-4. “ Et in reparatione et emendacione magne aule, camerarum ejusdcm aide, coquinarum juxta aulam 

predictam, Magni Muri dicti castri ex opposito dicte aule versus underore, domorum in superiori 
ballio, celarii ad portam exteriorem, Camere pendentis juxta pedem Turris, camerarum turris 
cancellarii, et capelle in superiori ballio in Castro predicto a xij. die Junii Anno xxix usque ad festum 
sancti Michaelis proximum sequentem.” Pipe Roll, 32 Edward I. 

66 From 25th August to 2nd October. 

67 From 17th February to 15th March. 

68 In 1275 he was at Windsor 7, 6, and 3 days ; in 1276, 4 and 10 days ; in 1277, once for 18 days ; in 1278, 
for 6, 2, 1, and 6 days ; in 1279, once for 15 days, again for 16 days, and also for 3 days ; in 1280, for 5 days in all ; 
and in 1281, for 5 days and 6 days. 

69 For 1 day in 1289, and another in 1290 ; once for 2 days in 1293, and once for 4 days in 1299 ; for 12 successive 
dajrs early in 1300 ; for 1 day in 1302, and for 10 successive days early in 1303. 

70 No visits to Windsor are recorded in 1282-8, 1290-2, 1294-8, 1301, and 1304-7. 

71 P.R.O. Accounts (Exch. K.R.) Bundles 492/15 (13th July — Mich. 1308), 492/16 (Mich. 1309 — Mich. 1310), 
492/17 (Mich. 1310 — Mich. 1311), 492/18 (Mich. 1311 — Mich. 1312), 492/19 (Mich. 1314— Mich. 1315), 492/20 (22 Feb. 
1319-20 — Mich. 1320; Mich. 1320 — Mich. 1321; Mich. 1321 — Mich. 1322), and 492/21 (Mich. 1322 — Mich. 1323). 

72 “ Et in cmpcione diversorum necessariorum et stipendiis operariorum pro construccione cujusdam nove coauine 
infra Castrum predictum dicto anno septimo.” [m. 421!] 

This same item is also entered on the Liberate Roll for 1315-16. [m. 1] 

73 “ Construccionem unius nove domus facte pro dressorio juxta novam coquinam in eodem castro.” [m. 42^ 

74 “ Novum Edificium. 

In stipendiis Johannis Bous et Alexandri Saveray carpentariorum existencium circa quandam novam 
domum factam pro uno dressor juxta novam coquinam in castro scilicet de maheremio veteris coquine 
ibidem nuper prostrate per xv. dies quorum uterque cepit per diem iiij.d. per idem tempus .x.s. 
Item in stipendiis Johannis Hercherd et Johannis Sweteglad carpentariorum circa idem per xiiij dies 
quorum uterque cepit per diem iiijd. per idem tempus .ix.s. iiijd. 

Item in stipendiis Johannis Somery et Simonis atte Dene et Walteri Gange carpentariorum circa idem 
per duos dies .ij.s. 

Item in stipendiis Roberti Wolfric.h Elie Pygod sarratorum sarrancium maheremium ad Bordas faciendas 
pro predicto dressor per septem dies qui cepit per diem conjunctim vij.d. per idem tempus .iiij.s. jd. 
Item in Mille et dimid. lathis emptis de Daniele lirmangere .viij.s. ixd. precii Mille .v.s. x.d. 

Item in iij millibus et dimid. clavis ad lath, emptis .ij.s. iiij.d. 

Item in C. spiknail emptis de eodem .v.d. 

Item in mille et dimid. tegularum empt. de Johanne le Forester .iij .s. vj.d. 

Item in tribus millibus et dimid. tegularum empt. de Roberto Buffard .viij.s. ijd. 

Item in quinque Millibus cavillis ad tegulas emptis de eodem vij.d. ob. 

Item in viij Bordis pro fenestris et hostiis ad idem emptis de Roberto Perschore .ij.s. 

Item in stipendio Johannis le Wodeward pro cariagio Bordarum pro dressor de foresta per duos dies 
.xij.d. 

Item in stipendio Rogeri caretaris pro cariagio tegularum per duos dies et dimid. xv.d. 

Item in stipendiis Roberti Buffard et Ricardi le Godclere tegulatorum tegulancium super dictam 
domum per duos dies dies [ sic ] .xvj.d. 

Item in stipendiis Roberti Bagard et Johannis Buffard Johannis Ailwaker et Alexandri Lucas 
deserviencium eisdem per idem tempus xvj.d. quorum quilibet cepit per diem .ij.d. 

Summa lvj.s. j.d. ob.” 


Accounts (Exch. K.R.), Bundle 492/19. 

75 “ Operaciones Turellorum domorum murorum Poncium Castri de Wyndesor et Murorum gardini extra idem 

Castrum facte per visum et testimonium Alexandri le Peintour et Thome le Rotour visorum operacionum 
predictarum a xxij° die februarii Anno Regni Regis Edwardi xiij° usque ad festum Sancti Michaelis 
proximum sequens.” Accounts (Exch. K.R.), Bundle 492/20. 

76 “ Particule quarundem operacionum factarum in Castro de Wyndesor per vices hoc anno xiiij® videlicet in 

Brutaschiis Bareris et aliis ingeniis factis pro municione castri predicti propter perturbacionem Regni 
inter dominum Regem et comites. . . . 

Et in viij carpentariis conductis per xx dies ad faciend. Brutaschias barer ingenia et alia hujusmodi 
necessaria Iiij.s. iiij.d. . . 

Et in una corda empta ad pontem tractandum in superiori ballio ix.d. 

Et in stipendiis sex operariorum faciendorum quandam murum terre in fossato castri ex parte occi- 
dentali (15 days @ 2d.) xv.s. 

Et in sex carrettis conductis ad cariandam terrain ad. construccionem muri predicti facti pro defensionc 
cujusdam exitus castri ibidem per sex dies xviij. s. viz. pro quolibet caretta per diem vj.d.” 
Accounts (Exch. K.R.), Bundle 492/20. 

77 1309-10. Carpenters and masons working for two weeks “ circa reparacioncm pontis ante magnam portam,” 


28s. and 12s. iod. 

8 1309-10. “ tegulantis super cameras versus magnam portam .ij.s.” 

9 1309-10. “ In factura duarum hortarum pro magna porta per Joliannem Jordan iij.d.” 

* n 13 1 o - 1 . “In stipendiis Roberti Wolfrich et Johannis Puggere sarratorum conductorum ad maeremium 
sarrandum pro quadam nova porta currente de novo facienda ad introitum castri, 3s. 6d. 

In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere Johannis le Bakere et Roberti le Bakere existencium circa dictam 
portam currentem per sex dies, 6s. 

In stipendiis Roberti Wolfrich et Johannis Puggere sarratorum conduct, ad sarrandum maeremium 
per idem, 3s. 6d. 


I O I 


81 1310-1. 


82 131 1-2. 


83 I3II-2. 


84 I320-I. 


85 1 3 20 - 1 . 


86 J322-3. 

87 1319-20 
88 1310-1. 


89 1322-3. 


90 1310-1. 


91 13x9-20. 
92 I322—3. 
93 I3O9-IO. 
91 I32I-2. 
95 I3O9-IO. 

96 I 3 I 0 -I. 


Documentary -?{otes. 


In stipendiis Roberti le Couperc ct Johannis le Bakere carpentariorum existencium circa dictam 
carpentriam per sex dies, 4s. 

In stipendio Johannis Jordan facientis bondas ct ligaturas ferreas pro dicta porta currente per sex 
dies, 2S. 6d. 

In stipendio Roberti le Notere garcionis existentis circa dictam operacionem (6 days @ 3d.), is. 6d. 

In stipendiis Johannis Ailwaker et Alexandri Lucas ferencium maeremium ad opus predictum 
(6 days @ 2d.), 2s. 

In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere et Johannis le Baker carpentariorum existencium circa dictam 
portam currentcm et alia necessaria per sex dies, 4s. 

In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere Johannis le Bakere et Roberti le Bakere carpentariorum 
existencium circa dictam portam currentem per sex days, 6s.” 

“ In stipendio Johannis ate Brugge supponentis postell. magni pontis per duos dies viij.d. 

In stip. Willelmi fabri et socii sui sarratorum ad sarrandas bordas ad reparacionem pontis Castri 
per sex dies (@ 3^d.) .iij.s. vj.d. 

In stip. Ricardi de Langham cariantis maeremium de foresta per tres dies xviij.d. 

In stip. Roberti le Coupere et Johannis le Bakere carpentariorum existencium circa reparacionem 
pontis Castri per sex dies .iiijs. 

In stip. Willelmi fabri et socii sui sarrancium maeremium ad pontem per quinque dies ij.s. xj.d.” 

" Johanni Somerey Johanni Hereberd carpentantibus lignum pro bordis ad reparacionem Poncium 
in castro et ad magnam Portam (5 days), 3s. qd. 

Johanni Poggere Ricardo Baldewyne sarrantibus dictum maeremium per iiij dies, 2s. qd. 

In stip. Radulfi Thurgar carpentarii existentis circa reparacionem Pontis ad portam castri qui 
diruptus fuit, per sex dies, 2s. 6d. (also four other carpenters @ qd. helping him). 

Item Johanni Cementario facienti fundamentum Murorum juxta dictum pontem per sex dies, 2s. 
(also two helpers, and two sawyers). 

Item in uncto pro vertivellis dicti pontis emptoiij.d. (Also Ralph Thurgar for six more days with 
four others helping ; also John the mason working for another five days, with a helpmate : 
and two sawyers sawing wood for five days.)” 

“ Item Johanni Jurdan pro CCCC grossis clavis iiij.s. Item eidem pro CCC. ij.s. Item eidem pro 
ij stapulis et j haspa ad quamdam posternam .iiij .d. Item eidem pro stapulis ad magnam 
portam xij.d. Item eidem pro duobus vertivellis emptis ad portam iiij.d. Item in ij. vertivellis 
emptis pro eodem .xij.d. Item eidem pro ij gemelles ferri emptis pro Wiketto magne porte 
xviij.d.” 

The repairs to the gate also occupied another fortnight. 

To three carpenters “ ponent. novas bordas ex utraque parte murorum extra magnam portam super 
pontem ibidem” for four and a-half days, 3s. 6d. 

(Two carpenters were working on same the next week for three days.) 

Item in sex peciis maheremii emptis apud Eton ad cooperturam novi operis juxta magnam portam, 
3s. (i2d. was also paid for more wood for same.) 

(Two carpenters were also working a third week for six days, and three for a fourth week 
for three days “ circa cooperturam predicti novi operis.”) 

Wages of three carpenters “ reparanc. magnum (pontem) ad portam castri,” five days. 

(Also of two men sawing timber “ ad pontem predictum,” and two others sawing boards 
for same.) 

(Also of two men “ removencium terram ante operacionem carpent. juxta pontem 
predictum” for two days.) 

Nails were also bought for same, and two iron bands. 

“ In mundacione Wayerii infra Portam Castri vjd.” 

John the mason and boy “ facient. muros ex utraque parte dicte Wayer ” for five days. 

To a tiler tiling for six days “ infra clausum janitoris.” 

In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere et Johannis le Bakere carpentariorum existencium circa porchiam 
celarii turrelli de Clifware per sex dies, iiijs.” (Also for four other weeks at same rate, and 
“ circa porchiam magni celarii sub turrello de Clifware ” for another week.) 

(Also “ circa dictam operacionem et circa caminum Camere Senescalli” for six days.) 

(Also “ faciend. unam porchiam apud Clifwarestour ” for six days.) 

In stipendiis Alexandri Lucas et Johannis Aylwaker removencium terram ante hostium de 
Clyvewarestour per unum diem, qd. 

In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere et Johannis le Bakere, etc. circa dictam novam porchiam (for 
six days). 

In stipendiis Johannis ate Brugge et Willelmi Bledeclewe Cementariorum facientium muros porchie 
ante celarium turris de Clifwar per tres dies .ij.s. (also two helpers). 

In stipendio Edmundi Glide tegulantis porchiam turris de Clifware et domum fabri que est ex 
opposito per v. dies .xx.d.” 

“ In stipendio Johannis Loveatte carpentarii reparantis gradus et ostium infra turrim de Clyware 
pro prisonibus ibidem custodiendis per unum diem iiij.d. 

Et in tribus novis ceruris emptis pro dictis prisonibus custodiendis xij.d. Et in gumphis et 
vertivellis emptis ad ostia domus dictorum prisonum xij.d.”'" 

In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere et Johannis le Bakere, etc. supponend. cum maeremio Cameram 
elemosinarii (for three weeks). 

In iiij or bordis emptis de Radulfo Thurgar viij.d. In maeremio empto de Stepliano de Chesewyke 
xij.d.” 

“ Pro quadam barra ferri ad hostium elemosinarie .vj.d.” 

To a plumber and his mate working for two days “ ad reparandam turrim super elemosinariam.” 

Two men plastering “ super aulam Episcopi,” and the walls of the chambers “ juxta aulam Episcopi.” 

Tiler tiling “ coquinam Episcopi.” 

Two carpenters mending great chapel windows and “ rotam fontis juxta magnam aulam super 
coquinas et cameras juxta magnam aulam.” 

In stipendio Johannis atte Brugge existentis circa magnum murum aide supponendum (five days (S' 

qd.), is. 8d. (also two helpers @ 2d. — is. 8d.). 

In stipendio Johannis atte Brugge ct Johannis Underore cementariorum operancium circa pedem 
Muri magne aule ex parte boriali (six days), qs.” 


102 


JVindsor Castle , 


were 


97 1310-1. 


98 1310-1. 


99 1310-1. 

10 ° x^ig- 20 , 

101 1321-2. 
102 1308. 


103 


I3I4-5- 


104 1319-20 
105 1314-5. 

106 1314-5- 

107 1310-1. 


108 1314-5- 

109 I 320-I. 


“ In stipendiis Willelmi Schetore et Willelmi de Stanes reparancium bancos et muros herbarii juxta 
magnam aulam precepto Cancellarii per sex dies. 

M In turbis pro dicto herbario de Edmundo Glide emptis xv.d. 

In stipendio Willelmi le Carettere cariantis dictas turbas per iiij 0 ** dies et dimidium .ij.s. iij.d. 

In CCC turbis ad dictum herbarium fodiendis iiij.d. ob. In dictis turbis cariandis iij.d. 

In stipendiis Willelmi le Shethere et Willelmi de Stonewelle existencium circa dictum herbarium 
faciendum per unum diem, iiij.d.” 

“ In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere et Johannis le Bakere carpentariorum reparancium palicium circa 
aulam per sex dies. In C. spiknail .vj.d. 

In stipendiis Willelmi fabri et socii sui sarrancium maeremium ad palicium predictum per iiij. 
dies (@ 2^d.), ijs.iiijd. 

In bordis emptis de Johanne de Brompton ad palicium juxta magnam aulam, iiij .s.” 

‘‘In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere et Johannis le Baker carpentariorum facientium interclusum in 
magna aula in quo ponebantur Pavilones Regis per sex dies iiij .s.” 

“ Item in stipendio Johannis le Porter querentis quemdam bukettum lapsum in fonte ad capud 
magne aule .vj.d.” 

To tiler and boy “ tegulant. dressorium juxta magnam aulam.” 

“ In stipendiis Willelmi Knyth Roberti Bonduyt conduct, ad emendandum circa magnam capellam 
de tribulis et fetore columbarum per ij. dies x.d.” 

“ In stip. Johannis Hereberd carpentarii reparantis cooperturum Claustri juxta magnam capellam 
(three days), I2d. (Also Henry the plumber working on same for three days, with his boy.) 

In stip. Henrici le Plomer fundentis plumbum ad reparandam cooperturam magne capelle et pro 
reparacione ejusdem (five days), 2s. 6d. (Also a boy helping for five days @ 2d.)” 

John the mason repairing “ claustrum juxta magnam capellam.” 

“ In stipendio Ade de Tame operarii mundantis dictam capellam sub plumbo et extrahendi nidos 
avium per quatuor dies, viij.d.” 

“ Pro xxvj cavillis ferri factis ad superponendos cereos in capella Castri precepto Regis.” 

“ In stipendiis Johannis Somery Johannis Wolf rich et Ricardi de Curchofeld conductorum circa 
fenestras vitresa magne Capelle de linea tela opturandas per unum diem et dimidium, i8d. 

In iiij or ulnis Linee tele emptis pro dictis fenestris, I4d.” 

“ Item xij ulnis canabi emptis pro fenestris ejusdem capelle reparandis iij.s. iiij.d. precii ulne .iij.d. qr.” 
“ In .ij. novis ceruris cum clavibus emptis ad barreriam juxta capellam cum reparacione alterius 
cerure ad aliam barreriam.” 


119 1314-5. 

1321-2. 
111 13I4-5- 

112 I3I4-5- 


“ In stipendio Henrici le Plomer reparantis cooperturam plumbi super campanar (for five 
days), 2s. 6d.” 

Lead “ super campanile ” repaired. 

“ In ix cheveron emptis de Ricardo de Brome pro reparatione stabuli juxta domum capellanorum, 
xij.d.” 

“ In una cerura empta de (Daniele lirmangere) pro camera fratrum commorantium in castro, vj.d. 
In gumphis et vertivellis emptis de eodem pro hostio ejusdem camere, vj.d. 

In stip. Johannis Jurdan fabri pro diversis gumphis stapulis et haspis factis ad cameras predictorum 
fratrum, xij.d.” 

113 Close Roll, 8 Edward II (1315) m. 4. 

114 i3ii-2. “Roberto Boffard tegulanti longum stabulum per sex dies, 2s. Item eidem pro Mille tegulis ab eo 
emptis .ij.s. iij.d. Item eidem pro mille cavillis ad tegulas .iij.d.” 

-2. “ Hugoni Treilepe tegulanti coquinam juxta magnum stabulum per quinque dies .xx.d.” 

-20. Wages of two carpenters “ reparancium mangeras et rastellas in magno stabulo contra adventum 
Regis.” 

“ In ij novis ceruris emptis pro hostio Thesaurie de Rogero Lokiore viij.d. 

In stipendio Henrici Plomer jactantis telas de plumbo ad dictam cameram cooperiendam per 
v. dies, ijs. jd. (Also John the plumber helping him five days @ 4d.) 

In stipendiis (of three men) portancium telas plumbi et terram ad dictam Cameram cooperiendam 
(five days @ 2d.), iijs. iiijd.” 

Tiler tiling for six days “ in exteriori balliva Cameram et aulam Thesaurarii.” 

Two carpenters working for three days “ circa reparacionem gradus Turrelle Thesaurarii (Turf. Thes.).” 
Tiler tiling “ coquinam juxta Thesaurariam.” 

“ Johanni Jurdan pro vertivellis ad hostium domus Cam. [sic] v.d. Item eidem pro quodam 
repagulo ferri facto infra ad dictum hostium ix.d.” 

119 1314-5. “ In stipendiis Johannis Hereberd et Johannis Sweteglad carpentariorum de novo faciendum 

quandam portam juxta magnam capellam (five days), 3s. 4d. 

In stip. Johannis Jurdan fabri pro duabus novis vertivellis ad dictam portam,” etc. 

120 13x9-20. i2d. paid “ pro gumphis et vertivellis ad portam juxta capellam.” 

121 1320-1. For works " ad novam portam in media balliva juxta capellam.” 

To John the mason” ponenti gumphos ad dictam portam in muro petrina et fundenti easdem cum 
plumbo.” 

Wages of the smith “ facientis duo vincula ferri cum clavi ad quendam pontem tractandum, i8d.” 
Also of two carpenters working for twelve days “ circa portam predictam,” and of John the mason 
and boy “ reparanc. murum super novam portam” for four days. 

Sand bought " pro itinere juxta magnam capellam reparando.” 

122 This garderobe seems to be the same which was repaired in 1319-20, when John the mason and two helpers 
paid for working one day “ ad reparandum murum cujusdam garderobe juxta altam Turrim.” 

123 1311-2. " Johanni Somery Alexandra Saveray carpentariis existentibus circa reparacionem camere ultra 

secundam portam turris (five days). 

Johanni cementario et Johanni atte Brugge facientibus gradus versus solarium ultra portam juxta 
turrim (five days), 3s. 4d. 

Item Johanni Somery Alexandra Saveray carpentariis facientibus Rayles juxta dictos gradus et 
quandam parvam domum pro Janitore sub dictis gradibus (five days), 3s. 4d. 

Item Roberto Buffard tegulanti dictam cameram (ten days in all). 

Item Alexandra Lucas Johanni Ailwaker plastrantibus muros dicte Camere et graduum (five 
days), 2od. 


1311- 

1319- 


1310-1. 


1319-20. 

1321-2. 
118 1311-2. 


Documentary . ?{otes . 


103 


Johanni le masoun existenti circa grad us dicte camere (five days). 

Johanni cementario reparanti quandam peciam Muri castri juxta portam turris (five days). 

Johanni Someray Willelmo Dorney carpentariis existentibus circa cameram predictam juxta turrim 
(five days), 3s. 4d. 

[Lem in stipendio Johannis le Masoun reparantis muros camere predicte (for eleven days). 

Item Henrico le Plomer fundenti telas plumbi ad cooperturam camere predicte (four days), 2s. 

Item Willelmo de Dorney et Willelmo socio suo carpentariis existentibus (circa) muros cujusdam 
garderobe et cooperturam ejusdem juxta predictam cameram factam (five days). Item 
Alexandra Lucas et Johanni Ailwaker plastrantibus muros dicte garderobe (five days). 

Henrico le Plomer ponenti predictas telas plumbi super cameram predictam (three days).” 

124 1320-x. Wages of plumber and boy “ de novo cooperiencium cameram cum plumbo super portam turris.” 
125 1322—3. Two carpenters repairing for four days “ parietes et fenestras camere ultra portam juxta magnam 
turrim.” 

126 1321-2. Wages of a plumber and boy for one day “ reparancium lodium juxta cameram super portam.” 
127 1319-20. Wages of a tiler and boy for two days “ tegulancium cameram juxta portam ad pedem turris.” 

1320-1. Wages of ten carpenters working for six days “ faciencium quendam novam portam sub cameram 
ad pedem turris.” 

12s jjog “ in stipendio Henrici Plomarii conducti ad cooperiendum quoddam penticium in magna turri,” etc. 
129 1309-10. Two carpenters working (inter alia) “ circa reparacionem et emendacionem . . . fenestrarum 

in aula ejusdem turris.” 

mo X310-1. “ In una nova cerura empta pro hostio Lardarii Turris vj.d. 

In una nova cerura empta ad hostium capelle Turris .v.d. 

In stipendio plumbarii obstupantis plura foramina super quandam cameram in turri per duos 
dies xij.d.” 

1320- 1. Wages of a plumber and two boys ‘‘ cooperencium de novo quandam cameram infra turrim” for 

three days. 

131 1311-2. “ Alexandra Lucas et Johanni Aylwaker plastratoribus dealbantibus muros alte camere turris per 

loca per sex dies .ij.s.” 

132 X319-20. “ Pro vertivellis et gumphis ad fenestras coquine infra Turrim, 8 d.” 

133 1310-1. “ In stipendio Johannis ate Brugge cementarii circa quendam murum infra Turrim per quatuor 

dies xvj.d.” (also two helpers). 

134 1309-10. Two carpenters working (inter alia ) " circa reparacionem et emendacionem Rote fontis turris et 
boketti ejusdem.” 

1310-1. “ In stipendio Johannis Puggere querentis bokettos fontis Turris et fontis superioris ballive xij.d.” 

This same year there is a charge of 23d. “ In duobus bokettis de novo factis,” and of 
4d. spent “ in candelis emptis ad mundandum fontem.” 

136 1309-10. “ In stipendio Johannis ate Brugge Cementarii reparantis gradus magne Turris xviij.d.” 

1310-1. “ In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere Johannis le Bakere et Roberti le Bakere carpentariorum con- 

ductorum ad emendand. quamdam portam infra Turrim et gradus ibidem per sex dies .vj.s. 

In ij vertivellis et ij hapsis pro ponte Turris .v.d.” 

136 1319-20. “ In stipendiis quinque mulierum falcancium kumphos et urtices circa Turrim per duos dies, x.d.” 

137 1321-2. Wages of John the mason and boy working for four and a-half days “ reparancium quandam 
peciam muri castri juxta cameram quondam Domine de Vescy.” 

An Inquisition of 1327 (see post) mentions “ altus murus lapideus castri predicti versus 
aquilonem et versus cameram que dicitur camera domine de Vesci.” 
us 13x0-1. “ In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere et Johannis le Bakere carpentariorum conductorum . . . 

circa caminum Camere Senescalli. 

In stipendio Johannis ate Brugge cementarii emendandi caminum et astra camini Camere Senescalli 
per iiij or dies, xvjd. 

In stipendio Roberti Boffard tegulantis cameram Senescalli in superiori balliva per v. dies xx.d.” 

1321- 2. Repairing “ caminum in camera Senescalli.” 

1322- 3. Wages of two tilers and two boys “ tegulancium cameram Senescalli.” 

139 i3io-i. "In stipendio Henrici Plumbarii reparantis pipam plumbi juxta gradus Camere Regis in superiori 
balliva per duos dies xij.d. 

In stipendio garcionis sui deservientis eidem per idem iiij.d.” 

1 3 1 4-5 • “ In stip. Johannis de Somery et Johannis Hereberd carpentariorum de novo facientium quamdam 

sedem cujusdam camere pro Rege ac eciam reparancium muros et fenestras ibidem in superiori 
balliva (four days), 2s. 8d. 

Item in stip. Henrici de Wycombe et Johannis cementarii faciencium murum circa predictam cloacam 
(six days), 4s.” 

140 1308. In wages of five carpenters for four and a-half days @ 5d. and eleven others @ 4d. “ conduct, circa 
perfeccionem aule superioris ballive.” 

Also of two sawyers for four and a-half days @ 3jd. each “ conduct, ad sarrandum maeremii ad 
dictam aulam.” 


Also of two masons for three and a-half days @ 5d. “ conduct, circa fundamentum muri ibidem,” etc. 

“ In stipendiis Roberti tegulatoris et Edmundi le Glide tegulatoris conduct, ad tegulandum super 
dictam aulam ” (four and a-half days @ 4d.), also of John Homewey helping (also @ 4d.), and 
of six other tilers (@ 2d.). 

“ In stipendiis Willelmi de Shovyggefold (et) Willelmi Grasemund plastratorum conduct, ad 
plastrandas parietes dicte aule ” (four and a-half days @ 3d.), with five labourers assisting 
@ 2d., and three carters @ 6d. carrying lime and sand. 

“ In stipendiis Willelmi de Ford, et Johannis Somery carpentariorum existencium circa dictam 
aulam ” (six days @ 5d.), and of a tiler for five days @ 4d., and two others @ 2d. 

To two plasterers plastering the walls of the hall for six days @ 3d., with two helpers @ 2-id. 

141 1310-1. " In stipendio Roberti Boffard tegulantis aulam superioris ballive per loca per quinque dies .xx.d.” 

142 1319-20. Two carpenters repairing “ fumerell aule in superiori balliva.” 

143 1308. “ In stipendio Henrici Plomarii conducti ... ad ponendam quandam gutteram inter aulam 

et capellam superioris ballive.” 

144 i3io-i. “ In una cerura cum clave empt. pro magna capella in superiori balliva, 6d.” 


JVindsor Castle. 


1 04 


145 1311— 2. 


146 1319-20. 


147 1321-2. 

148 1314-5- 

149 1319-20. 
150 1322-3. 


151 1 32 1-2. 


152 1310-1. 


1311-2. 


153 13x1-2. 


154 1322-3. 

155 x^ I0 -I. 

I 3 II- 2 . 

156 I3I9-2O, 

157 I32I-2. 

158 jgaO-I. 

159 1322-3. 


160 1322-3 


161 I3IO-I. 


162 I3IO-I. 

183 I3H-5- 
164 I32I-2. 
1322-3. 


165 X308. 

166 jgio-I. 


“ Danieli lirmangere pro tribus peciis ferri emptis ab eo .xviij.d. 

Johanni Jurdan facienti inde gunfos et vertivellas ad fenestras capelle superioris ballive et ad 
quamdam fenestram juxta dictam capellam xviij.d.” 
iod. paid for two days’ help to Adam the gardener “ circa facturam herbarii juxta capellam in 
superiori balliva.” 

To Andrew Calemew “ pro .iij. M 1 . iij c turbis fodiendis ad diversa herbaria iiij.s. j.d. ob. dandis 
per M 1 . xv.d.” (Also man helping gardener for one day to make the herb-garden.) 

To the carpenter repairing the door “ cujusdam herbarii” for one day, 4d. 

To a man digging a thousand turves for the herb-garden, i6d. 

Repairing “ palicium herbarii in superiori balliva” (two weeks). 

“ In stipendiis Johannis Ailwaker et Alexandri Lucas mundancium quemdam puteum subtus 
cameram Regine in superiori Balliva per tres dies xij.d.” 

Two men plastering for a day the walls “ circa dressorium Regine.” 

Plumber and his mate “ facient. quod[d]am stillicidium juxta cameram Regine.” 

Five men laying lead and sand “ super turrim juxta Cameram Regine de novo coopertam cum 
plumbo,” two weeks. 

“ In stipendiis Johannis Gardiner [et] Johannis Schochere operariorum facientium quoddam herbarium 
in superiori balliva infra Clausum Camerarum Regine per tres dies et dimidium, iqd. Et in 
stipendio Andree Caiamew fodientis turbas ad dictum herbarium per quinque dies et dimidium, 
1 id. Et in stipendio Willielmi le Thresshere auxiliantis eidem per unum diem et dimidium, 3d.” 
“ In stipendio Roberti Boffard tegulantis quandam domum juxta magnam coquinam per sex 
dies .ij.s. 

In stip. Roberti Boffard tegulantis magnam Coquinam in superiori balliva per v. dies, xx.d.” 

[Two thousand tiles were bought for 4s. 8d., and 6 quarters of lime for 2s.] 

“ Roberti Boffard pro M 1 M 1 tegulis ab eo emptis, 4s. 8d. Item eidem tegulanti coquinam superioris 
ballive (five days), 20. d. 

Johanni le Masoun reparanti et de novo facienti mur magne Coquine per sex dies, 2s. (with a boy 
helping, and three carpenters working ‘ circa reparacionem coquine et supponentibus postellis 
ejusdem’). Item Roberti Boffard tegulanti ibidem eandem coquinam (six days), 2s. 

Henrico le Plomer fundenti plumbum ad quoddam gutterum juxta magnam coquinam et ponendo 
eundem per tres dies, i8d.” 

[The repairs and tiling continued for another three weeks.] 

“ Henrico le Plomer fundenti plumbum pro novo fomace et faciendo eundem per quatuor dies .ij.s. 
Item Johanni garcioni suo deservienti eidem per idem tempus .viij.d. Item Johanni le masoun 
et Johanni atte Brugge cementariis facientibus Muros dicti fornacis et toralle juxta eundem 
per quinque dies .iij .s. iiij.d. Item Alexandri Lucas et Johanni Aylwaker deservientibus 
eisdem per idem tempus .xx.d.” 

John the mason and boy repairing “ muros fornacis in coquine Regine.” 

“ In stip. Johannis (Jordan) facientis gumphos et vertivellas de ferro suo proprio ad portam juxta 
magnam coquinam in superiori balliva .iij .s. iiij.d.” 

“ Johanni Jurdan pro gumphis et vertivellis ad magnam portam juxta coquinam, 2s.” 

Two carpenters repairing “ portam juxta coquinam ” in upper bailey. 

New ironwork “ ad portam juxta magnam coquinam in superiori balliva.” 

Wages of two tilers and two boys working for one day “ tegulancium lardarium in superiori 
balliva.” 

Wages of four carpenters “ carpentancium maherium ad construccionem pistrini prostrati propter 
debilitatem.” 

[The carpenters were working upon the bakehouse for eight weeks in all.] 

John the mason and boy “ faciend. fundamentum murorum novi pistrini” for two days. 

Tiling “ domus pistrini,” plastering walls, etc. and lathing it. 

Mason and boy “ faciend. fundamentum domus pistrini predicte et quemdam furnum in superiori 
balliva, 2s. 6d.” 

‘‘In xx bordis emptis ad ostia dicti pistrini et pro quodam interclauso facto pro balistis Regis de 
cornu et ligno de novo reparatis custodiendis pro ratonibus, 4s. 5d. Et in maheremio empto 
pro eodem et pro loggis ad ostia, 22 Id. Et in stipendio Simonis Sabyne carpentarii facientis 
dictum interclausum et ostia ad tascham, 2s. iod. Et in quatuor paribus vertivellorum cum 
gumphis emptis ad predicta interclausum et ostia, 2s. 2d. Et in duabus ceruris emptis pro 
eodem, 8s.” 

“ In stipendiis Roberti le Couper Johannis le Bakere et Roberti le Bakere conductorum circa 
Capellam juxta Turrellum Principis (six days and six days), 12s. 

In stipendio Roberti Boffard tegulantis super dictam Capellam per tres dies, I2d. (also a helper). 
In stipendiis (of above three carpenters) conduct, circa dictam capellam et bowam juxta eandem 
per sex dies, 6s. 

In stipendiis (of above three carpenters, and two sawyers sawing timber for them) existencium 
circa dictam operacionem. 

In stipendiis (of above three carpenters) circa dictam operacionem et circa porticum ante hostium 
albi Celarii per sex dies, 6s. 

In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere et Johannis le Bakere carpentariorum existencium circa fontem 
Turris et porchiam celarii predicti (six days).” 

“ In una taschia facta cum Alexandra Lucas et Johannis [sic] Ailwaker plastrantibus muros Celarii 
sub capellam juxta albam Turrim,” etc. 

“ In stipendio Roberti tegulatoris tegulanti capellam juxta albam turrim pro sex dies ij.s.” 
Repairing lead “ super albam turrim.” 

Mason repairing chimneys of white tower, etc. 

" pro uno repagulo ferreo facto ad ostium albe turris pro prisonibus ibidem custodiendis, 8d. 

Et in una nova cerura empta pro ostio dicte turris, 5d.” 

Wages of John the mason and boy “ reparancium gradus celarii albe turris,” etc. 

“ In stipendiis Johannis le Rede et Roberti Wolfrich sarratorum conduct, ad sarrand. plauncli 
pro turrello Cancellarii ” (six days @ 3^d.). 

“ In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere et Johannis le Bakere reparancium et de novo faciencium fenestras 
in camera Cancellarii precepto ejusdem per sex dies (also for six more days). 


167 1322—3. 
168 1309-10. 
169 1310-1. 

170 1319-20. 
171 1309-10. 


1310-1. 


172 1308. 

173 1310-1. 


174 1319-20. 

1321-2. 
175 1319-20. 

176 1320-21. 


177 1322-3. 

178 1308. 
179 1310-1. 

1322-3. 


180 1310-1. 
181 1310-1. 


182 I3I4-5- 
183 1310-1. 

184 I3II-2. 
I32I-2. 

185 I238-9. 

186 1259 - 60 . 
187 I26i— 2. 


188 1263-4. 

189 1295-6. 
190 1297-8. 

191 I3IO-I. 


192 I3IO-I. 

193 I3IO-I. 

194 I3IO-I. 


Documentary , ?{otes . 10 5 


In stipendio Johannis ate Brugge cementarii reparantis fenestras camere Cancellarii per duos 
dies viij.d. 

In gumphis et vertivellis pro fenestris Camere Cancellarii predicte faciendis de ferro suo proprio 
iij.s. iiij.d. In stapulis et hapsis emptis de eodem (Andrew Dychewod) vj.d.” 

Plumber and boy working “ super Turrim Cancellarii.” 

“ In stipendiis (of two men) plastrancium parietes stabuli juxta Turrellum Cancellarii.” 

“ In stipendiis Hugonis Carde et Ricardi Carde carpentariorum ad faciendas restallas et manjuras 
parvi stabuli infra castrum juxta portam gardini (six days @ 3d.), 3s. 

In stipendio Willelmi carpentarii reparantis Rastellas et mangeras in stabulo regine per .v. dies .xx.d.” 
Carpenter working “ circa reparacionem cujusdam pontis juxta stabulum regine.” 

Two carpenters working “ circa portam versus Gardinum emendandam,” 4s. 

Two men working “ circa masoniriam ejusdem porte,” 4s. 

“ In cathenis emendandis per eundem,” xd. 

“ In stipendiis Roberti Wolfrich et Johannis Puggere sarrancium maeremium pro quodam ponte 
juxta Cancellariam, 3s. 6d. 

In stipendiis Roberti le Couper Johannis le Bakere et Roberti le Bakere existencium circa pontem 
versus gardinum infra Castrum (six days), 6s. (also another six days— 6s.). 

In stipendiis Alexandri Lucas et Johannis Aylwaker fodiencium et removencium terram et petras 
circa pontem predictum (five days @ 2d.), is. 8d.” 

[The three carpenters and others helping them continued working upon the bridge for 
another four weeks.] 

“ In stipendio Johannis ate Brugge cementarii conducti ad emendandum fundamentum stabuli 
ad pedem Magne Tunis (four days @ 5d. and two helpers).” 

“ In stipendio Roberti Boffard tegulantis super pistrinum et stabulum ad pedem Turris per v. dies 
xx.d. (also John Boffard helping, iod.). 

In una nova cerura pro hostia pistrine juxta stabulum cum ij clavibus novis de Rogero le lokiere, vij.d. 
In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere et Johannis le Bakere carpentariorum pro railes faciendis inter 
stabulum et fossatum juxta stabulum per sex dies.” 

Man working “ circa reparacionem mangerarum et rastellarum stabuli ad pedem Turris.” 
Repairing stable “ ad pedem alte turris.” 

4s. paid “ pro cordis ad fenestras parve aule.” 

Tiler and boy tiling “ cameras juxta parvam aulam in superiori balliva.” 

8d. paid “ pro uno anulo uno stapulo et uno gumpho ferri factis ad pontem juxta parvam aulam.” 
Also 2S. 2d. “ in xiij. libris enee [sic] emptis ad axem dicti pontis,” and 7d. for founding it. 
Also xod. “ pro .ij. clicetis ferri factis ad axem pontis.” 

“ Et in CC. turbis fodiendis ad herbarium juxta parvam aulam iij.d.” Also 4d. to carpenter for door 
to said herbary, and 8d. for a lock to it. v 

“ In ij vertivellis emptis pro hostio magni Celarii .x.d.” 

“ In stipendio Roberti Boffard tegulantis super longam cameram, 2s. 

In stipendio Roberti Boffard tegulantis super longam capellam [sic] (five days @ 4d.), 2od.” 

Lead cast “ ad cooperturam longe camere.” 

" In xxxj lignis de quercu emptis ad reparacionem longe camere in superiori balliva, 18s. nd.” 
Wages of two carpenters “ ponencium gistas et bordancium cameram predictam ” for five days, 
and new covering it with lead, etc. 

“ In stipendio Roberti Boffard tegulantis super nig ram cameram per v. dies, 2od.” 

“ In stipendio Roberti tegulatoris conducti ad tegulandum super cameram Oliveri de Bordeus (six 
days @ 4d. and two men helping @ 2d.). 

In ij stapulis et .ij. hapsis et una barra ferri pro camera Oliveri de Bordeus vij.d. 

In una taschia facta cum Alexandra Lucas et Johannis [sic] Ailwaker plastrantibus . . . muros 

Camere Oliveri de Bordeaux. 

In una cerura ad cameram Oliveri de Bordeaux iiij.d.” 

" In stipendio Johannis cementarii de novo faciendo astrum cujusdam turelli juxta capellam ac 
eciam reparantis murum cujusdam carceris (six days), 2s.” 

" In stipendiis (of four carpenters for six days @ 4d.) conduct, circa Cameram juxta Turellum de 
Monteacuto (also two sawyers for six days @ 3 id.).” 

“ Johanni Somery carpentario reparanti fenestras longi granarii, etc. per quinque dies.” 

Plasterer working two days “ pro plastrando parietes magni granarii.” 

" Bovam subterraneam in castro de W. que indiget reparatione facias emendari.” Liberate Roll, 
23 Henry III, m. 7. 

“ Quandam bovam in eodem (superiori) ballio emendari.” Liberate Roll, 44 Henry III, m. 8. 
“ Bovas Castri nostri ibidem sicut incepte sunt et fossatum extra bovas illas sicut inceptum est 
perfici.” Liberate Roll, 46 Henry III, m. 12. 

“ Duas bovas juxta coquinam Regine nostre in eodem Castro . . . perfici.” Liberate Roll, 

48 Henry III, m. 6. 

" In via clave cum stapulis una plata ad unam posternam .ij.d. ob.” 

“ Willelmo le Dechere cementario ad unam bovam versus oponhore per .v. dies .xx.d.” 

“ In stipendiis Johannis atte Brugge et Johannis Underore Cementariorum conduct, ad emendandum 
quoddam capud de la Bowe (six days @ 4d.). 

(Also for two labourers @ 2d., a man carrying chalk and sand @ 6d., and another carrying stone 
for two days @ 6d.) 

In stipendiis J. atte Brugge et J. Underore cementariorum . . . existencium circa muros et 

predictam bovam (six days, with two helpers).” 

“ In stipendio Johannis ate Brugge Cementarii reparantis quemdam murum juxta bovam superioris 
ballive per unum diem.” 

“ In una cerura cum clave empta ad porchiam bove superioris ballive de Rogero le Lokiere. vj.d.” 
“ In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere et Johannis le Bakere carpentariorum conductorum ad faciendum 
quemdam novum introitum ad novam Bovam in superiori balliva per sex dies iiij.s. 

In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere et Johannis le Bakere carpentariorum conductorum ad faciendum 
quamdam novam bovam in superiori balliva per sex dies .iiij.s. 


IV indsor Castle , 


1 06 


In stipendiis Roberti le Coupere et Johannis le Bakere carpentariorum conductorum ad facientium 
quamdam domum super bovam predictam per sex dies .iiij.s. In stip. Roberti Boffard tegulantis 
stabulum ex opposito per idem ij.s. 

In stip. Alexandri Lucas plastrantis muros dicte Bove per unum diem ijd. ob. 

In stip. (same two carpenters) existencium circa reparacionem dicte bove per sex dies .iiij.s.” 

195 1320-1. John the mason and boy “ reparanc. murum bove juxta turrim de Clewar.” 

5d. paid “ pro iiij or stapulis cum haspa ad ostium cujusdam bove.” 

In wages of the smith “ facientis gumphos et vertivellas ad ostium bove juxta turrim de Cleware, 2od.” 

196 See page 91, and page 100, note 76. 

197 1319-20. John the mason working “ circa reparacionem cujusdam posterne extra castrum ex parte orientali 

per quatuor dies,” i6d. (also two men helping and another man carrying sand and lime). 

198 1319-20. John the mason and boy “ reparanc. bovam ex parte orientali castri versus oppenore ” for eleven 

days. 


199 1319-20. 
200 X297-8. 


201 1319-20. 
202 1321-2. 

203 1308. 


1310- 1. 

1311- 2. 


I3I4-5- 


1321-2. 

1321-2. 


“ Pro gumphis et vertivellis ad magnum ostium bove ad capud orientale castri, 2s. 6d.” 

To Robert Gardiner carpenter working “ ad novam hostiam faciendam pro bova versus gardinum 
per .v. dies .xx.d. 

Robertus Haldeyn et Johannes Punggere sicatores per idem ... ad bordas sicandas pro 
eodem .ij.s. xj.d. 

In una serura tota de ferro ad exterius hostium bove versus Gardinum .xxiij.d. 

In emendacione .ij. vertivellarum ad idem hostium que fuerunt ... ad hostium ibidem prius 
de ferro Regis cum clavibus ad idem .v.d. 

In emendacione alterius serure infra eandem bovam ad secundum hostium .ij.d. 

In una vertivella nova ad interius hostium bove ejusdem .iiij.d.” 

John the mason and boy working for five days “ reparancium posternam et bovam versus 
gardinum,” etc. 

" In duobus grossis vertivellis cum gumphis emptis ad magnum ostium posterne. Et in quatuor 
novis ceruris emptis de Hugone le Lokyer ad posternam et ad ostia infra bovam in qua est 
unus exitus Castri cum una cerura pendente, 2s. 8d.” 

“ In C. clavis ad planchon emptis de Ricardo le vrmongere ijs. vjd. precii C. v.s. 

In CCCC. de domail emptis de eadem xijd. 

In Mi Mi Mi clavis ad lath, de eodem emptis ijs. vjd. 

In CC. clavis videlicet spikynges pro cheveron attach, et pro pontibus xx.d. 

In CCC. clavis emptis ad plombum vij.d. ob.” 

200 spikes bought for i2d. ; 6,000 “ kervillarum ” bought for gd. 

“ In 400 clavis major spykes igd. In 400 clav. ad plaunch 2s. In 4 quarteriis calcis i6d.” 

“ (Johanni Jurdan) pro C. grossis spikynge ad pontes .xij.d. 

Johanni Puggere Ricardo Baldewyne sarrantibus maeremium pro bordis ad reparacionem poncium 
(@ 3*d.), 2s. nd. 

Johanni Somery et Johanni Hereberd existentibus circa reparacionem poncium castri per quinque 
dies, 3s. 4d. (also two sawyers sawing wood for same time, and i2d. paid for great spike nails 
for same).” 

“ In stipendiis Simonis Sabyne et Martini Donebrokes carpentariorum amputantium quamdam 
quercum pro bordis faciendis ad pontes Castri reparandas per tres dies .ij.s.” 

To the smith “ facient. centum crochett. ferri pro balist. pendend. 2s.” 

“ Et in solucione facta Domino de Cleware de convencione pro arena et zabulone habendis super 
feodum suum ad operaciones castri per annum .vj.s. viij.d.” [Apparently a yearly charge, 
since it occurs in other of these rolls.] 


The Castle under King Edward III. 


107 


CHAPTER IX. 

THE CASTLE DURING THE REIGN OF KING EDWARD III (1327-1377), 

I. 1327—1344, WITH THE BUILDING OF THE ROUND TABLE. 

King Edward III was born at Windsor on the 13th of November, 1312. He was 
chosen to succeed his father, King Edward II, on the latter’s deposition on 14th January, 

1326- 7, and was crowned King of England on the 29th of the same month. In January, 

1327- 8, when he was little more than fifteen years old, he married his kinswoman, the 
Lady Philippa of Hainault. The new Queen was not, however, crowned until 4th March, 
1:329-30, and in the following June she gave birth to her first-born son, Edward. On 
the overthrow and execution of the infamous Mortimer in November, 1330, King Edward 
himself assumed the reins of Government. 

The documentary history of the Castle during the reign begins with an important 
survey made in September, 1327, within a few months of the new King’s accession. 1 The 
original is unfortunately not in good condition, and towards the end both edges have been 
torn away ; the text is consequently difficult to follow. The survey is nevertheless so full 
of interest, and contains so much information as to the topography of the Castle that an 
attempt is here made to render it into English : 

An Inquisition taken at New Windsor on Thursday next after the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross 
[14th September] in the first year of the reign of King Edward the Third from the Conquest, by Ambrose of New 
Burgh, clerk, appointed by the lord King to enquire and certify to the Treasurer and his Barons of his Exchequer 
concerning the state of his Castle of New Windsor, and the costs of the same Castle, according to the tenor of 
a brief directed to the same Ambrose by oath of William of the Chamber, John of Bedford, John le Wariner, 
William Paste, Robert of Pershore, Philip le Mareschal, Daniel Lirmongere, John le Mazoun, Nicholas of Felley, 
William le Muleward, Richard Ketel, and William Vigrans. 

These say on their oath that there are seven bridges in the aforesaid Castle, of which four are drawbridges 
and are very weak and much need to be mended, both as to . . . stones as ironwork and woodwork, and 

they reckon the cost and mending, together with the dependencies above the great gate and the mending of two 
turrets on either side of the great gate of the Castle aforesaid, both of workmen and other jurors, £ 200 . 

They say also that there are in the same place two towers between the great gate and the Clewer tower 
(which towers at some time were finished off with wooden tables), by divers storms they are rotten and prostrate, 
and it was ordained by the lord Edward lately King of England, father of the present King, that the two towers 
aforesaid should be raised above and finished off with stones from Bustlesham quarry in the form and likeness 
of the Clewer tower, and the cost and expense are reckoned at £200. 

Also they say that there is a certain tower beside the burnt lodging on the east part which much needs to 
be mended with freestone and in necessary joists, and it is capable of being repaired with work by reckoning 50s. 

Also they say that the glass windows of the great chapel are much broken and rent by strong winds and 
divers other storms, and much need to be mended as to iron and glass, for a sum of £200. And the great joists 
of the said chapel which are enclosed from above in the vault on each side of the said chapel are weak . . . 

rotten and much need to be mended and repaired, and it is worth by reckoning, with the repair of a certain closter 
which is joined to the same (chapel), £yo. 

Also they say that there is in the same place a certain tower in the upper bailey which is joined to the 
lodging of our lady the Queen, and much needs to be repaired with free stones from the quarry, and it is worth 
by reckoning with the working 100s. And there is a little turret in the same place behind our lady the Queen’s 
kitchen which is much rent, and in many parts damaged from top to bottom, and especially in three places, 
and it must be mended quickly with quarry stone with fitting work, and other things belonging with working by 
reckoning, £20. 

Also they say that in the same place there are lacking three great hempen cables for three wells, and for 
cleaning the said three wells by reckoning and mending of the wheels of the said wells, 20 marks. 

Also they say that the tablements of the alures in the compass of the walls of the said Castle, together with 
all the steps and the crests of the walls aforesaid, of stones of Caen or other stones, with fitting work with costs 
and workings by reckoning of the workmen and other jurors, £600. 

Also they say that for the mending of the glass windows in the same place of other chapels and lodgings 
in the upper bailey, and elsewhere in the Castle aforesaid, and for the wooden windows of the King’s great hall 
in the lower bailey, and elsewhere in the same place where it may be necessary, the costs are worth by reckoning 
£ 40 . 

Also they say that there is a certain tower in which is the lodging of the Queen’s seneschal in the upper 
bailey, and in the same places are many defects through divers fractures and cracks in the stone wall, and 
through false gutters, and they must necessarily be mended quickly, and the work is worth in expenses 100s. 


io8 


Windsor Castle. 


And in another tower next to it are seven holes and cracks, some of which are through the middle of the stone 
wall, and those defects can be mended by reckoning for 40s. 

Also they say that the high stone wall of the aforesaid Castle towards the north, and towards the lodging 
which is called the lodging of the Lady de Vesci, is much in decay and almost . . . dangerously in many 

places through divers tempests and through divers latrines, and it can be mended for £15. And another high 
wall of the Castle beside the Roche tower is also lacking. So that the aforesaid wall has no foundation, and 
those defects can be mended by reckoning for 20 marks. 

Also they say that the Queen’s great kitchen in the upper bailey, together with a larder on one part and 
a great bakehouse on the other in the same place, much . . . are weakened, especially on account of the 

failure of the timber and because they were not covered for a long time, so that in part they are in decay. And 
to remake anew the wooden . . . and the stone walls which enclose the aforesaid kitchen and the said larder 

and bakehouse by reckoning those defects can be mended [for . . .] Also another outer wall above the 

latrine of the lodging over the gate beside the high tower is much damaged and by divers tempests feebly . . . 

needs quickly to be repaired. And the repair of the same is worth 20s. And the gate beside the high tower is 
wasted and much rent . . . necessary (?) must be mended with two wooden beams, each beam of the 

length of 12 feet and a foot square. And with two [? other beams] of a foot square. It is worth by reckoning 
and with the repair of a chamber over the gate aforesaid, and can be mended by reckoning for ... a 
certain [wall ?] of squared stone is defective of squared ashlar beside the aforesaid gate and for mending it in 
stonework . . . 26s. 8d. ... of that defect . . . and from the time when Geoffrey of Pitchford 

was Constable of the Castle aforesaid thus far but in . . . 7s. (?) what and how many damages by whose 

negligence, the defects of which or ignorance of which how and from whence the damages aforesaid . . 

from the time of the said Geoffrey . . . great work of stone or wood, iron, and lead . . . caused to be 

rebuilt. But ... in the castle aforesaid much store is found by the providence of the said Constable, as 
in stones from the quarry, of timber, iron, tin, lead, tile, lime, sand . . . the aforesaid defects. Because 

the particulars aforesaid are manifest elsewhere by small parcels in a certain roll called . . 

A few notes are necessary in explanation of this inquisition. 

Of the four drawbridges, the first was, of course, that before the great gate, which, 
besides this protection, was covered by a barbican, and defended by wooden hoards 
surmounting the gatehouse itself, and probably its flanking turrets also ; the entrance 
was likewise guarded by a portcullis and stout doors. The second drawbridge spanned 
the ditch crossing the upper end of the lower bailey, before the gatehouse leading into the 
middle bailey. A third drawbridge defended the inner gate, that opening into the upper 
bailey, and the fourth seems to have been that crossing the Castle ditch on the south side 
in front of the gate towards the garden. 

Of the three fixed bridges, one probably spanned the old ditch in rear of the Clewer 
tower, another the ditch in rear of the Almoner’s tower, and the third was apparently in 
the northern half of the middle bailey. 

The jurors seem first to have inspected the lower bailey, starting from the gatehouse, 
and noticing in their progress round the walls the condition of the two towers south of the 
Clewer tower. They then turned eastwards, past the blackened ruins of the royal lodging 
burnt in 1295-6, and noted the state of a tower on the wall beside it, which had perhaps 
also suffered from the fire. 

Of the buildings in the lower bailey, the jurors call attention to the state of the great 
chapel windows, and of the roof timbers above its vault ; also of the cloister beside it. 
They likewise point out the need of repair to the wooden windows of the King’s great hall. 

Traversing the middle bailey they reached the gatehouse beside the high tower, which 
badly needed repair, as did the lodging above it, and the outer wall of the Castle over the 
latrine of the same lodging. There are also references to defects in a wall of squared ashlar 
beside the gate, perhaps that still existing. 

The jurors also mention the high stone wall of the Castle towards the north, and 
towards the lodging called the Lady de Vesci’s, and another high wall of the Castle beside 
the Roche tower ( turella de Roche). The first may be the curtain wall east of the high 
tower gatehouse, which would place the Lady de Vesci’s lodging within the upper bailey. 
The other wall cannot positively be identified, as there is nothing to show which was the 
“ Roche tower,” nor is it certain after whom it was named. 

Concerning other towers in the inner bailey, that "in which is the lodging of the 
Queen’s seneschal ” was evidently in bad order, and the tower next to it was also out of 
repair. Another tower, that "joined to the Queen’s lodging,” likewise needed mending, 
as well as a little turret behind the kitchen. The kitchen itself, the "Queen's great 
kitchen ” as it is called, as well as the larder that flanked it on one side and the great bake- 
house on the other side, all demanded attention ; and the stone wall that enclosed them 
was also out of repair. Further, the windows of the chapels and lodgings in the upper 
bailey all wanted their glazing looking to. 


7 he Castle Chap lams and their Lodging. io 9 

The three wells in the Castle, namely in the middle bailey, the high tower, and the 
lower bailey, all lacked ropes, and the wheels over them required mending. 

Lastly, the walls all round the Castle needed repair to the steps, crestings, and 
“tablements of the alures,” to the extent of £600. 

Owing to the defective condition of the end of the document it is impossible to say 
what was the total estimate for repairs. 

There is nothing to show whether any or what efforts were made to carry out the 
recommendations of the jurors. Indeed, for the first fifteen years of the King’s reign there 
is hardly any documentary history of works done in the Castle. A long and fairly com- 
plete series of the constable’s accounts has been preserved, covering practically the whole 
reign, but they contain nothing whatever relating to the Castle beyond a note in the 
compotus for 1327-8 that £14 os. 7fd. had been spent on divers works done in the Castle, 
and in the one for 1329-30 that £34 17s. 4d. had been similarly expended. 2 The constable 
during this period was John de Insula or de l’Isle. He was succeeded on 21st December, 
1330, by Sir Thomas Foxle, who held office until his death on 22nd May, 1360, and whose 
accounts are characterized by their baldness of detail. Sir Thomas Foxle was succeeded 
by Sir Richard Lavache, K.G., who died in 1365. He was succeeded by Thomas Cheyne, 
who in turn was followed by Helming Legatte in 1369. 

Of account rolls similar to those for the two preceding reigns only two have been 
preserved, for the years 1343-4 and 1344-5 ; these will be dealt with in their place. 

The only matter of interest in the intervening period is one relating to the chaplains. 

It had been ordained by King Edward II in 1313 3 that the great chapel of St. Edward 
in the Castle should be served by four chaplains, of whom one was to be chief and receive 
10 marks a year, and the other three secondary at 100s. a year. There were also to be two 
clerks to assist them, each of whom was to have 50s. a year. There were also at this time 
four other chaplains serving the King’s chapel in Windsor Park. 

In 1330 King Edward III, by the advice of his Council, ordained that the chaplains 
of the chapel in the park should henceforth live in the Castle with the other chaplains 
already there, and assist them in the services of St. Edward’s chapel, for which they were 
to be paid the same yearly wages as the Castle chaplains. Orders were accordingly given 
to John Mautravers, the keeper of the Forest on this side of the Trent, to carry this altera- 
tion into effect, with the advice of John de Insula, the constable of the Castle. 4 

On the removal of these chaplains into the Castle they seem to have been housed in 
a more or less temporary lodging until a proper abode for them could be built. This 
apparently was not done until 1337, when a writ was issued on 2nd September to Thomas 
Foxle, then constable, in the following terms : 

That whereas he certified to the King that a hall, a cellar, and a kitchen of a house within the Castle are 
anciently assigned in a close near the great gate of the Castle for the occupation of the four chaplains celebrating 
divine service in the chapel of the Castle, and also three small and insufficient chambers near the close of the gate- 
keeper are assigned to two clerks there, and that a hall, a cellar, a kitchen, and four sufficient chambers have been 
newly constructed for the four chaplains, who were lately sent from Windsor Park to the Castle for celebrating 
divine service in the chapel there, in a close on the south side of the chapel by the orders of John de Insula, late 
constable there, 

The King orders Thomas to cause the chaplains to be amoved from the houses where they are now staying, 
and to cause the newly constructed houses to be assigned and delivered to them. 5 

This writ localizes in an interesting way the lodgings of the eight chaplains and their 
clerks to the site now occupied by the houses of the Military Knights against the south 
wall of the lower bailey. The site had apparently been given up to the chaplains of the 
Castle at an early date, since a writ of 4th July, 1260, quoted in a previous chapter, 
expresses the King’s wish that the bishop of Laodicea “inhabit the houses opposite our 
chapel in which the servants of our chaplain and clerk of our chapel have been wont to 
lie.’’ Unfortunately no account roll has been preserved of the building of the new lodgings 
for the chaplains. 

The first of the two account rolls above referred to, that for 1343-4, 6 is an indenture 
of four membranes headed : 

Roll of particulars of works of the houses, walls, towers, and bridges of the Castle of Windsor, and of the 
houses and walls of the King’s garden without the same Castle, done in the time of Thomas Foxle, constable of 
the said Castle, by the view and testimony of Thomas 1 c Rotour and Ralph of Dodlesfold, surveyors of the afore- 
said works, from the feast of St. Michael in the 17th year of the reign of King Edward the third from the 
Conquest, to the same feast next following in the 18th year of the reign of the said King. 


I IO 


Windsor Castle , 


The expenditure is arranged under weeks, but is made up wholly of small items, and the 
total outlay for the year was only £22 11s. 

To it is attached a like roll for the succeeding year, and for an even smaller expenditure, 
the total being but £12 os. 2^-d. 

As in the case of the similar rolls of earlier date, a number of interesting facts may be 
gleaned from them as to the topography of the Castle and the nature of the buildings 
within it. 

The entries relating to the great gate 7 are two in number, and refer to the repair and 
cleansing of the waiera or cesspool beneath it. There are also a few items concerning the 
porter’s lodge. 8 

The references to the great hall and the kitchen that served it are quite unimportant. 

The great chapel does not seem to be mentioned, but there are two items touching 
the lead covering of the belfry. 9 

Concerning the lodgings of the chaplains opposite the King’s chapel of St. Edward 
there are a number of references, chiefly in the account roll for 1344-5. 10 These deal 

with repairs to their hall, their houses or chambers, and the close within which they stood. 
Two buildings that were near (juxta) their hall are also mentioned, namely a stable, and the 
Treasurer’s tower. This tower is referred to in the accounts for 1319-20 (see ante ) , but 
without any indication as to its site. As the treasurer had a camera, a hall, and a kitchen, 
which were separate buildings with tiled roofs, as well as a tower, the latter was probably 
that at the south-east corner of the bailey, now called Henry Ill’s tower. 

Mixed up with the items relating to the chaplains’ lodgings are others touching other 
buildings in the lower bailey, such as the long stable, the kitchen, the “Aumerie ” and 
“ Aumerietour,” and the Bishop’s tower. The “Aumerietour ” seems to have undergone 
a general repair, chiefly as to its roof, the lead of which was new, and laid upon a bed of 
earth and sand, either to deaden the sound of the footsteps of men walking about upon 
it or to make it fireproof. 

The Bishop’s tower seems to be identical with that next the great gate which was at 
one time called the Maunsel tower. As the lodging assigned in 1260 to the bishop of 
Laodicea adjoined it, the tower may eventually have been transferred to him and been 
henceforth known as his. Other entries in the accounts under notice 11 relate to repairs 
to the bishop’s hall, and to the stable beside his tower, probably that between the tower 
and the great gate. Only a single entry occurs concerning the Clewer tower. 12 

There are a certain number of references to the King’s great stable in the lower bailey, 13 
chiefly as to its fittings. It seems to have had a porch (logium) with a tiled roof. 

The entries relating to the High tower, as it continues to be called, are not numerous, 
but they are of importance, for a reason that will be referred to later, in demonstrating 
its existence throughout the year 1343-4. They refer principally to repairs to the lead 
roofs of the buildings within it, and to the under-pinning of the mantlet that encircled its 
base. Mention is also made of the well in it, and of the “old bridge ’’ at its foot. 14 

Of the buildings within the upper bailey, the lodging named after the Lady de Vesci 
may first be mentioned, owing to its proximity to the gatehouse at the foot of the great 
tower. The entries relating to it refer mostly to the setting in order of its sanitary arrange- 
ments, and a few minor repairs. 15 

Although there are a considerable number of entries relating to the Queen’s lodgings, 
both in the roll for 1343-4 and that for 1344-5, 16 they tell little or nothing beyond the names 
of various apartments, including the chambers, nursery, hall, porch ( logia ), chapel, tower, 
garderobe, kitchen, larder, pantry, and salsery. Mention of a gutter between the 
“ norcerie ” and the logia shows that they were adjoining buildings. Several of the King’s 
apartments are also referred to in connexion with them, including his hall, kitchen, and 
garderobe. 

There are likewise a number of items for works carried out in the salsery, or salting- 
house, itself, 17 as well as in the spice-house. 18 Both buildings were necessary adjuncts 
to the kitchen of a large establishment, and they therefore probably stood in the kitchen 
court. Near the spice-house was also a little stable. 

In the same eastern part of the Castle was perhaps likewise placed the constable’ s 
stable, about which there are a few references. 19 


I 1 1 


The Founding of the Found Table. 

The White tower 20 seems to have been undergoing alterations at the time of the 
accounts under notice. 21 Besides repairs to its lead roof, the masons were busy fixing 
corbels in it, but for what object is uncertain. 

Among the miscellaneous references to the upper bailey in 1343-4 is one rather 
puzzling entry. 22 This is a charge for four locks and keys bought for the doors of the 
King’s cellar, of the new brattice, “for the door by which the Lord King betakes 
himself to arms for justs in the same place,” and for the new door of the chamber of the 
Lady de Vesci. 

There is nothing to indicate the place of the King’s cellar, or of the new brattice, which 
is again referred to in the next year’s account, wherein a charge occurs for felling, scappling, 
and fashioning timber for it. 23 The omission is the more unfortunate since the references 
to these wooden adjuncts to the defences of the Castle are so few. 

Only two insignificant references to the bowes occur, one in each year’s account roll. 24 

In the account roll for 1343-4 are a large number of items relating to the Queen’s 
stable in the middle bailey. 25 It was evidently a wooden structure which was demolished, 
and a new one set up in its stead. The rebuilding is prefaced by several curious entries 
showing the precautions taken to guard the old timber, and the lead from another building, 
from being stolen. The items dealing with the reconstruction clearly indicate that the new 
stable, like its predecessor, was a half-timbered building. 

Concurrently with the operations recorded in the earlier of the account rolls just 
noticed, a work of some magnitude was also being begun in the Castle. 

Shortly before the close of the year 1343 King Edward decided to hold a tournament 
at Windsor, to which he invited knights and esquires of other countries as well as England. 
And on 1st January, 1343-4, he issued letters patent of safe conduct to the effect that 

since for the recreation and solace of men of war who delight in the exercise of arms, we have determined to v 
hold tournaments and general justs at our Castle of Windsor, on the Monday next after the feast of St. Hilary 
next ensuing : We, being desirous of the safety of all and singular, of whatever country and nation they may 
be, who will to come hither for this cause at that time, have undertaken to provide that all and singular, both 
knights, gentlemen, and esquires, of whatever country and place they be, willing so to come, their servants and 
goods whatsoever, in coming thither, abiding there, and returning to their own affairs, be under our safe and 
seeure conduct and our special protection and defence, etc. 26 

References to this assembly may be found in many of the later chroniclers, including 
Froissart, who has fallen into the error of supposing that it was summoned for the founda- 
tion of the Order of the Garter. 

The most complete account of the event, however, is due to a contemporary English 
historian, who, from the satisfaction with which, in a second version, he dwells on the food 
and drink served at the feast, was evidently present as a guest. 

The writer in question is Adam Murimuth, a learned doctor of civil law, and some 
time canon of Hereford and St. Paul’s. He was also precentor of Exeter, a dignity he 
resigned in 1331 for the rectory of Wraysbury, within a few miles of Windsor, which he 
held until his death in 1347. 

The following is his account, in an English dress, of the solemn feast and tournament, 
and the outcome thereof : 

This year the lord King arranged to have a most noble just or essay in the place of his birth, namely 
in the Castle of Windsor, on the 19th January and 14th Kalends February [1343-4] which, at a fitting date 
preceding, he caused to be proclaimed both in parts beyond sea as well as in England. To which also he caused 
to be invited by his letters all the ladies of the southern parts of England, and the wives of the burgesses of 
London. Therefore havmg assembled the earls, barons, knights, and as many ladies as possible, on Sundav 
the 13th [sicl of the Kalends of February, in the aforesaid Castle, the King kept a solemn feast, so that the great 
hall of the same Castle was filled with ladies, nor was there any male person among them, save two knights who 
alone had just come from France for the festival. At which feast there were two queens, nine countesses, and 
wives of barons, knights, and burgesses, who could not easily be counted, whom the King himself personally 
arranged in their places according to their rank. The Prince of Wales, the Duke of Cornwall, the earls, barons, 
and knights, together with all the people, feasted in a tent and in other places, where there were rations and all 
other necessaries made ready and delivered to all freely and without murmuring, and later on ring-dances 
(? kiss in the ring) and divers other dances were solemnly arranged. 

And on the three following days the King with nineteen other knights held the lists against all coming 
from without ; and the same Lord, not on account of the royal favour, but by reason of the great labour which 
he sustained, and from the luck which he had on the said three days, bore away the favours among those within. 
But from without Sir Miles Stapelton on the first day, Sir Philip Despenser on the second day, and Sir John 
Blount on the third day, bore away the favours. 


I I 2 


Windsor Castle. 


On the Thursday following after the hastilude of the gentlemen, the Lord King made a great supper at which 
he began his Round Table, and received the oaths of certain earls and barons and knights whom he wished to be 
of the said Round Table, under a certain form pertaining to the said Round Table ; and he fixed the day of 
holding the Round Table in the same place on the feast of Pentecost next after, and to all present he gave leave 
with acts of grace to return to their own affairs. 

He also ordained afterwards that there should be made in the same place a most noble house, in which 
the said Round Table could be held at the term appointed ; for the making of which, he appointed carpenters 
and other workmen and ordered to be provided both beams and stones, not sparing labour or expense. 

From which work for certain reasons he afterwards ceased. 27 

Adam de Murimuth’s second account differs notably from the other in the dates assigned 
to the festivities, viz. from 8th to 12th February instead of from 18th January onwards 28 ; 
the heading also gives yet another date, that of St. George’s Day, which is on 23rd April 
Notwithstanding these discrepancies the two accounts seem to refer to one and the same 
event. The following is a translation of Adam’s second version : 

Concerning a solemnity made at Windsor by the most illustrious King Edward, King of 
England and France, on the day of St. George the martyr. 

In the year of Our Lord 1343, but in the second year of the pontificate of Pope Clement VI and in the 
seventeenth of King Edward the Third from the Conquest, beginning always and ending always at the feast 
of St. Michael, from which feast until the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Mary there were not any things 
done worthy of much note or relation, but on the Sunday next after the feast of the Blessed Mary, at Windsor, 
the Lord King kept a very great solemnity and a great feast ; to which he invited his first-born son the Piince 
of Wales, the earls, barons, and knights, and very many other nobles of his kingdom. There were also there 
the Lady Queen Philippa, with her children, the lady Oueen-mother, the lady Isabella, countesses, baronesses, as 
well as ladies and gentlewomen, with an indescribable host of people about to delight in so great a solemnity. And 
so at feasts that were expensive and abounding in the most alluring of drink they were sustained to the satiety 
of everyone. Among the lords and ladies dances were not lacking, embraces and kissings alternately commingling. 
Among the knights continued joustings were being practised for three days ; the best melody is made by the 
minstrels, and divers joyous things ; to these are given changes of raiment, to those offerings were abounding ; 
these being enriched with plenty of gold and silver. 

This same solemnity lasted Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday ; on which day at night, after the 
end of the jousts, the Lord King caused to be proclaimed that no lord or lady presume to depart, but await until 
morning, to know the Lord King’s pleasure. When the morning, that is the Thursday, came, about the first 
hour the King caused himself to be solemnly arrayed in royal and festive vestures, and he had on uppermost 
a mantle of very precious velvet and the royal crown placed upon his head. The Queen was likewise most nobly 
adorned. The earls and barons, and the rest of the lords and ladies, with all the decency they could, according 
to the King’s command, prepared themselves to go with him to the chapel in the Castle of Windsor and hear 
mass. Which having been celebrated, the Lord King went out of the chapel, the lord Henry earl ol Derby, 
as seneschal of England, and the lord William, earl of Salisbury, as marshal of England, going before him, each 
in virtue of his office carrying a staff in his hand, and the Lord King himself holding the roval sceptre in his hand. 
There followed him the young Lady Queen, and the lady Oueen-mother, the Prince of Wales, the earls, barons, 
knights and nobles, with the ladies and all the people about to see so unwonted a spectacle, to the place appointed 
for the assemblv. In which place the same Lord King and all the others at the same time stood up, and having 
been offered the Book, the Lord King, after touching the Gospels, took a corporeal oath that he himself, at a 
certain time limited to this, whilst the means were possible to him, would begin a Round Table, in the same 
manner and condition as the lord Arthur, formerly King of England, appointed it, namely to the number of 
300 knights, a number always increasing, and he would cherish it and maintain it according to his power. 

To observe, sustain, and promote which with all its appendages, the earls of Derby, Salisbury, Warwick, 
Arundel, Pembroke, and Suffolk, the other barons and very many knights, whom probity and renown put forward 
to be worthy of praise, made a like oath. Which being done, with trumpets and nakers sounding all together, 
the guests hastened to a feast ; which feast was complete with richness of fare, variety of dishes, and overflowing 
abundance of drinks : the delight was unutterable, the comfort inestimable, the enjoyment without murmuring, 
the hilarity without care. The last things therefore corresponding to the first, the royal feast was ended, so 
that on the fifth day each might return to his own affairs. 29 

According to Adam Murimuth the idea of the Round Table originated at the supper 
held on the fourth day of the tournament, that is, on Thursday, 22nd January ; and the 
account roll for 1343-4 shows that the King lost no time in putting it into execution. 30 

Among the items for the, week in which was the feast of the Conversion of St. Paul ; 
that is 25th to 31st January, are the following : 

To two carts with two men employed in carrying sand for covering the bridges of 
the Castle with the said sand lest they be broken with the heavy carriage of 


the Round Table, for two days . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2s. 8d. 

To four men scattering the said sand upon the said bridges for two days . . i6d. 

For heather bought for covering and raising the said bridges with the said sand . . i2d. 

For the carriage of the said heather . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8d. 


More sand was bought for the same purpose in the week 7th to 13th March. Some small 
repairs were also done to the bridges within the Castle, probably on account of the heavy 
traffic over them, in the weeks 25th April to 1st May and 6th to 12th June, and between 
nth to 17th July, when a further load of heather was also bought. 


The Building of the Round Table. 1 1 3 

Work upon the building of the Round Table, as will be seen below, was actually begun 
on 15th February, and in order to expedite it as far as possible commissions were issued 
to the head carpenter and to the master mason empowering them to collect workmen and 
materials. 

The first of these was in the form of letters patent, dated 16th February, 1343-4, 
announcing that 

we have appointed our beloved William of Hurley, our carpenter, to choose by himself or his deputies, as many 
carpenters in the cities, towns, and other places of our kingdom of England, both within their liberties and 
without, wherever they can be found, as he may need for certain works which we have appointed to be done 
in our Castle of Windsor, and to bring them to the aforesaid Castle as quickly as he can, there to remain at our 
wages on the aforesaid works. 

Wherefore the King commands that every assistance be afforded to the said William or 
his said, deputies, in their said quest. 

Similar letters were also issued the same day notifying the appointment of William 
of Ramsey, “ our mason,” to choose as many masons as he may need for the same works, 
in the city of London and in the counties of Kent, Norfolk, Suffolk, Bedford, and 
Northampton. 

In both cases a further proviso was added that workmen engaged on churches or 
monasteries were not to be enrolled. 31 

Two days later, on 18th February, other letters patent were issued notifying the 
appointment of William of Langley 

to take as often as there may be need, by himself or his deputies, in the counties of Oxford, Berks, and Middlesex, 
sufficient carriage for stone and timber which we have ordered to be bought and provided in those counties 
for certain works in our Castle of Windsor, to be led and carried to the said Castle of Windsor for our moneys 
thereupon to be paid, 

on behalf of which William or his deputies the King orders every help to be given as before. 

A similar commission was also issued the same day in favour of Stephen of Harpham 
for the like purpose and in the same counties. 

A further commission was issued at the same time notifying the appointment of John 
Knyght 

to arrest and take as often as there may be need, by himself or his deputies both in London and elsewhere by 
the water of Thames between London and Windsor competent shouts for bringing our different estovers from 
various places, by the coast of the said water to our Castle of Windsor for our moneys thereupon reasonably 
to be paid. 

And therefore the King commands the necessary help to be afforded to the said John or 
his deputies. 32 

On the 24th February other commissions 33 were issued appointing 

(i) Master William of Ramsey to buy for the King the necessary stones for certain works which he 

has ordered to be done in the Castle of Windsor, and to cause them to be brought thither with 
all speed ; 

(ii) Brother John Waleraund to arrest on the river Thames between Gravesend and Henley as many 

shouts for stone and other necessaries which the King has ordered to be purveyed in divers 
places along the river for the said works, as shall be required ; and 

(iii) Hugh of Kimpton (Kymton) to take as required in the counties of Bedford and Hertford sufficient 

cartage for stone of Eglemound which the King has ordered to be purveyed in those counties 
for the same works. 

Also on 20th July, 1344, 

(iv) brother John Waleraund was appointed to take in the counties of Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Southampton, 

Middlesex, Berks, and Bucks, such land and water carriage as shall be necessary for bringing the 
timber purveyed for the King’s works in the Castle of Windsor at Worthy, Reigate, Bletchingley, 
Ruislip, Holshute and elsewhere in those counties to the Castle. 34 

Of the actual work upon the Round Table there are preserved the accounts of Alan 
of Killum, the clerk of the works, and the draft of that of John Waleraund, the controller. 

The former is practically a summary of the receipts and expenditure, and as it is also 
entered upon the Pipe Roll of the King’s eighteenth year 35 it will be more convenient to 
translate the version there given : 

The account of Alan of Killum the clerk appointed to perform certain works within the King’s Castle of 
Windsor in the 18th year, by the King’s brief under the privy seal dated 12th November of the same year, 
directed to the treasurer and barons, and enrolled in a memorandum of the 19th year, Michaelmas term, by 
which the King commanded them to reckon with the same Alan of the sums received by him upon the performing 
of the King’s works at Windsor from which the same Alan wishes to clear himself, making to the aforesaid Alan 
reasonable allowance by the testimony of brother John Waleraund, overseer and controller of the works aforesaid, 
that is to say of his receipts and expenses and wages incurred and paid by Alan himself. 


Windsor Castle. 


ri4 


The sum received by Alan of Killum was £461 8s. 8d. How it was spent is thus 
summarized in his account : 


Expenses : 

The same accounts for divers stones both of Caen and Kentish rag and of Whateley for the King’s works 
aforesaid, for talwood and faggots for lime at the lime pits, and timber for making a certain well within the 
aforesaid Castle, bought of divers persons and at divers times between the 15th day of February in the 18th 
year, on which day the said works were begun, and the 27th day of November next following, on which day 
those works came to an end, by view and testimony of the aforesaid brother John £108 17s. as is contained in 
a roll of particulars which he delivered into the treasury and also in the counter-roll of the aforesaid brother 
John likewise delivered into the treasury. 

And in tiles, laths, tile-pins and lath-nails bought for the said works in the same place, together with the 
carriage of the said tiles from Penn to the Castle £7 6s. 8d. 

And in 77 barrows, of which 6 were of twigs, 5 tubs, 12 troughs for putting mortar in, 10 bowls for sprinkling 
water upon the mortar, one pipe, 2 casks for carrying water in, 6 tubs for putting water in, a tunder and 
a scoop for pouring water in the same casks, 6 sieves and " culdors ” for making mortar, 5 fir poles for 
measuring the said house, 4 grindstones for sharpening the masons’ tools, 2 saws for sawing stone, 6 picks 
and 6 mattocks, 4 rakes of iron, 2 iron forks, 3 axes for chopping wood, 10 wedges for the quarry, 4 hammers, 
4 trowels, 6 hurdles for the lime-pits, a sledge, an axe, 30 ladles for pouring cement, boards for squares, lath 
and lath-nail for chimney forges there, iron and steel for making and mending thence divers necessaries bought 
at divers times, together with the mending of the masons’ tools and the cleaning of two wells within the Castle 
aforesaid for having water in the same place £9 is. 5|d. 

And in boatage and cartage of stones, timber, earth, lime and sand both by land and by water from divers 
places to the Castle aforesaid within the time aforesaid £82 is. 6d. 

And in wages of divers masons, carpenters, sawyers, smiths and divers other workmen working upon the 
King’s works aforesaid during the whole time aforesaid £254 3s. 3|d. 

And in wages of the aforesaid Alan tarrying about the works aforesaid at the Castle aforesaid for 98 days 
within the aforesaid time, and of the aforesaid brother John Waleraund likewise tarrying about the same works 
for 286 days, namely during the whole time aforesaid £46 8s., to each of them 2s. per day by the King’s writ. 

Sum of the expenses £507 17s. nid. 
and he has in surplus 46 9s. 3^d. 

John Waleraund’s account is entitled : 

The counter-roll of Brother John Walrande, controller of Alan of Killum the King’s clerk, of certain 
expenses and wages incurred and paid by the same Alan about the foundation of a certain round house within 
the Castle of Windsor, from the 16th day of February in the 18th year of the reign of King Edward the Third 
after the Conquest to the 18th day of November next following. 

The account covers two membranes. The first is practically a wages sheet for the forty 
weeks during which the works were in progress. It gives no information as to what was 
actually done, but enumerates how many men were employed, stone cutters, masons, 
carpenters, etc. ; their rates of pay, the number of days they worked, and the amount 
expended every week. 

In itself the roll is not of sufficient general interest to print at length, and the first 
two weeks may serve as a sample of the rest : 


First week : 

Cutting Masons — To master William of Ramsey for his wages at 7s. a week ; of a mason-cutter 
for his wages at 4s. ; of four, each 3s. ; of two, each at 2s. 6d. ; of three at 2s. 4d. ; of two 
at 2s. 3d. ; of one at 2s. 2d., and for a certain one at 2s. a week : between the 16th day of 
February and the 21st day of the same month, reckoned in the 18th year . . 61s. 8d. 

Carpenters — To master William of Hurley for his wages at 7s ; of three carpenters each at 4a. a 
day for 4 days within the said time . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ns. 

Workmen — And for wages of four, each at 4d. a day ; and of thirteen, each at 2d. a day at the 
lime pits for 4 days within the said time . . . . . . . . . . . . 14s. 

Sum : £4 6s. 8d. 


Second week : 

Cutting Masons — To master William of Ramsey for his wages at 7s. ; of two at 4s. each : of four 
at 3s. ; of eight at 2s. 6d. ; of six at 2s. 4d. each ; of six at 2s. 3d. each ; of six at 2s. 2d. 
each ; of fifteen at 2s. each ; of six at 2id. each, and of five at I2d. each per week from the 
23rd day of February until the 28th day of the same month, each being reckoned for six 
days . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . • - • • • £6 13s. 

Laying Masons — To William Bond, laying mason, for his wages at 2s. 2d. ; of four at 2s. each ; 
of three at 22d. each ; of four at 2od. each ; of three at i8d. each ; and of three at i5d. each 
per week for the same time . . . . . . . . . . • • - - • • 35 s - 7^- 

Labourers at Bustlesham 36 — And for the wages of an overseer at the Quarry of Bustlesham at 
2s. 4d. ; of five at 13d. each ; of twenty-five at nd. each ; of twenty-eight for 4J days, of 
ten for 4! days, and three for 2\ days at 2d. per day each, within the said time . . 58s. qd. 

Carpenters— To master William of Hurley for his wages at 7s. ; of three carpenters at 2s. each ; 
of one at 2id. ; of two at i8d. ; and of one at I5d. per week for the same time within the 
Castle . . . . . . . . . . . . • - - - • • • • • • I 9 S - 

Labourers — And for the wages of one smith at 2s. ; of one at i2d. ; and of one at gd. per week for 
the same time . . . . . . . . . . . . • • • • • • • • 3 s - 9^- 

And for the wages of one hundred and ninety-one men working within the Castle and of 
twenty at the sand pits at I2d. each per week . . - • • • • • • • £!0 Iis. 

Sum : £22 16s. id. 37 


The Building of the Round Table. 1 1 5 

An analysis of the wages sheet discloses a number of interesting facts. 

For the first week the expenses amounted to £4 6s. 8d., the charges being for William 
of Ramsey, the master mason, and fourteen other cutting masons ; for William of Hurley, 
the master carpenter, and three other carpenters ; and for seventeen labourers, fourteen 
of whom were working at the lime pits and the rest in the sand pits. 

In the second week the wages ran up to £22 16s. id., the cutting masons having in- 
creased to fifty-eight, and been further augmented by William Bond and seventeen other 
laying masons ; an overseer and seventy-one labourers were also engaged in the quarry 
at Bustlesham. William of Hurley’s carpenters were now seven ; three smiths had been 
engaged ; and the labourers had risen to one hundred and ninety-one in the Castle and 
twenty at the sand pits. 

By the end of the third week the wages had gone up to £45 4s. io|d. for one hundred 
and six cutting masons, sixty-four laying masons, and ten men shaping stone in the quarry ; 
William of Hurley’s assistants had risen to fourteen, but the smiths were still three in 
number. The labourers, on the other hand, amounted to four hundred and one in the 
Castle and at the lime pits and sand pits, and to one hundred and twenty-one at Bustlesham 
quarry. 

The wages for the fourth week had decreased to £37 12s. 5d., chiefly on account of 
a large reduction in the number of labourers. But the cutting masons had meanwhile 
risen to one hundred and twenty-eight, the laying masons to seventy-three, and the 
" shapelers ” at Bustlesham to twelve. The carpenters were as before, but two more 
smiths had been engaged. Of labourers, there were one hundred and ninety-three in the 
Castle and at the lime and sand pits, and one hundred and thirty at the quarry. 

Through a reduction in the quarrymen to seventy-one the wages for the fifth week 
dropped to £34 17s. iod., the numbers of the other men remaining about the same. 

The wages for the sixth week were only £26 5s. 8|d., owing to a decrease in the number 
of laying masons from seventy-three to twenty, and of the quarrymen from seventy-one 
to sixty. On the other hand, the “ shapelers ” in the quarry had risen from nine to 
thirty. 


The following table will show more 

clearly 

the fluctuations in 

the number of men 

employed during the first six weeks : 

I 

II 

III 

IV 

V 

VI 

Cutting masons 

15 

• • 58 

. . 106 . 

. 128 . 

• T 37 

. . 127 

Laying masons 

— 

.. 18 

.. 64 . 

73 • 

73 

41 

Shapelers at Bustlesham 

— 

— 

10 . 

12 . 

9 

9 

Carpenters 

4 

8 

.. 15 . 

• 15 • 

14 

14 

Smiths . . 

— 

O 

• * O 

A 3 • 

5 • 

5 

5 

Labourers 

17 

. . 211 

. . 401 

• 193 • 

. 180 

. . 180 

Quarrymen 


.. 72 

. . 121 . 

• 130 . 

• 7 i 

.. 63 

Total 

36 

370 

720 

556 

489 

439 

The rates of pay, as may be seen 

from the two weeks’ 

accounts given 

above, varied 

considerably, from the 9d. a week of the 

junior smith, and the is. 

of the labourers and 


quarrymen, etc. to the 3s. and 4s. of the skilled masons. The laying masons and carpenters 
were paid at much the same rates, varying from is. 3d. to 2s. 2d. a week ; the “shapelers ” 
at the quarry received I4d. a week. 

After the sixth week almost the whole of the men were withdrawn or disbanded, and 
the wages for the seventh week, which was Holy Week, amounted only to 36s. 8d. The 
men retained we±e William of Ramsey and William of Hurley, who received their usual 
7s. each ; an overseer at 6d. a day “to dispose the gradual accumulation of stones, that 
they be not broken, 38 with one man at 4d. and fifteen others at 2d. a day to help him ; 
and a dozen men at the lime pits. 

For the eighth week, which was Easter week, 39 the expenses were again only 20s. 8d. 
for the master mason and the master carpenter and ten labourers ; also for the carriage of a 
couple of loads of lime on two days. 

For the eleven weeks following Easter week, with the exception of Whitsun week, 40 
which was a holiday-time, the works were entirely in the hands of William of Ramsey, 
who had under him from twenty-five to twenty-eight other masons. The average amount 
spent weekly in wages was about £2 9s. 


Windsor Castle. 


1 1 6 


The account for the twentieth week is marked in the roll by a change of hand, and also 
by a reduction of Ramsey’s masons from twenty-six to twelve. This number was increased 
to thirteen in the twenty-fourth week, and so continued until the thirty-sixth week 
(17th — 23rd October), after which all the masons save Ramsey were withdrawn. 

From the twenty-fourth week onwards the name of the master carpenter, William of 
Hurley, reappears, but he does not seem to have had any men under him, and his work 
was probably that of supervision only. During the twenty-seventh week two carpenters 
were at work upon a well in the Castle, and in the thirty-fourth week a carpenter was busy 
for four days mending the well wheel. For the last seven weeks three carpenters were 
engaged “upon covering the walls of the Round Table,’’ 41 one doing the covering and the 
other two helping him ; and several sawyers were also working with them. The forty- 
first week’s account, for 21st — 27th November, was also the last, and with it, as Adam 
of Killum says, the “works came to an end.” 

The second membrane of John Waleraund’s roll contains the accounts of the com- 
missioners who were engaged in seeking workmen ; the wages of carpenters felling timber 
at various places ; the wages of sawyers and plumbers ; purchases of stone and timber 
and necessaries ; the cost of cartage and boatage ; and a memorandum of the purchase 
of tiles. 42 


The account of the commissioners is “for the wages of Richard Newman, Martin of 
Wadhurst, Thomas Coursy and John Erie sent to the parts of Norfolk, Suffolk, Kent, 
Surrey, Northants, Beds, London and Middlesex with commissions and letters under the 
privy seal for attaching workmen and bringing them to Windsor for doing certain of the 
King’s works there,” each at the rate of 6d. a day ; also “for the wages of Thomas Forester, 
John Woodward, John Turner, and Richard Durham likewise sent to the aforesaid parts 
for the reason aforesaid, each at the rate of 46.. a day, for the twenty-eight days between 
16th February and 21st March. Less four days’ pay deducted from the wages of the second 
lot of commissioners the total amount paid was £ 4 12s. 

The commissioners in question were probably the deputies of those in whose favour 
the letters patent were issued on 26th and 28th February. 

The carpenters employed in wood-cutting worked at Bletchingley, Reigate Park, 
“ Holshet,” and Ruislip, in each case under an overseer who received 6d. a day ; the other 
men got from 3d. to 4d. a day. The numbers varied : thus at Bletchingley there were 
sixteen wood-cutters employed between 20th February and 16th March ; at Reigate Park 
over thirty, for a few days at a time, between 1st May and 17th July ; at Holshot some 
twenty-eight men were at work between 9th March and 1st April ; while at Ruislip only 
five were employed, at various times between 20th March and 30th April. The total 
amount paid was £11 19s. 7|d., including 2s. for chopping down, by contract, twelve trees 
in Worth Forest, and another 2s. for felling the same number at Ruislip. 

Two sawyers for work in the Castle earned 5s. iod. between 1st and 14th March, and 
three others who made talwood and faggots for the limekilns had 11s., while an extra man 
got 2s. for chopping and carting them. The fuel for the limekilns cost £10 6s. nd. 

One plumber at 6d. a day and a boy at 2d. earned 6s. for work done between the last 
day of February and 14th March. 

The account for the purchase of stones, above and beyond what was got and rough- 
hewn in the quarries at Bustlesham and elsewhere, is sufficiently interesting to be given 


in full : 


To the Dean of St. Paul’s London for Caen stone bought from him 

To Richard of Colchester for stones bought of him in the same place 

To William of Abbotsbury for stones bought of him 

For carriage of the same stones from [omitted] to the Thames 

To Walter Harrard for 106 gobets of Caen stone bought in the same place . . 

To the same for 450 stones called “ Cune Marchant ” (? stepping quoins) 

To John Blom for 180 gobets, 100 quoins by measure, and 50 “ Cune marchant ” 
To John Mulard for 101 quarter-gobets, and 401 quarter “Cune marchant”.. 
For pilotage of 3 ships bringing the said stones from the parts of Caen. . 

To John Marberer for 150 feet of quoins from the parts of Kent 
To the same for 27 corbels at 4d. each. . 

To the same for 1800 feet of rag from the parts of Kent, for each hundred 8s. . . 
To John Peg’ for 63 feet of Whatele skews 

To the same and his fellows for 1000 feet of Whatele stone, for each foot 1 Jd. . . 


£ s. d. 
40 o o 

4 10 0 
850 
200 

3 3 0 

1 16 o 
6 8 8 

5 9 0 
x 6 

100 
9 o 
740 
9 3 i 

5 4 2 


The Building of the Round Table. 1 r 7 


To William Abbot for 98 Reygate stones .. •• 1 10 o 

To William of Wighthill for 67 pieces from the parts of Stapleton coming to London 

in a ship, weighing 20 loads, for each by weight 5s 7 10 0 

To John Maill of London for 100 gobets of Caen (stone) . . . . . . . . 3 0 0 

To Robert le Hore for 233 feet of Bentley stone, for each hundred 4s. 6d. . . 10 6 


Total .. . . £98 10 i£ 


The accounts for the cartage and boatage of the above and of other materials are 
also of interest, as evidence of the activity in the early part of the year, and also of the 
number of carts employed. It will also be seen from the boatage account how large a 
quantity of stone was obtained from Bustlesham in comparison with what was brought 
from London. In the roll these items follow the list of necessaries purchased, but should 
more properly come after the accounts of the buying of stone and wood : 

Cartage : 

For cartage at Windsor from 23rd February until 28th of the same month for 
26 carts for 6 days, each at 8d. a day 

For like cartage in the same place from 1st March until 6th of same month for 
6 days for 30 carts, viz. 20 at iod. a day and 10 at 8d. a day within 
the said time 

For like cartage in the same place from 7th March until 14th day of the same 
month for 18 carts, each at iod. a day, and of one at 8d. a day, for 6 days 
and of one for half a day 

For cartage of stones, sand, lime, and water at Windsor between 14 th March and 
21st of same month reckoning for 6 days viz. 18 carts each at iod. for 6 days, 

3 at iod. for 5 days, 3 at iod. for 4 days, 2 each at 8d. for 2 days, 2 each at 
8d. for one day, and 4 each at 6d. 

For cartage of 71 carts carrying as above at Windsor between 22nd and 28th March 
viz. 23 at iod. for 4 days, 15 at 8d. for 3 days, 13 at iod. for 2 days, 20 at 
iod. for one day 

For cartage between Bentley and Windsor for 16 carts 

For cartage between Whateley and Windsor for 116 carts on 30 turns 

For cartage of timber from Easthampstead . . 

For cartage of 1250 talwood between Hartley Park and Windsor for each 
hundred 8d. 

For cartage of 41 stones bought at London to the Thames by a certain contract 


5 4 0 


700 


4 14 4 


5 18 6 


7 5 0 

18 8 
806 
2 5 

8 4 

8 


Total £39 12 5 

For cartage of stone from the bridge to the Castle by 4 carts for 4 days, for each 

cart iod. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 0 

Boatage : 

For boatage of stone from London on 24 turns by divers shouts, for each turn 

13s. 4d., less 4s. from 3 of the aforesaid turns, viz. from each turn i6d. . . 15 16 o 

For boatage of stone from Bustlesham on 51 turns for each turn 6s. 8d., and 7 turns 

for each 6s. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 1 o 43 


Total . . . . £34 18 o 

For boatage of stone from Bustlesham to Windsor in August and September by 
4 shouts, for each 6s. 8d., 26s. 8d. ; and for boatage of timber from Kingston to 
Windsor by 2 shouts bringing 17 pieces of timber in the month of August, 14s. 

Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..£208 


The amount paid for necessaries was £ 8 14s. 7|d., which is somewhat less than the 
sum (£9 is. 5|d.) accounted for by Alan of Killum. The list of purchases corresponds 
to a certain extent with Alan's summary, but gives in addition the cost of each item ; on 
the other hand, it occasionally omits numbers which are given in the other account. 

The following is a translation of John Waleraund’s list : 


For 54 ban ows of board 
For 6 barrows of twigs . . 

For 5 tubs 

For 12 troughs bought for putting in mortar. . 

For 10 bowls for sprinkling water upon mortar 

For a pipe and 2 barrels for carrying water and three barrels for making casks from 

For 14 hoops for casks and tubs 

For the mending and sawing of the casks 

For a tundor and a scoop for pouring water into barrels 

For 13 great boards and 12 estrich boards for squares for the masons 

For lines for the same masons and carriage of the aforesaid squares and other tools 

For one great ladle for the masons and grease for the cistern 

For sieves and “ culdors ” bought for making mortar 

For 350 laths for making thence the chimney of the forge. . 


£ 

1 


s. d. 
8 7 
9 

2 11 
2 2 
11 
8 0 

7 
3 
5 

7 9 
2 2 

8 
9 

1 5 i 


1 1 8 


IV incisor Castle. 


For poles of fir bought for measuring the hall. . 

For 4 grindstones for sharpening the masons’ tools 
For 2 saws for sawing stones 

For 29lbs of bronze for turning the gudgeons of the well wheel . . 

For 4500 iron nails for the wheel and other necessaries and for 1000 lath-nails 
For 27 pieces of iron bought for making and mending divers necessaries 
For 6 bundles of steel 

For a barrel of pitch, 12 lbs of rosyn, and iojlbs of wax for making cement 
For 7 pickaxes and 6 iron mattocks bought 
For the repair of the same and 14 others at the limepits by turns 
For 4 iron rakes bought for the limepits 
For 2 iron forks bought for the same 
For 3 axes for chopping wood there 

For 10 wedges of iron bought for the quarry at Windsor 
For hooks and hasps for the storehouse at the limepits 
For 4 pairs of iron hinges for 4 carts newly made for carrying lime 
For a counting cloth 

For 4 great hurdles bought for the limepits 
For the night watch at the limekiln for 12 men for 5 weeks 
For 18 barrows, a sledge, and an axe, with the mending of tools by turns at 
Bustlesham 

For the making of hurdles for the limepits 
For cleaning the well on two occasions 
For mending the masons’ vessels, 23d. ; mending the well wheel, i8d. ; for 4 hooks 
for the doors of the Round Table, 10s. ; for grease, 2d. ; for 2 bands of iron 
for the wheel, i8d. ; for a hasp for the well wheel, 2s. 5d. 


2 4 i 

15 4-1 
4 6 
2 
o 

q 
6 
6 

11 o 


6 \ 

0 

6 

o 

4 

4 

6 

o 

4 

6 


12 61- 


[17 6] 


Total 


£8 14 7\ 


This account gives a vivid picture of the various classes of men employed and of the work 
on which they were engaged : the labourers wheeling and carrying materials, or drawing 
water from the well, or making mortar for the masons ; the carpenters mending or hooping 
casks and tubs, making new ones from old barrels, putting together the great wheel over 
the well, or setting up the doors of the new building ; the masons at work with their 
squares and trowels and setting-out lines ; the stone-cutters sawing stones ; the smiths 
at their lath and plaster chimnied forge mending tools, or grinding down their 
blunted points and edges ; the workers at the chalk pits and quarry ; the lime- 
burners chopping fuel and tending the limekiln night and day ; and lastly the controller 
sitting at his table and working out sums with counters on his checkered counting 
cloth. 

The roll ends with a memorandum of the purchase of tiles for covering up the newly- 
built masonry : 


For forty thousand tiles bought for the covering of the walls of the house of the 

Round Table, and for the covering of stones in the same place ; price per £ s. d. 
thousand 2s. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 400 

For carriage of the same from Penn to Windsor . . . . . . . . . . 10 0 

For six thousand laths, 20s. ; for forty thousand pegs for tiles, 3s. 4d. ; for 
thirty- two thousand lath-nails, price per thousand 7|d., 20s. ; for four thousand 
board nails, 13s. 4d. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [2 16 8] 


Total . . ..£768 


The total of Waleraund's account is £463 4s. nfd., or with his own and Killum’s wages, 
which are not included in the draft, £509 12s. nfd. This is slightly in excess of Killum’s 
total, but it is not easy to reconcile the discrepancy. 

One other reference to the Round Table may be noted in the account roll of Thomas 
le Rotor and Ralph of Dodlesfold for 1344-5, when a payment of 9d. is entered, in the 
week in which was St. Lucy’s day (13th December), 

for the wages of Robert Petipas, Osbert le Taverner, and John Hevand with their carts, carting the tiles that 
were left from the covering of the walls of the Round Table for half a day. 44 

An entry also occurs on the Issue Roll for Michaelmas, 1356, of a payment of £26 13s. 4d. 
to the prior of Merton for fifty-two oaks from his wood near Reading which had been bought 
for the Round Table at Windsor, and apparently on its abandonment had been sent to 
Westminster for the King’s works there. 45 


Docu?nentary Notes. 


1 19 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 

l “ Inquisicio capta apud Novam Wyndesore die Jovis proxima post festum Exaltacionis Sanctc Crucis. Anno 
Regni Regis Edwardi tcrcii a conquestu primo [ab Ambrosio] de Novo Burgo Clerico assignato per dominum Regem 
ad inquirendum ct certificandum Thcsaurario et Baronibus suis de Scaccario suo de statu Castri sui de Nova Wyndesore 
[? et de cus] tubus cjusdem Castri secundum tenorem brevis cidem Ambrosio directo per sacramentum Willelmi de 
Camera | Johannis de Bedeford | Johannis le Wariner | Willelmi Paste | Roberti de Persshore | Philippi le 
Mareschal | Daniclis Lirmongere | Johannis le Mazoun | N[icholai ?] de Felleye Willelmi le Muleward Ricardi 
Ketel et Willelmi Vigrans. 

Qui dicunt per sacramentum suum quod sunt septem pontes in Castro predicto. De quibus. quatuor sunt tractabiles 
ct sunt debiles valde et multum indigent emendari tarn de lapidibus quam feruc. et lign. et valent custagium 

et cmcndacionem simul cum dcpendenciis ultra magnam portam. et emendacionem ij torellarum ex utraque parte 
magne porte Castri predicti tarn operariorum quam aliorum juratorum | CCli. 

Dicunt eciam quod sunt ibidem due turres inter magnam portam et turrim de Clyware que quidem turres aliquo 
tempore debellatas [52c] fuerunt cum tabulis lingneis diversis tempestatibus putride sunt et prostrate et ordinatum 
fuit per dominum Edwardum nuper Regem Anglie patrem Regis nunc quod predicte due turres desuper (?) 
exaltasse et debellasse dc petris de quarrera de Bustlesham in moduni et similitudinem turris de Clyware et estimantur 
mise et expense, in. CC.li. 

Item dicunt quod est quedam Turella juxta cameram combustam in parte orientali que multum indiget emendari 
de petra libera et in necessariis gistes et valet ad reparandum cum opere per estimacionem. L.s. 

Item dicunt quod fenestre magne capelle vitriate multum sunt fracte et disrupte per ventos validos et alias diversas 
tempestates et multum indigent emendari de ferro et vitro ad summam de .CC.li. Et magne gistes dicte capelle que 
includuntur desursum in fousuram ex utraque parte dicte capelle sunt debiles . . . putride et multum indigent 

emendari et reparari et valet per estimacionem cum reparacione cujusdam claustri que jungitur ad eandem. lxx.li. 

Item dicunt quod est ibidem quedam turris in superiori ballio que jungitur ad Cameram domine Regine et multum 
indiget emendari de petris liberis de querrera. et valet per estimacionem cum operacione .C.s. Et est una parva torella 
ibidem a retro coquine domine Regine que multum est disrupta et in pluribus partibus offensa a summo usque deorsum 
et maxime in tribus partibus. et festinanter oportet emendari de petra quarera operi concordanti. et aliis pertinenciis. 
cum operacione per estimacionem .xxli. 

Item dicunt quod ibidem deficiunt tres Cables de Canabo grosses pro tribus fontibus. et ad mundandos dictos 
tres fontes. per estimacionem et emendationem Rotarum dictorum foncium ,xx. marc. 

Item dicunt quod tabulamenta de aluris murorum Castri. predicti. in circuitu. simul cum omnibus gradibus. 
cum crestis murorum predictorum lapideorum de Caine vel aliorum lapideorum operi concordanti cum custagiis et 
operacionibus per estimacionem operariorum et aliorum juratorum D.C.li. 

Item dicunt quod ad emendandas fenestras verreas. ibidem, de aliis capellis et cameris in superiori ballio et alibi 
in castro predicto. Et pro fenestris lingneis magno [sic] aule Regis in inferiori ballio et alibi ibidem ubi necesse fuerit 
valent custagia per estimacionem xl.li. 

Item dicunt quod est quedam turris in qua est camera senescalli Regine in superiori ballio et ibidem sunt glures 
defectus per diversas fracturas. et crevesces in muro lapideo et per falsas gutteras et festinanter necessarie oportet 
emendari. et valet opus sumptibus C.s. Et in alia turella proxima sunt septem pertusia et crevesces quarum quedam 
sunt per medium murum lapideum. et poterunt illi defectus emendari per estimacionem pro xl.s. 

Item dicunt quod altus murus lapideus castri predicti versus aquilonem et versus cameram que dicitur Camera 
domine de Vesci multum est in decasu et pene . . . periculose in pluribus locis per diversas tempestates et 

per diversas lati'inas et poterit emendari pro xv.li. Et alius altus murus castri juxta ture[llam de] Rocha, est ibidem 
deficiens. Ita quod predictus murus non habet fundamentum et poterit ille defectus emendari per estimacionem de 
xx. marcis. 

Item dicunt quod magna coquina Regine in superiori ballio simul cum uno lardario ex una parte et una magna 
pistrina ex altera ibidem multum in[ . . . d]ebilitantur maxime pro defectu meremii et quia non cooperiebantur 
per longum tempus. quod in parte sunt in decasu. Et ad reficiend. de no[vo ? . . . ] rtam lingneam et muros 
lapideos que includunt coquinam predictam dictum lardarium et pistrinam per estimacionem poterunt ille defectus 
emendari. 

Item alius murus exterior desuper latrinam camere ultra portam juxta altam turrim multum offenditur et per 
tempestates diversas debiliter . . . indiget festinanter emendari. Et valet reparacio ejusdem xx.s. Et porta 

juxta altam turrim est allochata et multum assarta (?)... necessaria (?) oportet emendari de duabus sullivis 
lingneis qualibet sulliva de longitudine xij pedum et uno pede quadrato. Et ij . . . unius pedis quadrato 

Valet cum emendatione et reparacione unius camere desuper portam predictam et potest emendari per estimacionem 
de . . . 

. . . quidam m[urus ?] de petra quadrata est indeficiens de Asselar quadrat, juxta portam predictam 

et ad ilium emendandum in opere lapi[deo ... a] emend, xxvj.s. viij.d. . . . istius defectus emers . . . 

et a tempore quo Galfridi de Picheford steterat Constabularii Castri predicti hue usque set in . . . vii.s. (?) 

que et quot dampna per quorum negligenciam quorum defectus vel quorum ignoranciam quomodo et de quando dampna 
predicta [. . . . const] abul a tempore dicti Galfrido . . . magnum opus lapidis vel lignei ferri plumbi utr 

. . . reedificari fecerunt. Sed . . . modo hujus ... in castello predicto multum reperitur staurum de 

providencia dicti (?) Constabularii ut in petris de quarrera meremii ferri stangnei plumbi tegularum caxlcis (sic) sabuli 
. . . defectus predictos. Quia ista predicta particularia patent alibi per parcellas minutas in quodam rotulo 

dicto . . .” Accounts Exch. K.R. 492/22. 

2 No account exists for the year 1328—9. 

3 1313 (no date, but ? 30th June). “ Fet a remembrer que nostre seigneur le Roi ad ordene et commaunde que 

su chapele de Seint Edward en le chastiel de Wyndesor soit gardee et servie en la manere que 
s’ensuit. 

Primes, en le honour de Dieu de nostre Dame et de Seint Edward pur li et pur ses auncestres 
soient illoeques ordenez quatres chapeleins que soient prodes hommes et de bone condition : dount 
un de eux serra chef chapelein de la chapele : et les autres trois secundaires. 

Item, deux clers que soient de bone condicioun et bien chauntanz ; et soient en touz poinz 
entendanz au chef chapelein et a les autres quant mester est pur service de la chapele. 

E chescun des avantditz chapeleins chaunte sa messe chescun jour si grant cause ne le 
destourbe ; issint quil y soient chescun jour a tot le mayns deux messes par note l’une de nostre 
Dame et l’autre du jour et autres deux de Requiem pur les almes des auncestres nostre seigneur 
le Roi E. 

Preyne le chef chapelein x. marcs par an. pur totes choses ; et chescun des autres trois C. souz ; 
et les deux clers chescun de eux L. souz pur totes choses. 

Et le chaunceler le Roi qui quil soit pur coe quil est chef de la chapele nostre seignur le Roi 
face chescun au un tour illoeques sil puit par congie de nostre seignur le Roi pur veer que la dite 


I 20 


IVindsor Castle. 


chapele soit servie des omomentz de libraire et de chantere en la. manere susdite et face brefs de 
Liberate que les ditz ministres soient serviz de lour soldz a deux termes del an si comme est avant 
ordene. 

Et si nul des avantditz vj. ministres soit a Dieu commaunde ou ouste par certeynes enchesons 
que le chaunceler mette un autre que soit suffisaunt. 

Et soit ceste chose enroullee et bien garde tan que nostre seignur le Roi eit autre chose ordenez.” 
Rymer, Fosdera, ii. 193, from Close Roll, 6 Edward II, m. 2d. 

4 Patent Roll, 4 Edward III, pt. 1, m. 19. 

5 “ De domibus Capellanorum capelle de Wyndesore assigncitis. Rex dilecto sibi Thome de Foxle Constabulario 
Castri sui de Wyndesore, salutem. Cum nos nuper certiorari volentes que et cujusmodi domus infra Castrum nostrum 
predictum pro inhabitacione quatuor capellanorum et duorum clericorum, dudum per progenitores nostros quondam 
Reges Anglie ad divina officia in Capella ejusdem Castri pro animabus eorundem progenitorum nostrorum et heredum 
suorum celebranda, constitutorum assignate existant et si domus ille tam pro dictis capellanis et clericis quam pro 
aliis capellanis qui nuper de parco nostro de Wyndesore usque dictum Castrum pro celebracione divinorum in dicta 
capella ut premittitur faciend. per nos missi fuerunt, sufficiant necne : et si alique domus pro inhabitacione dictorum 
capellanorum per nos ad dictum Castrum sic missorum assignate fuerunt necne. et si sic : tunc que et cujusmodi domus 
et qualiter et quo modo, vobis mandaverimus quod nos super premissis et ea tangentibus redderetis in Cancellaria 
noscra sub sigillo vestro distincte et aperte circiores ac vos nos certificaveritis quod pro inhabitacione dictorum quatuor 
capellanorum per dictos progenitores nostros constitutorum assignantur ex antiquo in uno c.lauso juxta magnam portam 
Castri predicti domus subscripte videlicet una aula unum celarium et una coquina sufficientes pro eisdem tantum et 
eciam tres minute Camere in eodem clauso minus sufficientes pro eisdem et quod pro duobus clericis predictis 
assignantur ex antiquo due Camere parve juxta clausum Janitoris infra Castrum predictum minus sufficientes quod- 
que pro inhabitacione aliorum quatuor capellanorum per nos de parco predicto usque Castrum predictum missorum 
constructa sunt de novo in uno clauso ex parte australi dicte Capelle per mandatum nostrum Johanni de Insula nuper 
Constabulario nostro Castri predicti directum una aula unum celarium una coquina et quatuor camere suffic.iencia 
pro eisdem tantum vobis mandamus quod dictos Capellanos de parco cum aliis capellanis predictis jam cohabitantes 
a domibus quibus nunc morantur amoveri et eisdem illas domos quas pro habitacione eorundem fieri fecimus pro mora 
sua in eodem Castro liberari et assignari facias. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium secundo die Septembris. Per 
ipsum Regem et consilium.” Close Roll, 11 Edward III, part 2, m. 27. 

u Public Record Office. Accounts (Exchequer, K.R.), Bundle 492 j 24. 

7 I 343 “ 4 - “ In stipendiis (of two masons and two boys) . . . reparancium murum petrinum circa Waieram 

in Castro ex opposito exterioris porte dicti Castri. 

In stipendio Willelmi Lucas purgantis Waieram infra portam Castri per j diem, ij.d.” 

8 1343-4. “ In stipendio Galfridi Molle reparantis parietes domus Janitoris per j diem, ij.d. 

In stipendiis (of two tilers and two boys) tegulancium super . . . Cameram Janitoris. 

In stipendiis Walteri le Prout et socii sui (4- two boys) daubancium . . cameram Janitoris.” 

9 1344-5. “ In CCCC clavis plumbeis emptis de Roberto le Irmongere pro plumbo super campanile afhrmando, 

viii.d. 

In stipendiis Willelmi Hemmyng et garcionis sui reparancium plumbum super campanile per .j. 
diem .vj.d.” 

lu 1343-4. “ In stipendiis (of two tilers and two boys) retegulancium super . . . Aulam Capellanorum, etc. 

In reparacione porte clausture Capellanorum .j.d. 

1:344-5. In stipendiis Ricardi Mundy (and boy) retegulancium super longum stabulum. coquinam. et 
domum vocatam Armerie (five and a-half days) 2s. gd. 

In stipendiis Ricardi Mundy (and boy) deponencium tegulas et maheremium de quodam stabulo 
juxta Aulam Capellanorum (one and a-half day), iod. 

In stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst et socii sui carpentariorum construencium et reparancium dictum 
stabulum (four and a-half days), 3s. [also next week]. 

In stipendiis duorum sarratorum sarrancium maheremium pro gradibus Turris Thesaurarii juxta 
Aulam Capellanorum (one day), 6d. 

In .v. peciis meremii emptis pro domibus Capellanorum et Turri vocata Aumeritour reparandis .vj.s. 

In una pecia meremij quercuum empta de Domino de Sonnynghull pro reparacione predictarum 
domorum 2s. 8d. 

In stipendio Radulfi le Smyth facientis unam Auriculam pro una campana et unum vinculum ferreum 
ad Turrim vocatam Aumeritour de ferro Regis 4d. 

In stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst et duorum sociorum suorum carpentariorum reparancium defectus 
camerarum Capellanorum ex opposito Capelle Regis ac defectus Turris vocate Aumeritour 
(four and a-half days—qs. 6d.+a helper for three and a-half days). 

In stipendiis Johannis de Rikemeresworth cementarii et garcionis sui pinnancium circa Cameras 
Capellanorum et subtus Turrim Episcopi (two and a-half days), i5d. 

In stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst et trium sociorum suorum carpentariorum operancium supra 
Turrim vocatam Aumeritour (five and a-half days), 7s. 4d. 

In stipendiis Willelmi Hemmyng et garcionis sui cubancium plumbum super Aumeritour (five and 
a-half days), 2s. gd. [also for one and a-half day the following week and three and a-half days 
the week after]. 

In stipendio Johannis le Brethere operarij portantis terram et sabulum ad'ponendum subtus plumbum 
super Aumeritour (three days), 6d. 

In stipendiis Johannis de Rikemeresworth cementarii et garcionis sui reparancium murum juxta 
Aumeritour (four and a-half days), 2s. 3d.” 

11 1343-4. “ In convencione pacta cum Willelmo atte Hurst carpentario pro factura domatis Aule Episcopi 

et pro xxxiij couples meremij de eodem emptis, 35s. gd. 

In stipendio Willelmi atte Hurst carpentarii cum .iiij. sociis suis carpentariis operancium circa Aulam 
Episcopi (four days @ 4d.), 7s. 6d. 

In stipendio unius garcionis auxiliantis eisdem (three days), 6d. 

Et in quadam Walplate Aule Episcopi de meremio Regis de certa convencione facienda .xij.d. 

In stipendio Johannis Lovecote carpentarii . . . operantis in Turrello Episcopi. 

1344-5. In stipendiis Walteri le Plomer et garcionis sui faciencium gutteras plumbi juxta Turrim Episcopi 
per .j. diem, 6d. 

In stipendiis (of two men and a boy) tegulancium Stabulum juxta Turrim Episcopi (two and a-half 
dayg), 2s. id.” 

12 1:343-4. “ I n stipendiis (of two masons and a boy) reparancium opus petrinum Turris vocate Clifwuretour 

necnon murum petrinum juxta dictam Turrim (three days), i8d.” 

13 1343-4- “ In stipendio Johannis Lovecote carpentarii facientis unum novum presepe et reparacionis maungeres 

in magno stabulo regis in inferiori balliva (two and a-half days @ 4d.). 


I 2 I 


Documentary .?{otes. 

in stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst carpentarii cum socio suo operancium . . . faciendum Rakkes 

in magno';stabulo Regis. 

In meremio^empto dc Waltcro de Stoke pro baculis ad Rakkes in magno stabulo Regis .vj.d. 

In stipendiis Walteri le Proutc et garcionis sui plastrancium super magnum stabulum, etc. 

In stipendio Willelmi carpentarii operantis circa Garderobam in magno stabulo (one day), qd. 

In stipendiis Walteri le Proute et garcionis sui tegulatorum retegulancium super logium stabuli Regis 
in Castro (half a day). 

In stipendio Johannis Marie carpentarii reparantis presepia pro magnis equis domini Regis per j. 
diem .iiij.d.” 

14 1343-4. “ In stipendio unius hominis querentis duos bokettos in fonte in alta Turri et fonte in superiori 

balliva, 2od. 

In stipendiis Walteri le Plomer et garcionis sui reparancium defectus plumbi super altam Turrim et 
albam Turrim (four and a-half days), 2s. 3d. 

In ij seruris cum clavibus emptis . . . pro hostiis pedis alte Turris et recepte, 8d. 

In stipendiis Johannis Johan et Johannis Chapman operariorum colligendum et cubancium vetus 
meremium pontis ad pedem alte Turris per j. diem .iiij.d. 

In stipendiis Johannis de Rikemcresworth cementarii et garcionis sui pynnancium circa mantellum 
alte Turris per iii dies .xviij.d. 

In stipendiis Johannis le mason et garcionis sui pinnancium subtus mantellum alte Turris et funda- 
mentum stabuli Regine in media balliva (four and a-half days), 2s. 3d. [also another week]. 

In stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst et ij sociorum suorum carpentariorum scapulancium meremium 
pro bordis inde habendis ad ponendum subtus plumbum in alta Turri ac reparantis gradus dicte 
Turris (four and a-half days), 4s. 6d. [also for three and a-half days the following week]. 

1344-5. I n CC. de Chitnail emptis pro plumbo in alta Turri affirmando, 3d. 

“ In stipendio Ricardi Mundy extraentis bokettum de fonte in alta Turri .xij.d. ob.” 

16 T 343~4- “ In stipendiis Johannis de Rikemeresworth Cementarii et garcionis sui pynnancium murum subtus 

latrinam domine de Vesci et alibi per loca (four and a-half days), 2s. 3d. 

1344-5. In stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst carpentarii et duorum sociorum suorum construencium cloacam 
Camere Domine de Vescy in superiori balliva (five and a-half days), 5s. 6d. 

In stipendio Ricardi Mundy detegulantis dictam cloacam per j diem 2d. Et in stipendio Johannis 
Chapman prostrantis parietes ejusdem et auxiliantis dictis Carpentarioribus ac purgantis gutteras 
per loca per .v. dies, iod. 

In stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst et duorum sociorum suorum carpentariorum reparancium Cameram 
Domine de Vescy, etc. 3s. 6d. Et in stip. Radulfi le Smyth facientis .ij. vertivellas pro camera 
Domine de Vescy de ferro Regis .iiij.d. 

In stipendiis Ricardi Mundy et garcionis sui tegulancium super cloacam Camere Domine de Vescy 
per iij dies et di. 2id. 

In stipendiis Ricardi Mundy (and boy) tegulancium super Cameram Domine de Vescy et Coquinam 
Regis (four and a-half days), 2s. 3d. 

In stipendiis Walteri le Proute et socij sui cum uno garcioni eisdem deservienti daubancium parietes 
circa Cameram Domine de Vescy (four days), 2s. 4d.” 

10 1343-4. “ In stipendiis Ricardi Mundy tegulatoris et garcionis sui retegulancium super Aulam Regis et 

cameras domine Regine (two and a-half days), I5d. 

In stipendiis Ricardi Mundy et Johannis Mundy tegulatorum (4- two boys) tegulancium super domus 
specierum, Aulam Regine, Norcerie, et Cameram Janitoris, 5s. 

In stipendiis Ricardi Dodelere et garcionis sui tegulancium super Cameram Regine (half a day), 3d. 

In stipendiis Johannis Mundy tegulatoris et garcionis sui tegulancium super Cameram et Aulam 
Regine (two and a-half days), i5d. [also the week following]. 

In stipendiis Walteri le Proute et garcionis sui plastrancium super magnum stabulum et Cameram 
Regine (one and a-half day). 

In stipendiis (of a tiler and boy for one and a-half day) tegulancium super Aulam Regine. 

In stipendiis (mason and boy) reparantium muros petrinos Aule Regine et muros exteriores ejusdem 
juxta Coquinam Regis in superiori balliva (two and a-half days), i5d. 

In stipendiis (of a tiler and boy for two and a-half days) retegulancium Aulam Regine Panetriam 
et Norceriam, I5d. 

In stipendiis (of a tiler and boy for five days) retegulancium Aulam Regine Salseriam Larderiam 
et Coquinam, 2s. 6d. 

I 344~5- In stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst et duorum sociorum suorum carpentariorum operancium circa 
logiam domine Regine in superiori balliva (three days), 3s. 

In stipendiis Walteri le Prout et garcionis sui latchancium super logiam domine Regine per di. diem, 3d. 

In stipendiis Johannis de Rikemeresworth cementarii et garcionis sui reparancium Boteraces circa 
Capellam Regine (four days), 2s. 

In stipendiis Ricardi Mundy et garcionis sui et Walteri le Prout et garcionis sui tegulatorum tegu- 
lancium super logiam Regine (three days), 3s. 

In stipendio Walteri le Prout et garcionis sui reparancium plumbum supra Cameram Regine et 
faciencium gutteram de novo inter Norceriam et logiam Regine in superiori balliva (four and 
a-half days), 2s. 3d. 

In stipendio Radulfi le Smyth facientis iiij craumpones ferreos et unum vinculum ferreum pro guttera 
in logia Regine supponenda ac ligantis unam patellam ligneam pro plumbo jactando de ferro 
Regis, 1 2d. 

I l stipendiis Johannis Gyleway et unius socij sui carpentariorum faciencium gutteras in predicta 
logia Regine (two and a-half days), I2d. 

In stipendiis ij sociorum suorum carpentariorum operancium circa easdem ac bordancium gradus 
Camere Regine (four and a-half days), 3s. 

In stipendiis Walteri le Plomer et garcionis sui reparancium plumbum super Turrim Regine in 
superiori balliva (one and a-half day), gd. 

In stipendiis Johannis Gylewai et socii sui carpentariorum reparancium haudera in Camera et Garde- 
roba Regine in superiori balliva (four days), 2s. 8d. 

In stipendiis Johannis Gylewai et socii sui carpentariorum reparancium haudera in Garderoba domini 
Regis in superiori balliva ac eciam reparancium meremium supra Turrim Regine ibidem (four 
and a-half days), 3s. 

In stipendiis Walteri le Plomer et garcionis sui tegencium dictam Turrim cum plumbo (four and a-half 
days), 2s. 3d.” 

17 I 343 _ 4- In stipendiis (of three men) plastrancium circa . . . Salseriam in superiori balliva. 

In stipendiis Ricardi Mundy tegulatoris et garcionis sui retegulancium super salseriam (two days), I2d. 


I 22 


IV indso r C astle. 


1343 - 4 - 


1344 - 5 - 


19 


1343 - 4 - 


1344 - 5 - 


20 This is a 

21 * 343 - 4 - 


22 1343 - 4 - 


In stipendiis Walteri le Proute et garcionis sui daubancium parietes circa salseriam (one day), 5d. 

In stipendiis ejusdem Ricardi et garcionis sui daubancium circa salseriam in superiori balliva per 
.j. diem et di .vij.d. 

In stipendiis Johannis Lovecote carpentarii facientis interclausum salsarie in superiori balliva, etc.” 

" In stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst carpentarii cum uno socio suo operancium circa domus [sic] 
specierum, etc. 

In stipendiis Ricardi Mundy et Johannis Mundy tegulatorum et ij garcionum deserviencium eisdem 
tegulancium super domus specierum, Aulam Regine, Norcerie, et cameram Janitoris per v. 

dies, 5s. 

In stipendiis Walteri le Prout et socii sui cum ij. garcionibus eisdem deservientibus daubancium 
domum specierum et Cameram Janitoris (five days), 3s. 6d. 

In stipendio unius Cementarii emendantis hostia petrina pro domo specierum (half a day), 2d. 

In uno carpentario emendantis hostia et fenestras pro dicta Camera (one day), 4d. 

In iiij. gumphis et iiij. vertivellis pro uno hostio et fenestra ibidem emptis, 6d. 

In stipendio Radulfi le Smyth facientis quoddam instrumentum ferri vocatum Crowe necnon iiij 
vertivellos pro fenestris domus specierum x.d. de ferro Regis. 

In stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst et socii sui per iij dies operancium in parvo stabulo juxta domum 
Specierum domini Regis, 2s.” 

“ In stipendiis (of two tilers and two boys) retegulancium super . . . Stabulum Constabularii. 

In stipendiis Thome Dychingge et socii sui faciencium diversa hostia et fenestras super Cameram 
Constabularii et ultra fontem vocatum Quene Welle (three and a-half days), 2s. oj-d. 

In una serura cum clave empt. pro hostio stabuli Constabularii, 2d. 

In stipendio Radulfi le Smyth facientis unum haspe et unum stapel pro hostio stabuli Constabularii 
claudendo et facientis unum vinculum pro quadam rota pro meheremio ad loca diversa cariando 
liganda de ferro suo proprio, 3d.” 

new name for, apparently, the Seneschal’s tower on the north side of the inner bailey. 

“ In stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst carpentarii cum socio suo operancium . . . super albam 

Turrim, etc. 

In stipendiis Johannis de Rikemeresworth Cementarij cum stipendio garcionis sui faciencium corbellos 
in alba Turri et reparacionis scanna in Aula Regis per ij. dies et di .xv.d. 

In stipendiis Walteri le Plomer et garcionis sui reparancium delectus plumbi super altam Turrim et 
albam Turrim (four and a-half days), 2s. 3d. 

In stipendiis Johannis de Rikemeresworth Cementarij et garcionis sui ponencium corbellos in alba 
Turri (four and a-half days), 2s. 3d. 

In stipendiis Simonis le mason et garcionis sui faciencium corbellos et ponencium eosdem in dicta 
Turri (five days), 2s. 6d.” 

“ In iiij Seruris cum clavibus emptis de Johanne Sagar de Stanes ad hostia celarij domini Regis, 
novi brittagij et hostio quo dominus Rex se prosternit ad arma pro justis ibidem, et pro novo 
hostio Camere domine de Vesci .x.d.” 


1343 - 4 - 

1344 - 5 - 
5 1343 - 4 - 


1344-5. “ stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst et quatuor sociorum suorum carpentariorum prostrancium 

scapulancium et fabricancium maheremium pro Bretagio in superiori balliva per ij. dies .iii.s. iiij .d.” 
“ In uno Posterno ad exitum Castri mundando .ij.d.” 

“ In ij stapulis j haspe emptis de Radulfo le Smyth pro quodam hostio privato in superiori balliva,” etc. 
“ In stipendiis (two tilers and two boys) retegulancium super Stabulum Regine, etc. 

In veteri meremio stabuli Regine prostrati portando in aliam domum ne furaretur, x.d. 

In duabus cartariis cariancium dictum meremium ad dictam domum per di. diem .vij.d. 

In stipendio Gilberti Dodeler eradicantis plumbum in superiori balliva et portantis dictum plumbum 
in eandem domum ne furaretur per dj. diem .iiij .d. 

In stipendio Roberti Petipas cartarij cum carta sua cariantis vetus meremium et plumbum a superiori 
balliva usque ad inferiorem ballivam ad ponendum ibidem sub salva custodia ne furaretur per 
ij. dies xvj.d. 

In stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst et iij sociorum suorum carpentariorum fabricancium meremium 
pro quodam Stabulo in media balliva de novo construendo per j. diem et di. 2s. 

In stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst et iij sociorum suorum carpentariorum operancium circa dictum 
stabulum per iiij dies et di. vi.s 

[The work of the stable was continued for seven other weeks. Some of the entries relating 
to it are as follows :] 

In stipendiis Ricardi Mundy tegulatoris et garcionis sui tegulancium in media balliva super stabulum 
Regine (four and a-half days), 2s. 3d. 

In stipendiis Johannis le mason et garcionis sui pinnancium subtus mantellum alte Turris et 
fundamentum stabuli Regine in media balliva (four and a-half days), 2s. 3d. 

In stipendiis Willelmi Gylewai et socii sui carpentariorum scapulancium meremium pro maungers 
et alijs necessarijs in stabulo Regine predicto faciendis (one and a-half day), I2d. 

In stipendiis Willelmi atte Hurst et ij sociorum suorum carpentariorum faciencium maungers in 
stabulo Regine predicto (two days), 2s. 

1344-5. I ' 1 stipendio Roberti Petipas caretarii cum carecta sua cariacionis terram et petras pro Beemfullynge 

in stabulo Regine predicto per .j. diem .v.d. 

In stipendio Walteri le Proute facientis Beemfullyng et Parjettyngge in dicto stabulo per ij. dies, 5d.” 
20 “ De protectione pro venientibus ad jiistas apud Wyndesore. 

Rex, etc. Sciatis quod cum ad recreationem et solatium hominum militarium qui in armorum excercitio 
delectantur habere disposuerimus liastiludia et justas generales apud castrum nostrum de Wyndesore die Lunae 
proximo post festum Sancti Hilarii proximo futurum : Nos volentes securitati omnium et singulorum cujuscumque 
regionis sive nationis fuerint illuc ex hac causa tunc venire volentium providere suscepimus omnes et singulos tarn 
milites domicellos ac scutiferos cujuscumque regionis vel loci fuerint sic venire volentes servientes et bona eorum 
quaecumque illuc veniendo ibidem morando et exinde ad propria redeundo in salvum et securum conductum nostrum 
ac protectionem et defensionem nostras speciales : Et ideo vobis mandamus quod omnibus et singulis sic venientibus, 
etc. [prout in cceteris de conductu Uteris], In cujus rei, etc. usque ad octabas Purificationis beatae Mariae Virginis 
proximo futuras duraturas. Teste Rege apud Ditton primo die Januarii.” Rymer, Foedera (new edition) ii. part ii. 
1242, from Patent Roll, 17 Edward III, part ii. m. 2. 

In 1343—4 St. Hilary’s Day was Tuesday, so the Monday after would be 19th January, which is the date given 
by Adam of Murimuth. 

27 “ Hoc anno ordinavit dominus rex habere nobilissima hastiludia sive tirocinium in loco nativitatis suae, 
videlicet in castro de Wyndesore, die videlicet Januarii .xix. et xiiij. Kalendas Februarii, quae competenti tempore 
praecedenti fecit tarn in partibus transmarinis quam in Anglia publice proclamari. Ad quae etiam fecit omnes dominas 


123 


Documentary Nyttes. 

australium partium Anglian et uxores burgcnsium Londoniensium per suas literas invitari. Congregate igitur comitibus, 
baronibus militibus, ct quamplurimis dominabus die Dominica, videlicet xiij. Kalendas February, in castro prEedicto, 
fecit rex solempne convivium, ita quod magna aula ipsius castri plena exstitit dominabus, nec fuit aliquLs masculus 
inter cas praetor duos milites qui soli dc Francia ad solempnitatem hujusmodi acccsserunt. in quo convivio lueiunt 
dua; reginae, ix. comitissae, uxores baronum, militum, et burgcnsium, quae non potuerunt facility numerari, quas rex 
ipse personaliter in locis suis secundum ordinem collocavit. Princeps vero Walliae, dux Comubiae, comites, barones, 
ct milites, una cum toto populo in tentorio et locis aliis comederunt, ubi fuerunt cibaria et omnia alia necessaria 
pneparata et omnibus liberalitcr et sine murmurc liberata ; et in sero choreae et tripudia diversa solempniter ordinata. 
Et tribus diebus sequentibus rex cum aliis decern et novem militibus tenuit haistiludia contra omnes ab extrinseco 
venientes • et idem dominus, non propter favorem regium, sed propter magnum laborem quern sustinuit ct propter 
fortunam ’ quam dicto triduo habuit, inter intrinsecos gratias reportavit. Extrinsecus vero dominus Miles dc 
Stapeltona primo die, dominus Philippus Despenser secundo die, dominus Johannes Blount tertio die, gratias 
reportarunt. Die vero Jovis sequente post hastiludia domicellorum, dominus rex fecit ccenam magnam in qua suam 
rotundam tabulam inchoavit, et juramenta quorumdam comitum et baronum et militum quos voluit esse de dicta 
tabula rotunda recepit sub certa forma ad dictam rotundam tabulam pertinente : et pnefixit diem rotunda; tabul.e 
tenendae ibidem in festo Pentecostes proximo tunc futuro, et omnibus praesentibus dedit licenciam cum gratiarum 
actionibus ad propria remeandi. Ordinavit etiam postea quod ibidem fieret una nobilissima domus, in qua posset 
dicta rotunda tabula teneri in termino assignato ; ad quam faciendam, caementarios et carpentarios ceterosque artifices 
deputavit, et tam ligna quam lapides provideri proecepit, non parcendo laboribus vel expensis. A quo opere fuit 
postea ex'certis causis cessatum.” Ada Murimuth Continuaiio Chronicarum, edited by Edward Maunde Thompson 
(Rolls Series 93), 155, 156. 

28 The January dates are those which are correct ; see the King’s letters of protection quoted above. 

29 “ ]j e solempnitate facta apud Wyndelsore per illustrissimum regent Edwardum, regent Anglia et Francia, in die sancti 

Georgii martyris. . . 

Anno Domini millesimo CCC mo XLIII°, pontificatus papae vero dementis sexti anno secundo, et regni regis 
Edwardi tertii a conquaestu xvij . incipiendo semper et finiendo ad festum sancti Michaelis, a quo quidem festo usque 
ad festum Purificationis beatae Mariae non fuerunt aliqua facta fama seu relatione multum digna, sed Dominica proxima 
post festum Purificationis beatae Mariae, apud Wyndeshore, fecit dominus rex maximam solempnitatem et convivium 
grande ; cui fecit convenire filium suum primogenitum, principem Walliae, comites, barones, et milites, et alios regni 
nobiles quam plures. Fuerunt etiam ibidem domina regina Philippa, cum liberis suis, domina regina mater, domina 
Isabella, comitissae, baronissae, necnon dominae et domicellae, cum cetero populo inenarrabili, super tanta solempnitate 
gavisuro. Sicque inter epulas pretiosas affuerunt et potus delicatissimi abundantes ad cujuscumque satietatem. Inter 
dominos et dominas non defuerunt tripudia, amplexus ad invicem commiscentes et oscula. Inter milites excercebantur 
hastiludia per triduum continuata ; ab histrionibus summa fit melodia, laetaque diversa ; his dantur mutatoria ; his 
abundabant donaria ; hi auri et argenti ditabantur copia. Qua; quidem solempnitas duravit diebus Dominica, Luna;, 
Martis, et Mercurii ; quo die ad noctem, post finem hastiludiorum, fecit dominus rex proclamari, ne aliquis dominus 
aut domina recedere praesumerent, sed per mane exspectarent, voluntatem domini regis scituri. Quo mane, hoc 
est, die Jovis, superveniente, circa horam primam fecit se dominus rex solempniter parari vestibus regalibus et 
solempnibus ; sed superius habuit indutum unum mantellum de felveto preciosissimum, et coronam regiam^in capite 
positam. Regina similiter nobilissime fuit adornata ; comites, barones, ac ceteri domini et dominae, cum omni decentia 
qua potuerunt juxta praeceptum domini regis, cum eodem apud capellam in castello de Wyndelsore progressuri et 
missam audituri se paraverunt. Qua celebrata, exivit dominus rex a capella, quern praeibant dominus Henricus comes 
Derby, tanquam seneschallus Angliae, et dominus Willelmus comes Sarisburiae, tanquam mareschallus Anglia;, utroque 
colore officii sui virgam in manu gestante ; et ipso domino rege sceptrum regale in manu tenente. Sequebantur etiam 
domina regina juvenis, et domina regina mater, princeps Walliae, comites, barones, milites, et proceres, cum dominabus 
et omni populo, hujusmodi spectaculum visuri insolitum, usque ad locum stationi dispositum. In quo loco idem 
dominus rex et omnes alii insimul steterunt, et, oblato libro, dominus rex, tactis sacrosanctis, corporale praestitit 
juramentum quod ipse ad certum tempus ad hoc limitatum, dummodo sibi facultas arrideat, mensam rotundam inciperet, 
eodem modo et statu quo earn dimisit dominus Arthurus quondam rex Angliae, scilicet ad numerum trecentorum 
militum, et earn foveret et manuteneret pro viribus, numerum semper inaugendo. Ad quod quidem observandum, 
sustinendum, promovendum in omnibus suis appendiciis, comites Derby, Sarisburiae, Warewykiae, Arundelliae, 
Penbrokioe, et Suffolkiae, ac alii barones et milites quam plures, quos probitas et fama promovit laude fore dignos, 
consimile fecerunt juramentum. Quo facto, sonantibus tubis et nachariis universitaliter, convivae properabant ad 
comestum ; qui quidem comestus fuit completus cum cibariorum opulentia, ferculorum varietate, potuum affluente 
copiositate : gaudium fuit ineffabile, solatium inaestimabile, jocunditas sine murmuratione, hilaritas absque anxietate. 
Ultimis itaque primis respondentibus, terminatum est regale convivium, ut quinto die post prandium unusquisque 
ad propria remearet.” Ada Murimuth Continuaiio Chronicarum (Rolls Series 93), 231, 232. 

30 1343-4, 25th — -31st January. “In ij carettis cum ij hominibus conductis cariantibus arenam pro pontibus Castri cum 
dicta arena cooperiendis. ne frangerentur cum magno cariagio tabule rotunde perij diesij.s. viij.d. 

In iiij hominibus spargentibus dictam arenam super dictos pontes per ij. dies xvj.d. 

In bruera pro dictis pontibus onerandis et exaltandis cum dicta arena empta .xij.d. 

In cariagio dicte bruers [sic] .viij.d.’’ 

7th — 13th March. “ In stipendio Osberti le Taverner cum caretta sua cariantis arenam pro pontibus 
ponderandis per j. diem viij.d. (+two men helping, 4d.).” 

1344, 25th April — 1st May. “ In stipendiis Johannis de Rikemeresworth cementarij et garcionis sui pinnancium 
subtus pontem in media balliva et subtus pontem ad caput capelle (three and a-half days), xxj.d.” 
6th — -12th June. “ In stipendiis Johannis de Rikemeresworth et Johannis le Mason Cementariorum et ij 
garcionum suorum pynnancium opus petrinum sub ponte juxta Capellam,’’ etc. 
nth — 17th July. “ In stipendio Johannis de Brether ponderantis pontem versus superiorem ballivam per 
j diem et di. 3d. 

In una caretata bruere empt. pro pontibus ponderandis, 5d.” 

31 “ De carpentariis eligendis pro operationibus in castro de Wyndesore. 

Rex, etc. Sciatis quod assignavimus dilectum nobis Willielmum de Horle carpentarium nostrum ad eligendum 
per se vel deputatos suos tot carpentarios in civitatibus burgis et aliis locis regni nostri Anglia; tam infra libertates 
quam extra ubicumque eos inveniri contigerit quot pro quibusdam operationibus quas in castro nostro de Wyndesore 
fieri ordinavimus faciendis indignerit et eos ad castrum praedictum cum ea celeritate qua poterit ducend. ibidem ad 
vadia nostra super operationibus praedictis moraturos : 

Et ideo vobis et cuilibet vestrum mandamus firmiter injungentes quod eidem Willielmo et deputatis suis praedictis 
in praemissis faciendis et exequendis intendentes sitis consulentes et auxiliantes quociens et prout per ipsum Willielmum 
vel dictos deputatos suos seu eorum aliquem super hoc ex parte nostra fueritis requisiti. In cujus, etc. Teste Rege 
apud Westmonasterium xvi die Februarii. Per ipsum Regem. 

De cementariis eligendis. 

Rex, etc. salutem. Sciatis quod assignavimus dilectum nobis Willielmum de Ramseye cementarium nostrum 
ad eligendum per se vel deputatos suos tot cementarios in civitate nostra London, ac comitatibus Ivancie, Norff. Suffi 
Bed. et Nortit. tam infra libertates quam extra, etc. ut supra. [Same date.] Per ipsum Regem. 


IV incisor Castle. 


1 24 


Memorandum. 

Et memorandum quod istae duae commissiones supradictae duplicatae fuerunt sub eadem data, cum ista 
clausula, exceptis illis qui in ecclesiis et monasteriis operantur, post illud verbum indignerit et tunc sic et 
eos ad castrum prcedictum, etc. ut supra. Per ipsum Regem.” 

Rymer, Fcedera (new edition), iii. part i. 6, from Patent Roll, 18 Edward III, part i. m. 39 dors. 

32 “ De operationibus apud Wyndesore. 

Rex, etc. Sciatis quod assignavimus dilectum nobis Willielmum de Langele ad capiendum quociens opus fuerit 
per.se^vel suos deputatos in comitatibus Oxon. Berk, et Midd. sufticiencia cariagia pro petra et maeremio quae in comi- 
tatibus illis pro quibusdam operationibus in castro nostro de Wyndesore emi et provideri ordinavimus usque dictum 
castrum de Wyndesore pro denariis nostris inde solvendis ducendis et cariandis : 

Et ideo vobis mandamus quod eidem Willielmo ac deputatis suis praedictis in captione cariagiorum illorum et 
aliis praemissis intendentes sitis consulentes et auxiliantes quociens vobis vel alicui vestrum scire fecerint ex parte 
nostra. 

In cujus, etc. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium xviii. die Februarii. Per ipsum Regem. 

Consimilem commissionem habet Stephanus de Harpham ad hujusmodi cariagia in eisdem comitatibus 
capiendis. Teste ut supra. 

De shutis capiendis pro operationibus prcedictis. 

Rex, etc. Sciatis quod assignavimus dilectum nobis Joliannem Knyght ad arestandum et capiendum quociens 
opus fuerit per se vel suos deputatos tam in London, quam alibi per aquam Thamisise inter London, et Wyndesore 
shutas competentes pro diversis estoveriis nostris a locis variis per costeram dictse aquae usque ad castrum nostrum 
de Wyndesore pro denariis nostris inde rationabiliter solvendis ducendis. Et ideo vobis mandamus quod eidem Johanni 
ac deputatis suis praedictis in arestatione et captione shutarum praedictarum et aliis praemissis intendentes sitis, etc. 
ut supra. , Per ipsum Regem.” 

Rymer, Fcedera (new edition), iii. part i. 6, from Patent Roll, 18 Edward III, part i. m. 39 dors. 

33 Patent Roll, 18 Edward III, part i. m. 34^. 

34 Ibid, part ii. m. 39. 

35 “ Compotus Alani de Killum clerici assignati ad quasdam operaciones infra Castrum Regis de Wyndesore 
faciendas anno .xviij per breve Regis de privato sigillo datum .xij. die Novembris eodem anno directum Thesaurario 
et Baronibus irrotulatum in Memorandum de anno .xix. termino Michaelis per quod Rex mandavit eisdem quod cum 
eodem Alano de denariis per ipsum receptis super factura operacionum Regis apud Wyndesore unde idem Alanus se 
vult one'rare computent facientes prefato Alano racionabilem allocacionem per testimonium fratris Johannis Walerand 
supervisoris et Contrarotulatoris operacionum predictarum .videlicet de receptis suis et expensis et vadiis per ipsum 
Alanum factis et solutis. 

\ [Sum received £461 8s. 8d.] 

Expense : 

Idem computat in diversis petris tam de Cadamo et Raggis de Kancia quam de Whatele pro operacionibus Regis 
predictis Talwod et Fagotis pro calce apud lymeputtes et meremium pro quodam fonte infra Castrum predictum faciendo 
de diversis et per diversas vices emptis inter .xv. diem Februarii anno .xviij 0 quo die dicte operaciones incipiebantur 
et .xxvij. diem Novembris proximum sequentem quo die operaciones ille cessabant per visum et testimonium predicti 
fratris Johannis .Cviij.li. xvij.s. q a sicut continetur in Rotulo de particulis quern libera vit in thesauro et eciam in 
Contrarotulo predicti fratris Johannis similiter in thesauro liberato. 

Et in tegulis lathis Tylcpynnes lathenailes pro dictis operacionibus ibidem emptis una cum cariagio dictarum 
tegularum del penne usque castrum ibidem .vij.li. vj.s. viij.d. etc. 

Et in lxxvij Barowes quorum vj de virgis .v. tinis .xij. alviolis pro morterio imponendo .x. bollis pro aqua super 
morterium spargenda .j. pipa .ij doliis pro aqua infra cariandis .vj. cuvis pro aqua imponenda .j. tunder et .j. skopa 
pro aqua in eisdem doliis infundenda .vj. cribris et culdors pro morterio faciendo .v. polis de firre pro dicta domo 
mensuranda iiij or grynstones pro instruments Cementariorum acuendis .ij. sarris pro sarracione petre .vj. picoys 
et .vj. mattoks .iiij. Rastellis de ferro .ij. furcis ferreis .iij. securibus pro bosco coppandis .x. wegges pro quarrera .iiij. 
hamers .iiij. Trowellis .vj. hirdellis pro lymeputtes .j. slegge .j. securi .xxx. ladlis pro cemento fundendo bordis pro 
squiris lath et lathenayl pro caminis forgis ibidem ferro et ascere pro diversis necessariis inde faciendis et reparandis 
per diversas vices emptis una cum emendacione instrumentorum Cementariorum et mundacione .ij. fontium infra 
castrum predictum pro aqua ibidem habenda .ix.li. xvij.d. ob. 

Et in batillagio et cariagio petrarum meremii terre calcis et arene tam per terram quam per aquam de diversis 
locis usque predictum Castrum infra tempus predictum f^ij.li. xviij .d. 

Et in vadiis diversorum Cementariorum Carpentariorum Sarratorum fabrorum et aliorum diversorum operariorum 
operancium super operacionibus Regis predictis per totum tempus predictum .CCliiij.li. iij.s. iij.d. ob. 

Et in vadiis predicti Alani morantis super operacionibus predictis apud castrum predictum per ^ xviij. dies 
infra tempus predictum et predicti fratris Johannis Walerand similiter morantis super eisdem operacionibus per 
CCjjjj vj • dies videlicet per totum tempus predictum xlvj.li. viij.s. utrique eorum per diem .ij .s. per breve Regis, etc- 

Summa expensarum .D.vij.li. xvij.s. xj.d. ob. 

Et habet de superplusagio xlvj.li. ix.s. iij.d. ob.” 

Pipe Roll, 18 Edward III, m. 45. 

36 Now Bisham, in Bucks. 

37 “ Contraro lulus Fratris Johannis de Walrande contrarotularii Alani de Killum clerici Regis de diversis 
expensis ac vadiis per ipsum Alanum factis et solutis circa fundacionem cujusdam domus rotunde infra Castrum de 
Wyndesore a xvj° die Februarii anno regni Regis Edwardi tercij post conquestum xviij° usque xxvij diem Novembris 
proximum sequentem. 

i a Septimana : 

Cementarii Cissores — Magistro Willelmo de Rameseye pro vadiis suis ad .vij.s. per septimanam, unius 
Cementarii Cissoris pro vadiis suis ad iiij.s. iiij quolibet ad .iij.s. ij. utroque ad .ij .s. ij.d. iij. quolibet 
ad ij s. iiij.d. ij. utroque ad ij.s. iij.d. unius ad. ij.s. ij.d. et pro quolibet ad ij.s. per septimanam inter 
xvj. diem Februarij et xxj. diem ejusdem mensis comp, anno xviij .. .. lxj.s. viij.d. 

Carpentaria — Magistro Willelmo de Hurle pro vadiis suis ad .vij.s. iij. Carpentariorum auolibet ad iij.d. 
per diem per iiij dies infra dictum tempus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xj.s. 

Operarij — Et pro vadiis iiij quolibet ad .iiij.d. per diem : et xiij quolibet ad ij.d. per diem apud Lympittes 
per iiij dies infra dictum tempus .. .. .. .. •• •• •• •• xiiij.s. 

Summa. iiij .li : vj.s : viij.d. 

ij a Septimana : 

Cementarii Cissores — Magistro Willelmo de Rameseye pro vadiis suis ad vij.s. ij. utroque ad .iiij.s. iiij 
quolibet ad .iij.s. viij quolibet ad ij.s. vj.d. vj. quolibet ad ij.s. iiij.d. vj quolibet ad ij.s. iij.d. vj 
quolibet ad ij.s. vj.d. xv. quolibet ad .ij.s. vj quolibet ad xxj.d. et v. quolibet ad xij.d. per 
septimanam a xxiij die Februarii usque vicesimum octavum diem ejusdem mensis utroque comput. 
per vj dies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • • • • • • • • vj.li. xiij.s. 


Documentary -?{otes. 


1 2 5 


Cementarii Positores — Willelmo Bond Cementario positori pro vadiis suis ad ij.s. ij.d. iiij quolibct ad 
ij.s. iij quolibet ad xxij.d. iiij quolibet ad xx.d. iij quolibet ad xviij.d. et iij quolibet ad xv.d. 
per septimanam per idem tempus.. .. .. .. .. •• •• •• xxxv.s. vij.d. 

Operarii apnd Bristelsham — -Et pro vadiis unius supervisoris apud Quarreram de Bristelsham ad ij.s. iiij. d. 
v. quolibet ad xiij.d. xxv quolibet ad xj.d. xxviij per iiij dies et dimidium. x per iij dies et dimidium 
et iij per ij dies et dimidium quolibet ad ij.d. per diem infra dictum tempus . . . . Iviij.s. ix.d. 

Carpentaria — Magistro Willelmo de Hurle pro vadiis suis ad vij.s. iij carpentariis quolibet ad ij.s. unius 
ad xxj.d. ij ad xviij.d. et unius ad xv.d. per septimanam per idem tempus infra Castrum xix.s. 

Operarij — Et pro vadiis unius fabri ad ij.s. unius ad xij.d. et unius ad ix.d. per septimanam per idem 
tempus .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. •• •• •• iij *s. ix.d. 

Et pro vadiis C.^ xj hominum operancium infra Castrum et xx apud Sandpittes quolibet ad 
xij.d. per septimanam , . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. x.li. xj.s. 

Summa. xxij : li : xvj : s : j : d.” 
Accounts, etc. (Exch. K.R.) 492/26. 

38 “ Ad ordinandam accumulacionem lapidum gradatim [ne frangerentur written in]’’ 

39 Easter Day in 1344 fell on 4th April. 

40 The only expenditure for this week was William of Ramsey’s 7s. 

41 “ Circa muros cooperandos tabule rotunde.” 

42 " Commissionarii — Pro vadiis Ricardi Neweman / Martini de Wadhirst / Thome Coursy et Johannis Erie 
missorum usque partes Norff. Suff. Kane. Surr. Norht. Bed. London, et Midd. cum commissionibus 
et literis sub privato sigillo pro operariis attachiantibus et adducendis usque Wyndesors pro quibusdam 
operibus Regis ibidem faciendis pro vadiis suis quolibet ad .vj.d. et pro vadiis Thome Forester, 
Johannis Wodward, Johannis Toumour, et Ricardi Durham similiter missorum usque partes predictas 
ex causa predicta pro vadiis suis quolibet ad .iiij .d. per diem inter xvj. diem Februarij et xxj. diem 
Marcij per xxviij. dies deductis vadiis .iiij. de predictis ad iiij.d. per unum dies . . iiij.li. xij.s. 

Bletchyngle — Et pro vadiis unius Carpentaria supervisoris ad vj.d. inter xx. diem Februarij et xvj. diem 
Marcij per xiiij dies .vij.s. Et unius apud Blechyngle et Raigate ad .iiij.d. per diem per xxviij dies 
.ix.s. iiij.d. Et pro vadiis xvj. carpentariorum apud Blechyngle quolibet ad .iij.d. per diem per 
xiiij dies et unius per unum diem .lvj.s. iij.d. . . . . . . . . Summa Ixxij.s. vij.d. 

Ray gat — Et pro vadiis ij carpentariorum quolibet ad iiij.d. per diem apud Raigat per iiij dies unius per 
iij dies unius per ij dies .ij. utroque ad iij.d. per ij dies et ij sarratorum utroque ad .iiij.d. per unum 
diem .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. vj.s. 


Holshet — Et pro vadiis unius Carpentarii ad vj.d. apud Holshet inter ix diem Marcij et primum diem 
Aprilis proximum sequens per xviij dies .ix.s. Et pro vadiis .ij. utroque ad iiij.d. per xiiij. dies et 
dimidium iij. per xj dies unius per xij dies et unius per v. dies et dimidium quolibet capiente ut 
supra infra dictum tempus xxvj.s. vj.d. Et pro vadiis v quolibet per xiiij dies et dimidium unius 
per xiij. dies ij per xj dies et unius per x dies quolibet predictorum capiente iij.d. per diem infra 
dictum tempus xxix.s. j.d. Et pro vadiis iiij copatorum per unum diem / ij per iij dies et dimidihm 
quolibet predictorum capiente iiij.d. per diem. Et pro v. ad iij.d. per diem per iij. dies et dimidium 
infra dictum tempus viij.s. — Ixxij.s. xj.d. . . . . . . . . Summa. Ixxviij.s. xj.d. 

Worth — Et pro Copagio xij. arborum apud Forestham de Worth ex certa convencione . . ij.s. 

Ryslep — Et pro Copagio xij. arborum apud Ryslep ex certa convencione .ij.s. et pro vadiis ij. carpen- 
tariorum utroque ad iiij.d. per diem .ij. utroque ad iij.d.ob. per diem et unius ad iij.d. laborantibus 
in parco de Ryslep inter xx diem Marcii et primum diem Aprilis per v. dies et dimidium viij.s. iij.d. — 
x.s. iij.d. Et pro vadiis unius ad vj.d. per diem per xx dies .ij. utroque ad iiij.d. per xvj dies ij. 
utroque ad iij.d.ob. per xvj. dies et unius ad iij.d. per xvj dies inter xxix diem Marcij et ultimum 
diem Aprilis Computat. — xxxiiij.s... .. .. .. .. .. Summa xlvj.s. iij.d. 

Sarratores — Et pro vadiis ij sarratorum infra Castrum per x dies utroque ad iij.d. ob. per diem inter 
primum diem Marcij et xiiij diem ejusdem mensis v.s. x.d. 

Et pro vadiis iiij operariorum facientium Talwod et Fagot pro Lympittes per xj. dies quolibet 
ad iij.d. per diem per dictum tempus .xj.s. Et pro vadiis unius hominis existentis ultra copagium 
bosci et ultra cartacionem ejusdem per xij. dies — ij.s. . . . . Summa xviij. s. x.d. 

Plumbarius — Et pro vadiis unius plumbarii ad vj.d. et unius garcionis sui ad ij.d. per idem inter ultimum 
diem Februarii et xiiij diem Marcii proximum sequens per ix dies . . Summa vj.s. 

adhuc Raygate — Willelmo de Wynchelse carpentario assignato ad supervidendos laborarios in parco de 
Raygate et alibi pro vadiis suis ad vj.d per diem per xxj dies vj carpentariis apud Raygate per 
.iiij. dies quolibet ad iiij.d per diem vij. aliis ibidem ad iiij.d per iij. dies / iij quolibet ad iiij.d per 
ij dies xij carpentariis quolibet ad iiij.d per j. diem dimidium et unius ad iiij.d per j diem inter 


primum diem Maij. et xvij diem Julij per vices 
Empcio Petrarum — De Decano Sancti Pauli London pro petris de Caine ab eo emptis 
Ricardo de Colecestre pro petris ab eo emptis ibidem 
Willelmo de Abbotesbiry pro petris ab eo emptis 
Pro cariagio dictarum petrarum apud [sic] usque Tamisiam 
Waltero Harrard pro Cvj. gobet de Caine emptis ibidem 
Eidem pro iiij c dimid. petris vocatis Cune Marchaunt 
Johanni Blom pro C.?* gobettis .C. Cunes de mesura et 1 . Cune Marchant 
Johanni Mulard pro Cj quart, gobetis iiijc. j. quart. Cune Marchant 
Pro j^odmenagio .iij. Navium ducentium dictas petras de partibus de Caine 
Johanni Marberer pro C. dimid. pedibus de Cune de partibus Kancie 
Eidem pro xxvij. Corbels pro quolibet iiij.d. 

Eidem pro M 1 viij c pedibus de Rag’ de partibus Kancie pro quolibet C. viij.s. 
Johanni Peg’ pro lxiij pedibus de skues de Whatele . . 

Eidem et sociis suis pro M 1 pedibus petrarum de Whetele pro quolibet pede j.d. qr. 


Willelmo Abbot pro j.j. xviij petris de Raygate 


xxxiij.s. x.d. 


xl.li. 
iiij.li. x.s. 
viij.li. v.s. 

xl.s. 
. . lxiij .s. 
xxxvj.s. 
vj.li. viij.s. viij.d. 

C.ix.s. 
xviij.d. 
. . xx. s. 

. . ix.s. 

vij.li. iiij.s. 
ix.s. iij.d. qr. 
C.iiij.s. ij.d. 


Waltero de Wighthill pro lxvij peciis de partibus de Stapelton venientibus Londoniam in una 
Navi ponderantibus xxx dolia pro quolibet pondere v.s. . . . . . . vij.li. x.s. 

Johanni Maill de London pro C. gobetis de Caine . . . . . . . . . . . . Ix.s. 

Roberti le Hore pro ij c xxxiij pedibus petrarum de Bentele pro quolibet C.iiij.s. vj.d. x.s. vj.d. 

Summa ^ xviij.li. x.s. j.d. qr. 

Empcio bosci — Willelmo Heryng pro M 1 Talwod expens, apud lympittes . . . . xxxv.s. 

Johanni Bonat ex Waltero Bonat pro M 1 iiij c . iiri Talwod . . . . . . . . . . lix.s. 


IV indsor Castle. 


1 26 


Johanni de Cranstokes pro M 1 D Fagot ab eo empt. 
Thome atte Lefe pro ix c di. Talwod ab eo empt. 
Johanni atte Loke pro M 1 . L. Talwood ab eo empt. 
Johanni Godfray pro maeremio ab eo empto 


Summa x 


li 


vj 


xxxvii.s. vj.d. 
xxxiij.s. iij.d. 

xlij.s. 
. .x.s. ij.d. 


X J 


d. 

xxviij.s. 


vij .d . 
ix.d. 
ij.s. xj.d. 
ij.s. ij.d. 
xj.d. 
. . viij.s. 

vij.d. 
.. iij.d. 

v.d. 
vij.s. ix.d. 

ij.s. ij.d. 
viij.d. 
. . ix.d. 
xvij.d. ob. 
ij.s. iiij.d. ob. 
xv.s. iiij.d. ob. 
iiij.s. vj.d. 
vj.s. ij.d. 
v.s. 
ix.d. 
vj.d. 
vj.d. 
xj.s. 
xviij.d. ob. 
xij.d. 
. . xviij.d. 

ij.s. 
iij.s. iiij.d. 

iiij.d. 
. . xviij.d. 

ij.s. 

. . xvj.d. 
viij.s. vj.d. 


vj.s. 

iij.s. 

vij.s. 


Necessaria — Pro .liij. Barowes de Bord. 

Pro .vj. Barowes de virgis 
Pro .v. Tynes 

Pro .xij. alviolis emptis pro morterio imponendo 
Pro .x. Bollis pro aqua aspergenda super morterium 

Pro una pipa et ij doliis pro aqua carianda et iij doliis pro Cuvis inde faciendis 
Pro xiiij Circulis pro Cuvis et Tynis 
Pro emendacione et sarracione Cuvarum 

Pro uno Tundor et uno skopo pro aqua infundenda in dolio 
Pro .xiij. bordis grossis et .xij. estrich. bordis. pro squiris pro Cementariis 
Pro Lynes pro eisdem Cementariis et cariagio squirarum predictarum et aliorum 
instrumentorum 

Pro uno grosso Ladles pro Cementariis et uncto pro Cisterna 
Pro Cribris et culdors emptis pro morterio faciendo . . 

Pro .iij" et dimidio Lathis pro camino forg. inde faciendo 
Pro polis de Firre emptis pro admensuracione aule 
Pro iiij Gryndstons pro instrumentis Cementariorum acuendis 
Pro ij sarris pro sarracione petrarum 
Pro xxix libris eris pro gogons rote fontis involvendis 

Pro iiij M 1 D. Clavis ferreis pro rota et aliis necessariis et pro M 1 Lathnailes 
Pro xxvij peciis ferri emptis pro diversis necessariis faciendis et reparandis 
Pro .vj. garbis asseris 

Pro uno Barello picis/xij lb. rosyn .x. lb. et uno quarterio Cere pro Cimento faciendo 
Pro .vij. Picois et vj Mattoks ferri emptis 

Pro reparacione eorundem et xiiij aliorum apud Lympittes per vices 
Pro iiij rastellis ferri emptis pro Lympittes 
Pro .ij. furcis ferri emptis pro eisdem 
Pro .iij. securis pro bosco coppando ibidem 
Pro .x. Weggis ferri emptis pro quarrera apud Wyndesore 
Pro hokes et haspes pro storhous apud Lympittes 

Pro .iiij paribus gemellorum ferri pro iiij carectis de novo factis pro calce cariando 
Pro uno Countyngcloth 

Pro .iiij. Hirdls grossis emptis pro Lympittes 

Pro vigiliis apud Lymkiln noctumis per xij homines per .v. septimanas 
Pro xviij Barowes. uno sleg. uno securi cum emendacione instrumentorum per 

vices apud Bristilsham .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. xij.s. vj.d. ob. 

Pro factura hirdlis pro Lympittes .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. xij.d. 

Pro mundacione fontis per ij. vices .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. xij.d. 

Pro emendacione vessellorum Cementariorum xxiij.d. emendacione rote fontis .xviij.d. pro .iiij. 
hokis pro hostio domus tabule rotunde ,x s pro uncto .ij.d. pro .ij. ligatis ferri pro rota .xviij.d. 
pro .j. hap. pro rota fontis .ij.s. v.d. 

Summa .viij.li. xiiij.s. vij.d. ob. 

Cariagium — Pro cariagio apud Wyndesore a xxiij die Februarij usque xxviij diem ejusdem mensis pro 
xxvj carectis per vj. dies quolibet ad viij.d. per diem . . . . . . . . Ciiij.s. 

Pro consimili cariagio ibidem a primo die Marcij usque vj diem ejusdem Mensis per vj. dies pro xxx. 

carectis viz. xx ad .x.d. per diem et .x. ad viiij.d. per diem infra dictum tempus vij.li. 
Pro consimili cariagio ibidem a .vij. die Marcij usque xiiij. diem ejusdem Mensis pro xviij carectis 
quolibet ad x.d per diem et unius ad viij.d. per diem per vj. dies et unius per dimidium 
diem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iiij.li. xiiij.s. iiij.d. 

Pro cariagio petre. arene. Calcis. et aque apud Wyndesore inter xiiij diem Marcij et xxj. diem 
ejusdem Mensis computante per vj. dies viz. xviij carectis quolibet ad x.d. per vj.dies | iij. ad 
.x.d per v dies .iij. ad x.d. per iiij dies .ij. utroque ad viij.d. per ij. dies | ij. utroque ad .viij.d. 
per unum diem et quatuor quolibet ad .vj.d. .. .. .. .. C.xviij.s. vj.d. 

Et pro cariagio lxxj. carectarum cariand. ut supra apud Wyndesore inter xxij diem ejusdem Mensis 
Marcij et xxviij. diem ejusdem Mensis viz. xxiij. ad .x.d. per .iiij. dies | xv. ad viij.d. per .iij. dies 
| xiij ad x.d. per ij dies .xx ad x.d. per unum diem . . . . . . .. vij.li. v.s. 

Pro cariagio inter Bentele et Wyndesore per xvj. carectas .. .. .. .. xviij .s. viij.d. 

Pro cariagio inter Whetele et Wyndesore per cxvj carectas per .xxx. luc. .. viij.li. vj.d. 

Pro cariagio maeremii de Yeshampsted . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ij.s. v.d. 

Pro cariagio M 1 - ij c - di Talwod inter parcum de Hertle et Wyndesore pro quolibet 

C. viij.d. .. .. .. .. .. .. •• •• .. •• •• viij.s. iiij.d. 

Pro cariagio xij petrarum emptarum apud London usque ad Tamisiam per certam 

convencionem . . , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viij.d. 

Summa xxxix.li. xij.s. v.d. 

Pro cariagio petrarum de ponte usque Castrum per iiij carectas per iiij dies pro qualibet 
carecta x.d. . . . . . . . . • • • • • • • • • ■ • • Summa x.s. 

Batillagium — Pro batillagio petrarum de London per xxiiij vices per diversas shutas pro qualibet vice 
xiij.s. iiij.d. deduct, iiij.s de iij de predictis vicibus viz. de qualibet vice xvj.d. . . xv.li. xvj.s. 
Pro batillagio petrarum de Bristilsham per Lj vices pro qualibet vice vj.s. viij.d. et vij vicibus pro 
qualibet vj.s xix.li. xij.d. 

Summa xxxiiij.li. xviij.s. 

Pro batillagio petrarum de Bristilsham usque Wyndesore mense Augusti et Septembris per .iiij. 
shoutas pro qualibet vj.s. viij.d. xxvj.s. viij.d et pro batillagio maeremii de Kyng’ usque 
Wyndesore per .ij. shoutas ducentes .xvij. pecias maeremii mense Augusti xiiij.s. 

Summa xl.s. viij.d. 

[A long erased entry.] 

Summa [total erased] 


Documentary -T^otes. 1 2 7 


Pro xl. m' Tegulis emptis pro coopertura murorum domus Tabule Rotundc ct pro coopertura 
petrarum ibidem precij Milleni .ij.s. iiij.li. Pro cariagio eorundem del Pcnne usque Wyndesore 
x.s. Pro vj. M 1 lathis xx. s. Pro xl. m 1 pynnes pro tegulis iij.s. iiij.d. Pro xxxij. Mill, lathnayl 
precii Milleni vijd. ob. xx.s. pro iiij M 1 Bordnail xiij.s. iiij.d. 

Summa vij.li. vj.s. viij.d.’’ 

44 Should be 2s. 

^ “ In stipendiis Roberti Petipas Osberti le Taverner ct Johannis Herand cum carectis suis cariancium tegulas 
que remanserunt de coopertura murorum tabule rotunde per dimidium diem, ix.d.” 

45 “Prior de Merton. Priori de Merton in denariis sibi liberatis per manus Galfridi de Chaddesleye unius 

canonicorum ejusdem loci in plenam satisfaccionem denariorum eidem Priori debitorum pro .lij. quercubus 
captis in bosco ejusdem Prioris juxta Redyng pro tabula rotunda apud Wyndesore que quidem quercus 
cariate erant usque Westmonasterium pro opcribus Regis ibidem per breve de privato sigillo hoc 
termino . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxvj.li. xiij.s. iiij.d.” 

Issue Roll, Mich. 30 Edward III, m. 20. 


IV incisor Castle , 


i 28 


CHAPTER X. 

THE CASTLE DURING THE REIGN OF KING EDWARD III (1327—13 77), Continued. 

II. UNDER RICHARD OF ROTHLEY AND ROBERT OF BURNHAM, 1345—1356. 

Although the cessation of all work upon “the house of the Round Table ” on 27th 
November, 1344, was no doubt partly due to the approach of winter, as is indicated by the 
covering of the walls with tiles to protect them from frost, there is nothing to show that 
the building was ever finished, and Adam of Murimuth is probably right in saying that the 
King “for certain reasons afterwards ceased from it.” 

The same statement is made in a somewhat different form by another fourteenth 
century writer, Thomas of Walsingham, who, in the Chronicon Anglice now attributed to 
him, gives some interesting details as to the building itself ; this, if his account be true, 
must have been of very considerable size. According to the chronicler, in the year 1344 

King Edward caused many workmen to be summoned to the Castle of Windsor and began to build a house 
which should be called the Round Table. Its area had from the centre to the circumference through the semi- 
diameter 100 feet, and so its diameter was 200 feet. The expenses by the week were at first £100, but afterwards, 
on account of the news which the King received from France, they were curtailed to £20, because he decided that 
much treasure must be got together for other affairs. 

At the same time Philip of Valois, King of France, moved by this act of the King of England, began also 
to build a Round Table in his own land ; that so he might draw to himself the knighthood of Germany and 
Italy, lest they should hasten to the Table of the King of England. 1 

Thomas of Walsingham’s version, or a French translation of it, has evidently been 
made use of by John Stow in his Annales (page 239), but with the further statement that 
the circumference of the house of the Round Table was “sixe hundred foote and three 
quarters.” 

Now, where could such a building have stood ? 

That it was somewhere within the Castle is clear, not only from the heading of John 
Walraund’s account, but from the charges for the strengthening of the Castle bridges 
for the passage of the heavy building materials. The mention of bridges, in the plural, 
also points to a part of the Castle eastwards of the lower bailey, and as it is certain, for 
reasons already given, that the Round Table was not identical with nor within the High 
tower on the mount, it must have been begun in the great courtyard of the upper bailey. 
This, moreover, if Thomas of Walsingham’s dimensions be even approximately correct, 
is the only part of the Castle where a structure 200 feet in diameter could have stood. 

At an earlier date the giving up of so much of the principal bailey for a mere hall for 
feasting would not have been thought of, but the Castle of Windsor, like many other 
strongholds, had by now ceased to be regarded as such, and was practically little else than 
the fortified residence of the Sovereign. 

Of the plan and character of the house of the Round Table there is no information 
beyond the statements above quoted, nor is there anything to show that it was sufficiently 
advanced towards completion to allow of its being used for the Feast of the Round Table, 
which was apparently kept at Windsor in 1345, 2 or that any other work was done upon it. 

The Pipe Rolls for 1345 and 1346 both point to great preparations for renewing the 
war with the French King, and in July of the latter year King Edward crossed over to 
France. The Battle of Creqy was fought and won on 26th August, and was followed by 
the Siege of Calais. The King did not, however, return to England until October, 1347. 

Whatever ideas King Edward may have formed with regard to a Brotherhood of the 
Round Table had by this time undergone a change, and some time about the middle of 


Foundation of the Order of the Garter. 1 2 9 

the year 1348 he founded in its stead the famous and most noble Order of the Garter. Sir 
N. H. Nicolas has pointed out with some force that many facts concur in fixing upon 
Windsor as the place where, and 24th June as the date when, the hastiludes which gave 
rise to the Order occurred. 3 The Society or Order of the Garter must at any rate have been 
established before 6th August, 1348, since on that day the King issued letters patent 
substituting for the eight chaplains of St. Edward’s chapel in the Castle a college of 
twenty-four canons, one of whom was to be warden, and twenty-four poor knights, a 
number which seems also to have been that of the first knights of the Order of the 
Garter itself. 

The King’s charter establishing the new college states also that “a certain chapel of 
befitting splendour [of eight secular canons], situated in our Castle of Windsor, in which 
we were washed with the water of Holy Baptism, nobly begun by our progenitors in honour 
of the Blessed Edward the Confessor [to whom for their sustenance they assigned a certain 
sum of money in alms according to their will and from their own treasure], in honour 
of Almighty God, and of his mother Mary the glorious Virgin, and of St. George 
the Martyr, and St. Edward the Confessor, at our own royal expense we have caused to 
be finished.” 

What the King means by these concluding words it is difficult to understand, as no 
evidence is forthcoming that any important works on the chapel had so far been done during 
his reign. On the contrary, all the evidence points to the fact that nothing was begun 
either for the accommodation of the knights of the new Order, or of the increased number 
of canons, until nearly two years had elapsed from the founding of the college. 

This interval is at first sight difficult to account for, but there cannot be any reason- 
able doubt that it was due to the fearful effects throughout the country of the Great 
Pestilence, better known by its more modern name of the Black Death. 

This terrible scourge first reached Europe from the East in the autumn of 1347, and 
after devastating Italy and France made its appearance in England in the autumn- of 
1348. In London and the West it raged all through the winter and well into the spring 
of 1349. During the first half of 1349 it ravaged the Home Counties, and was at its worst 
in the Midlands and East of England throughout the summer. Such was the mortality 
that it has been estimated that fully one-half of the entire population of England and 
Wales was swept away. 4 

So slowly did the country recover from this crushing disaster that it was not until 
well on in the spring of 1350 that King Edward found himself able to proceed with his 
projected works in connexion with his newly-founded Order. 

On 26th April of this year the King issued letters patent 5 addressed to all the sheriffs, 
mayors, bailiffs, etc. notifying that he had appointed his beloved clerk, Richard of Rothley, 
surveyor of works in the Castle of Windsor, with authority 

to take and provide masons, carpenters, and other workmen who may be needed for our works aforesaid, where - 
ever they can be found, within the liberties and outside the fee of the Church only excepted, and except the 
workmen already retained for our works at Westminster, our Tower of London, and Dartford ; also to take and 
provide stone, timber, and other necessaries for the works aforesaid, and carriage for the same timber and stone 
and other premises ; and to bring back those workmen who were retained for our works in the said Castle of 
Windsor and have withdrawn from the same works without our licence ; and also to enquire by the oath of 
upright and lawful men of every county of our realm of England, through whom the. truth oi the matter can the 
better be known, if the timber or stone bought and provided for our works has in any wise been carried off or 
removed, and to cause the same timber and stone so removed, wherever it can be found to be brought back ; 
and to buy and provide all things needful for our works aforesaid ; and to sell the boughs and other residues 
of the trees provided for our works for our service and answer to us for the moneys arising therefrom ; receiving 
for his own wages twelve pence a day while he abides there, and two shillings a day when he shall be intent upon 
our business elsewhere, and three shillings a week for the wages of his clerk. 

Wherefore the King commands and firmly enjoins that every assistance be afforded to 
the same Richard in the discharge of his commission. 

The Richard of Rothley in question was one of the first canons of Windsor. He was 
parson of Cil-y-cwm, co. Caermarthen, in January, 1348-9, and on 28th June, 1349, he was 
presented by the King, during a vacancy of the abbacy of St. Albans, to the vicarage of 
Luton, Beds. In 1351 he had licence to purchase lands at Rothley, co. Leicester, to endow 
a chantry chaplain in St. Mary’s church there. He was afterwards rector of Dunton 
Waylett, in Essex. 


1 3 ° 


Windsor Castle. 


The works committed to the oversight of Richard of Rothley were the beginning of 
an important series of operations which continued under various surveyors without inter- 
ruption until the end of King Edward’s reign. 

The nature and course of these works, which were amongst the most extensive hitherto 
carried out in the Castle, can be followed more or less closely throughout, owing to a 
summary of each year’s receipts and expenses having been entered among the foreign 
accounts on the Pipe Rolls. 

These summaries include a statement of all sums received by the surveyor for the 
works in progress, at the hands of the treasurer and chamberlains of the Exchequer, with 
particulars of such other receipts as were derivable from sales of superfluous or useless 
materials. The receipts are followed by a statement of the sums expended on the purchase 
of materials, the cost of their cartage or carriage, etc. and the total amounts paid in wages, 
including those of the surveyor himself and his clerk. The summaries conclude with an 
account of all stores bought or received, the manner in which they had been used and to 
what extent, and a note of what remained on hand. 

Since these summaries are merely cash accounts they cannot be expected to give full 
details of the works upon which the various sums were expended, but incidentally they 
supply many facts of which there is otherwise no record. 

It is evident from the constant reference to them that with these summaries there 
were regularly delivered into the treasury, by way of vouchers, detailed rolls or books of 
accounts, kept by the clerk, and containing full particulars of the whole of the expenditure 
week by week. Of these only a few have been preserved. This is the more to be regretted 
since the information they supply is both full and varied, and throws much light upon 
the way in which large undertakings of the kind were carried out. 

From them may be gleaned the numbers, and sometimes all the names, of the 
different classes of skilled and unskilled workmen employed, the work on which they were 
engaged, their several rates of pay, the number of days on which they worked, the amounts 
that they earned, and the holidays they kept ; the purchases and prices of stones, timber, 
and other necessaries, the quarries, woods, or places from whence they came, the charges 
for pilotage, boatage, carriage, and cartage ; particulars of the operations of the wood- 
cutters, charcoal burners, and lime burners, of the repairing and sharpening of the tools 
of the masons and others, and of all the many other things incidental to works which are 
merely summarized in the Pipe Rolls. 

The few particulars of account which have been preserved cover the operations of 
the opening years. These were of considerable importance, since they involved the 
necessary alterations in the chapel of St. Edward, henceforth that of St. Edward and St. 
George, for the newly-founded Order, the rebuilding of the cloister that adjoined it, and 
the construction of a vestry and chapter-house ; together with the building of lodgings 
for the warden, and of sets of chambers for the canons and vicars of the new college, who, 
as part of the Order of the Garter, now took the place of the former royal chaplains. 

In dealing with the accounts it will be convenient to take first the statement on the 
Pipe Roll, 6 and then to analyze the particulars of details as shown on the clerk’s account. 

The Pipe Roll account has a heading which may be translated : 

The account of Richard of Rothley, surveyor of the King’s works in the King’s Castle of Windsor, of the 
receipts, payments, and expenses made by him within the aforesaid Castle for the building of divers houses 
for the King’s College there by the King’s patent brief dated 26th April in the twenty-fourth year, by which the 
King appointed the aforesaid Richard surveyor of the King’s works there and to take and provide the masons, 
carpenters, and other workmen who may be needed for the works aforesaid, to buy and provide all things neces- 
sary for the aforesaid works ; also to sell the boughs and other profits the residues of the trees provided for the 
aforesaid works, and to answer to the King for the moneys accruing thence ; receiving for his wages i2d. a day 
while he abides there, 2s. a day when he shall be intent upon the King’s business elsewhere, and 3s. a week for 
the wages of his clerk, from the aforesaid 26th April in the twenty-fourth year until 6th August in the twenty- 
fifth year, on which day Robert of Burnham succeeded to the aforesaid office, who ought on another occasion 
to reckon for the office aforesaid. 

The statement of the receipts from the Exchequer follows, amounting in varying 
sums to a total of £520 2s. 3|d. 

Of which Richard accounts : £ s. d. 

To 16 shovels and spades, together with irons for the shovels and iron for a certain 

wheel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 6 

To 6 mattocks and 16 iron pins, with the mending of 6 mattocks . . . . . . ..92 


W orks upo7i the Chapel of St. Edward. 


1 3 1 


To 201 ringolts, two hundred and a half of wainscot, half a hundred and a quarter of 
estrich boards 

To 13 lbs of rosin, 4 lbs of pitch, 1 lb of the same, and 2 lbs of wax. . 

To 3 axes, 1 groser, and a stone for sharpening the masons’ tools . . 

To 14 bowls, 2 tubs, 3 buckets, 4 trays, 4 sieves, 4 wheelbarrows, and 1 pail 
To 1 saw for sawing stones 

To 99 loads of stones from Reigate, with carriage and boatage by land and water 
To carts hired at different times for carting rubbish ( robus ) and water, with cartage and 
boatage, boards and nails 

To 1166 sounds and 2 dog[fish] skins for making glue . . 

To 13812 nails, both great spikings and other little nails and middle-spikings 
To 1400 laths and 12000 lathnails . . 

To 8 hinges and 12 hooks . . 

To sharpening and battering of the masons' tools 
To 4 pieces of timber and 6 logs, with their carriage 
To 2 helves for mattocks 

To 5 wedges made of the King’s iron, 2 harrows, 5 chisels for the quarry, 2 sledges of 
the King’s iron, with the making of an iron band.. 

To 200 of iron, 4 bundles of steel, a certain ironwork for a window weighing 431 lbs, 
and divers other ironworks for windows, with 6 “ crampons ” of iron 
To 103 quarters of lime 

To 18 malleys and for paper for entering particulars of the account and for the King’s 
works 

To 40 bands for wooden vessels, 1500 withs, and 2 vates for making scaffolds 
To carriage of 500 talwood, 71 cleats for making scaffolds 
To straw, 200 faggots, and 10 loads of heather 
To 1 empty cask for putting in plaster of Paris. . 

To 1 calatho and virgis for making, ' hocces ’ out of, with boatage of the same. And 
to a rope bought for hauling timber for the King’s works 
To I'mouncell of plaster of Paris bought for the King’s works. . 

To making of an image of St. George to put in the chapel 
To an iron clamp for the stalls in the King’s chapel 
To 16 quarters of broken tiles 

To wages of divers masons, carpenters, sawyers, carters, and other workmen from 
26th April in the twenty-fourth year to 6th August in the twenty-fifth year 
To John of Sponle 7 chief of the King’s masons being there about the ordering of the 
works of the King’s masons for his wages between the said dates for 469 days 
at I2d. a day 

To the wages of William Herland 8 chief carpenter of all the works of the carpenters 
being and working there for 469 days at 8d. a day. . 

To the wages of the said Richard of Rothley surveyor of the King’s works there for 
the same time 

To the wages of the same Richard being at London to seek payment of moneys and 
to pay wages at Beaumys for the King’s works at Windsor for 61 days within 
the aforesaid time at I2d. a day 

To the wages of his clerk being constantly at Windsor and elsewhere to oversee the 
workmen for the aforesaid time namely for 66 weeks and 6 days at 3s. a week 

1 he total of all the expenses is given as £522 16s. 5d., or £2 14s. i|d. more than the surveyor 
received from the Exchequer. 

He also furnishes a list of all the various stores purchased above, of which he reckons 
to have expended on the King’s works a groser, a stone for sharpening the masons’ tools, 
14 bowls, 4 “ treys,” 4 sieves, a bucket, 400 laths, 12000 lathnails, 2 wedges, 2 rastres, 

2 chisels, a rope for hauling timber, 3 pairs of hinges and 8 hooks, 2 hundred of iron, 

3 bundles of steel, six “ crampons,” and certain ironwork for the vestry window. 

He also gives a further list of the remainder which he reckons to have handed over 
to his successor, and repeats this again in a final memorandum of the things for which 
Robert of Burnham ought to account. 

The details of the foregoing statement are entered upon a very long roll 9 headed 
(in Latin) : 

Particulars of the account of Richard of Rothley clerk and surveyor of the King’s works in the King’s 
Castle at Windsor from 26th April in the 24th year [1350] of the reign of King Edward the Third after the 
Conquest of England to the 7th August in the 25th year [1351]. 


£ 

s . 

d . 

8 

8 

2 


4 

5i 


9 



16 

11 


3 

4 

15 

14 

9 

1 

3 


1 

14 

1 

1 

19 

10 

1 

3 

9 


12 

9 

1 

17 

3 

1 

13 

2 



6 


6 

0 

9 

19 

6 

5 

3 

7 


1 

6 


9 

9 

1 

8 

0 


17 

2 



9 


1 

0 


10 

0 


4 

0 



10 


5 

3 

39i 

0 

3i 

23 

9 

0 

i5 

12 

8 

23 

9 

0 

3 

1 

0 

10 

0 

6 


1 he roll, which is crossed out from end to end as if cancelled or done with through being a 
draft only, begins with a statement, corresponding to that on the Pipe Roll, of the amount 
received from the Exchequer, namely £520 2s. 3|d. 

The expenditure is arranged by weeks, the “ emptions ” and wages being kept 
separate. 

Owing to the length of the roll, covering as it does a period of sixty-six weeks, it is 
impossible to give it in full, but the following English rendering of the first week’s account 


1 3 2 


Windsor Castle. 


may be taken as a sample, especially as it begins with an interesting list of plant bought 
for the works : 


Monday the 26th day of April in the abovesaid 24 th year : 

To John Fynch for 10 (wooden) shovels and 2 (iron) shovels bought for making mortar 
and other divers necessaries 
To John le Smyth for 6 mattocks bought, both for digging the foundation of the revestry 
of the same chapel and for throwing down divers walls there 
To John Losky for 100 ringoldbolts bought for the stalls of the chapel there 
To the same for half a hundred of wainscotboards bought for the same stalls 
To John Matfray for 7 lbs of rosyn bought for making cement of 
To the same for 4 lbs of pitch bought for the same purpose 
To the same for 1 lb of the same 
To the same for 2 lbs of wax 
To Robert Scalby for a “ gresour ” bought for sharpening the tools of divers workmen 
there 

To Og . . . Dishe for 6 " trayes ” bought for putting mortar in. . 

In 2 tubs bought for carrying water . . 

In 2 buckets bought for the same purpose 
In a saw bought for sawing stones 

In 2 sieves bought for cleaning lime for making mortar of . . 

In wheelbarrows bought for carrying " robus ” and mortar 


l s. d. 
2 0 


5 0 
280 
7 6 
1 2 

8 

A 

1 6 


4 0 
3 0 
1 9 
1 A 

3 4 
4 

4 o 


Total of emptions 


On the same Monday : 

To John Westram, preparer of the works of the masons working there to make ready for 
the King’s works there, for Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday and for 
Saturday on the feast of the apostles Philip and James, taking for himself 3s. 6d. 
a week 

To Richard Sallyng, John Brille, Jacob Blounham, William Goyleston, William Carlel, 
John Siherd, Nicholas Hert, John Purbik and John Squier, nine masons working 
there upon the scappling of stones for the door, window, and buttress of a certain 
revestry there for the same time, to each of them 5|d. a day, namely for the said 
six days 

To Thomas Rokelonde working at the same for four days within the said time, taking 
5|d. a day 

To John Dunstaple, Simon Hurle, John Glemesford, Ivo of Cambridge, William Denys, 
John of Uffington, Richard Cotel, John Lyndwod, Hugh Bernom, John Reynold, 
John Tilbury, Thomas Sandwich and Richard Kent, thirteen carpenters working 
there both on the works of the stalls of the chapel and the repair “ del trasour ” 
there for the same time, to each of them 6d. a day, namely for six days. . 

To Robert Burwell carving the seats of the said stalls for the same time, taking for 
himself 2s. a week 

To William Sutton, John Silvestre, William Smale, Thomas Kent, John Butt, Roger 
Rodeshale, William Hamelyn, and John Fairher, eight labourers working there both 
upon the breaking up of divers walls and making mortar for the other workmen 
there for the said five working days, 10 to each of them 3d. a day 

To John Chalkes working with them for four days, taking 3d. a day 


£\ 3 


3 


1 4 9 

1 10 


1 19 o 
2 o 

10 o 
I o 


Total £4 2 i 11 


It will be seen from this wage-sheet that the rates paid were somewhat higher than 
those received by the men working on the Round Table in 1344, except in the case of the 
masons, who now received a uniform wage of 5|d. a day. The wages of the carpenters 
had risen to 6d., except in the case of the carver, Robert Burwell, who only received 4d., 
and the labourers got 3d. instead of 2d. 

These rates of wages continued through the whole period covered by the account, 
at the end of which the masons were still receiving 5|d. a day, the laying masons 4^d., 
the carpenters 6d., and the labourers 3d. Burwell’s wages during the last few weeks had 
been advanced to 4^d. a day. 12 

Although the masons are always mentioned first in the wages-sheet it will be more 
convenient in reviewing the work carried out to begin with that of the carpenters. It has 
been pointed out above that although the King’s charter founding the college in 1348 
refers to his “ finishing ” the chapel, there is no record of any such work upon it. As 
a matter of fact, the account under notice is the first during King Edward’s reign that deals 
with any important work in or upon the chapel, and this is confined simply to the fitting 
up of it with new stalls. The quire fittings previously in the chapel had, no doubt, been 
sufficient for their purpose, but with the creation of the Order of the Garter and the 
foundation of the college not only had room to be found for the increased number of 
canons and their vicars, but stalls had to be provided for the companions of the new Order. 13 


1 33 


Works upon the Chapel Stallwork. 

Richard of Rothley’s account shows that from twelve to fifteen carpenters were working 
upon the stalls for the whole sixty-six weeks, with the exception of Whitsun week in each 
year, which was kept as a holiday ; they also only worked for part of Easter week. During 
most of the time two sawyers were constantly working with them. A craftsman named 
Robert Burwell was employed throughout in carving the baberies of the seats, and with 
him was associated from the forty-ninth week onwards another carver, Robert Kynebell. 
The King’s master carpenter, William Hurley, was also engaged upon some important details. 
In the twenty-seventh week 300 “spikyngs ” and 400 “ midelspikynges, ” and a fortnight 
later 200 laths, were bought “for the repair of master William Hurley’s chamber,” and 
in the thirty-second week two daubers were at work for four days “mending the walls ” 
of the same chamber. Another entry in the forty-ninth week affords more information, 
500 “spikynges ” then bought being entered as being “for mending the house in which 
master William Hurley turns the chapiters for the stalls.” At the same time were bought 
“16 pins of iron for a certain wheel to turn the chapiters for the same stalls.” 14 As 
“certain iron ” had been bought so long ago as the twenty-fifth week “for a certain wheel 
to turn chapiters,” 15 master William must have been working with his lathe for a consider- 
able period. 

On the Pipe Roll the surveyor accounts for the purchase of 201 “ringolts,” two 
hundred and a half of wainscot, and half a hundred and a quarter of “estrich boards.” All 
this timber, as well as four logs, is specified as being for the stalls. 16 

Most of the joinery of the stalls was, no doubt, done by wooden pins made out of the 
refuse timber, and there are also constant purchases of sounds and “ stokfisshsondes ” 
for making glue. 17 The amount of nails specifically bought for the stalls is comparatively 
small, and most of them were “little nails ” used for the canopy work. 18 On two occasions 
a dogfish skin was obtained for the work of the stalls, 19 no doubt for the same purpose, 
on account of its roughness, as modern sandpaper. 

The progress of the new stallwork is marked by the purchase in the thirty-first week, 
from master Andrew the smith, of six “crampons ” of iron to hold the stalls to the walls. 20 
A “clamp ” was also bought in the forty-ninth week “for holding the stalls in the chapel 
to the walls.” 21 A quantity of “great nails ” were bought in the forty-second week “for 
the scaffold and the works of the said stalls.” 22 In the same week is also a payment of 
4s. “for the making of an image of St. George,” 23 which the Pipe Roll says was “to put 
in the chapel,” but its material is not stated, nor by whom it was made. As it was 
evidently carved on the spot it was probably of wood. 

Throughout the accounts there is no provision of tools for the carpenters, so they 
doubtless used their own. 

Besides being employed upon the new stallwork a few of the carpenters, three or four 
at most, were engaged for a short time on the repair of “a house called trasour,” that is, 
the drawing-office of the master mason. The repair “del trasour” is mentioned in the 
first and seventh weeks, and in the sixth week 500 nails were bought for the doors and 
windows ‘del trasour,” 4000 lath nails for the walls of the said house, and 1000 laths 
at Kingston for the same house. 24 In the seventh week another 1000 lath nails were 
bought for the same house, and a pair of vertivells and crooks for its door. 25 The building 
was still under repair in the two following weeks. Nothing more was done to it until the 
seventeenth week, when seven pairs of vertivells and crooks were bought for the doors and 
windows. 26 Some final repair was done in the nineteenth week, in which a tiler was also 
at work for four days tiling the roof. 27 

After the completion of the repair of the “trasour” the carpenters who had been thereon 
employed seem to have been occupied regularly from the eighteenth to the twenty-fifth 
week, to the number of four and sometimes six and seven, in felling timber in Windsor 
Park or Beaumys Park. 28 Some of this timber was “for works,” but a good deal of it was 
used for firing the limekiln, which was at times busily at work. A number of carpenters 
were also engaged during the fiftieth, fifty-first, and fifty-fourth weeks, and again in the 
last three weeks of the account, felling timber at Beaumys. 

While the principal carpenters were busy upon the new stalls for the chapel a con- 
siderable body of masons was at work upon certain building operations immediately to 
the north of the chapel. 


1 34 


IVindsor Castle . 


These operations were begun in the first week of Richard of Rothley’s account by a 
number of labourers, some of whom were engaged in making mortar, others “upon the 
breaking down of divers walls.” 29 One of these walls was clearly that which had hitherto 
formed the eastern limit of the cloister begun by King Henry III in 1240. This extended 
further to the eastwards than the present cloister, which is more nearly square in plan. 
As it was important to get the old wall out of the way the work of demolishing it was resumed 
during the last three days of the fifth week, which was Whitsuntide, while all the masons 
and carpenters were keeping holiday. As the wall was being broken down, carts were 
busy removing the rubbish. 30 

By the end of the third week the southern part of the wall had been sufficiently 
removed for labourers to begin digging trenches for the foundation of the revestry. 31 

During the next few weeks more labourers were taken on, and by the tenth week their 
number had risen from the original nine to twenty-two. In the eleventh week they were 
still occupied “in breaking down a certain wall,” also “in digging a certain trench for 
the foundation of the wall of the chapter house,” in serving the masons, and breaking stones 
in the quarry. 32 By the twelfth week the old wall had apparently been entirely removed, 
as the twenty-two labourers were then engaged in breaking stones in the quarry, digging 
the trench for the new wall of the chapter-house, felling old trees in Windsor Park for 
burning lime, and serving the masons. 33 Twenty other labourers had also been engaged, 
and were at work breaking up chalk for making into lime. 34 

The masons who were engaged to begin with were ten in number, and during the 
first week they were occupied in “scappling stones for the doors, windows, and buttresses 
of a certain re vestry there,” under the direction of one John Westram, who acted as setter- 
out of the masons’ work throughout almost the whole time of the account. 35 Nine loads 
of stones from Reigate were bought during the second week for the works of the same 
revestry, 36 and in the fourth week seven boards were purchased “for making thence molds 
for the masons.” 37 

In the eighth week six more masons were taken on to help those already working, 
and six others were engaged and set to work “upon the new walls for the chapter-house.” 38 

The following week Adam Noreys, a newcomer, and nineteen masons were working 
“ upon the works of the said revestry and the walls of the chapter-house,” and six more 
new men, described as positores, “were engaged in laying stones in the walls of the said 
revestry.” 39 

By the tenth week the masons had increased to a maximum of twenty-five, and the 
laying masons to eight, who were working “on laying stones in the aforesaid walls of the 
said houses.” A scaffolder had also been engaged to make scaffolding for the masons. 

In the eleventh week eighteen “malleys ” were bought for the masons’ use. 

By the twelfth week the laying masons had been increased to ten, a number constantly 
maintained until the thirtieth week (i5th-2ist November), when most of them ceased work 
for the winter. 

Nails and withs for the scaffold were bought in the sixteenth week, and a few weeks 
later more withs and a quantity of cleats. 40 

After the eighteenth week the scappling masons were reduced to a constant number 
of eighteen, probably on account of the progress in the building, as a charge “for four 
crooks for the doors of the new works ” 41 occurs in the week preceding. Ten more loads 
of Reigate stone were also bought in the twenty-third week. 42 

During the last week of October nine loads of heather were purchased for covering 
the walls, 43 no doubt to protect them against frost. 

From the end of November the number of scapplers was further reduced, and, as 
noted above, the laying masons were paid off for the winter. 

From the thirty-sixth week, the first in January, to the first week in March, only the 
scapplers were at work, except during the thirty-ninth week, when two laying masons 
were engaged “upon the works of the said revestry.” 44 

By this time the masons’ work upon the new re vestry must have been drawing to a 
close, and in the fortieth week John Westram is specially noted as working “upon scappling 
the stones for the vault of the same vestry ” 45 (Fig. 8). Vertivells also were bought the 
following week “for the inner door of the vestry.” 46 


The Building of the Vestry and Chapter-House. 


1 35 


In the forty-fifth week, the first in March, the laying masons reappear, but their 
number for the rest of the time did not exceed six. The scapplers maintain an average 
number of twelve. 

The general resumption of work is marked by charges for the repair and maintenance 
of the scaffolding, and for crooks for the vestry door. 

Later on, in the fifty-sixth week, forty-eight more loads of Reigate stone were bought 
for the works of the vestry and for the walls of the chapter-house, 47 and in the fifty-ninth 
week fifteen quarters of broken tiles for filling up the walls of the said house 48 ; thirteen 
cleats were also bought for mending the scaffolding. 

In the sixty-second week (4th — nth July) thirty-two loads of Reigate stone were 
obtained for the works, and certain ironwork for the vestry window, weighing 43ilbs., was 
bought of master Andrew the smith for £5 7s. 9d. 49 

In the sixty-fifth week more ironwork was bought, of John the smith, for windows, 
etc. at a cost of £3 17s. 9d., and iod. were paid him for two crooks for the vestry door. 
Three hundred withs were also bought for the scaffolding. 

During the same week fifteen pieces of timber were bought from Beaumys for the works 
of the said vestry, no doubt for its roof, 
and two sawyers were engaged for four 
days in sawing them up. 50 

The proceedings of the labourers 
after the first twelve weeks do not call 
for any special notice, and it is but rarely 
that the nature of their work is specified. 

Their numbers seem to have been reduced 
after the fourteenth week, for although 
a regular gang of about a score was main- 
tained until the end of September, the 
extra hands who were engaged during the 
same period in breaking up chalk for 
lime-burning, for reasons given below, 
did not exceed six or seven. From 
Michaelmas to Christmas, when so much 
work was suspended, the total number 
of labourers rarely extended beyond 
thirteen, and from Christmas to Lady 
Day there were never more than eight. 

For the rest of the time covered by the 
account the weekly average was twelve. 

Throughout the whole period three or 
four, and sometimes five, carters assisted 
the labourers in the transport of timber, 
sand, scaffolding, and material of all sorts. 

The entries relating to lime and lime-burning are somewhat interesting. 

During the twelfth and two following weeks a large number of men were engaged in 
getting chalk, but apparently there was no one available who could turn it into lime. John 
Saunder was therefore despatched to seek a master lime-burner. 51 As he evidently 
failed to find one immediately it became necessary to reduce the number of chalk-getters 
and buy lime outside. In the fifteenth week eight quarters of quicklime were bought of 
John Wichewode, and a fortnight later twenty more quarters of William Tylere and John 
le Rich ; the latter also supplied four quarters of slaked lime. In the twentieth week a 
further supply of eight quarters of quicklime was obtained from William Tyler. The 
quicklime cost I4d. a quarter and the slaked lime 7d. 

The getting of chalk and accumulation of fuel for the limekiln was nevertheless 
continued, and in the twenty-fifth week two lime-burners at iod. a day, with seven others 
assisting at 6d. a day, were engaged for six days and five nights in tending the kiln. The 
kiln had evidently been out of use for some time, as 3s. 8d. worth of straw was bought to 
cover the shed over it, and four hundred nails at 2od. and four hundred at i6d. were bought 



FIG. 8. THE VESTRY (NOW A ROOM IN THE DEANERY), 
LOOKING WEST, AS BUILT IN I350-I. THE WINDOW 
ON THE RIGHT IS MODERN. 


1 3 6 


IVindsor Castle . 


for the repair thereof ; also twenty-two laths and a thousand lath nails. Two hundred 
faggots were likewise bought for the firing. 

As it was now the middle of October the newly-made lime was probably sufficient 
for current needs, and it was not until the middle of the following March that preparations 
were made for a further supply. A number of extra hands were then engaged for five 
weeks in getting chalk, and were followed by carters collecting fuel. In the fifty-fourth 
week (9th — 15th July) one John Bithewode, a master lime-burner, was employed for six 
days at 6d. in starting the kiln, with an assistant at 5|d. a day, and three others at 4|d. 
During the next two weeks Bithewode alone was tending the kiln, but in the fourth week 
he and his assistant were paid 8d. a day, and three others 6d., for watching the lime 
burning day and night throughout the week. The supply accruing from their operations 
was still being used when Richard of Rothley’s account ends. 

The total expenditure is summed up as £522 16s. 5d., made up of £56 3s. n^d. spent 
on emptions, and £466 12s. 5^d. paid out for wages. This agrees with the statement on 
the Pipe Roll, although the items are set out somewhat differently. 

The roll ends, like the statement on the Pipe Roll, with an account of the wages paid 
to master John Sponle, William Herland, and Richard of Rothley ; and on the back is 
entered a list of the various stores bought and used, what remained unexpended, and what 
were passed on to Robert of Burnham (the succeeding accountant), and what were sold. 
These last comprised three axes, three chisels for the quarry, and an iron sledge, and realized 
6s. 8d. in all. 

Richard of Rothley held office for nearly a year and a half, and was succeeded by 
another canon of Windsor, Robert of Bernham or Burnham, who was appointed surveyor 
of the King’s works by patent dated 1st August, 1351. 5r The new surveyor held office 
until 31st October, 1356, by which time the necessary alterations of the chapel and all 
the buildings needed for the newly-founded college had apparently been completed. 

Robert of Burnham’s accounts, like his predecessor’s, have been recorded in two 
forms : (1) the usual summary, which is entered on the Pipe Roll, and (2) partly as annual 
wage-sheets, giving the purchases and expenditure week by week. 

For some reason the summaries of four of Robert of Burnham’s six accounts are 
entered together on the Pipe Roll for the twenty-eighth year of the King’s reign, but with 
a single general heading. This is identical, mutatis mutandis, with the heading of Richard 
of Rothley’s account, except with regard to the dates covered, viz. : 

I. From 1st August in the 25th year (1351) to Michaelmas in the 26th year (1352). 

II. From Michaelmas in the 26th year (1352) to Michaelmas in the 27th year (1353). 

III. From Michaelmas in the 27th year (1353) to Michaelmas in the 28th year (1354). 

IV. From Michaelmas in the 28th year (1354) to 29th 52 December in the 29th year (1354). 

The accounts received and spent by Robert of Burnham during these same periods 


are given as : 

£ s ■ 

d. 


£ 

s. 

d. 

I. Receipts 

1036 3 

8 

Expenditure 

1131 

5 

0 

11. 

m3 3 

7 2 •• 

• ,, • • 

1088 

1 

3 

III. 

1576 14 

8 

• a • • 

1407 

10 

5 k 

IV. 

375 10 

2 

. 

37 2 

11 

62 


4101 12 

1-2- 


3999 

8 

3 


As Robert of Burnham’s first account, although dealing with the outlay and expenses 
of four successive years, practically relates to one continuous work, it will be more con- 
venient to treat it in a manner somewhat different from the single year’s account of his 
predecessor in office. That account was examined somewhat in detail to illustrate 
medieval methods of working ; there is therefore no need to go as fully into those which 
succeed it and are so alike in many ways. They include, as before, general statements 
as to the purchase of materials and implements, the cost of their carriage or cartage, the 
total sums paid in wages, and what have not hitherto been met with in these accounts, 
a list of works undertaken and carried out ad tascam, that is, by taskwork or contract. 
Inasmuch as the full text of the originals is printed in the appendix to this chapter, and 
many entries occur also in the detailed accounts to be dealt with presently, it will suffice 
here to refer only to such items as are of general interest or cannot conveniently be 
treated elsewhere. 


Details of Expenditure , 


*37 


The expenses for “the 25th year in part and for the 26th year ” amounted to £1131 55. 
The first item is a charge of £23 9s. 4d. for 29 pieces of great timber, 105 score of “righolts,” 
2000 estrich boards, and 561 quarters of talwood bought for divers works in making anew 
the King’s college of Windsor between 7th August, 1351, and 30th September, 1352. This 
does not, however, represent the total expenditure on timber, for the next entry is for 
the purchase, for £66 13s. 4d., “of a wood in bulk at Cagham for the King’s works at 
Windsor and Westminster.’’ The stone bought amounted to 243 loads of Reigate stone, 
at a cost of £26 10s. The entries relating to the purchase of iron and steel are too inclusive 
to be of much interest : 

To divers ironwork, both bought in sundry places and made of the King’s iron, as well for the 
windows of the chapel, hall, and chambers, as for others, of the weight of 310 lbs ; 53200 
nails bought for the King’s works there ; 16 locks with keys ; steeling of the masons’ tools ; 
mending of pickaxes and enlarging of bars of iron ; 160 grozing-irons bought and provided 
for the King’s works .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. £21 is. 7|d. 

To 500 lbs of iron, and 6 sheaves of steel, bought for making sundry of the King’s works, and 
mending and steeling the masons' tools . . . . . . . . . . . . {1 8s. 6d. 

One hundred and fifty fish sounds “for making glue for joining boards ” cost 5s. 9d. ; 
“a great iron pan for pouring hot lead, a skimmer, and a ladle for cleaning hot lead,’’ 
23s. ; and 116 quarters of lime for making mortar, £3 12s. Portage, carriage, and boatage 
of timber, stones, etc. came to £49 os. 6d., and the wages of carpenters, masons, glaziers, 
and other workmen to £568 17s. 7|d. The master mason, John Sponle, was paid, for 419 
days at I2d., £20 19s., and Robert of Burnham £21 6s. for 426 days at the same date and 
£3 3s. for his expenses elsewhere. The clerk received £9 3s. for 61 weeks at 3s. 

The expenses for the twenty-seventh year (Michaelmas, 1352, to Michaelmas, 1353) 
amounted to £1088 is. 3d. The heaviest item was, as usual, for wages, which came to 
£488 13s. iod.; the large sum of £242 is. was also paid for 49 carrats of lead, 2261b. of solder, 
a pan for soldering glass, and 61b. of tallow. The cost of 120 loads of Reigate stone, 100 
corbel stones, and 550 of stones “de paas ” was £16 19s. 7d. The amounts paid for tipiber 
were £3 13s. 8d. and £29 14s. iod. 

The receipts for the twenty-eighth year include, beside £1440 19s. nd. from the 
exchequer, a sum of £135 14s. 9d. from the sale of the boughs, bark, twigs, and faggots 
produced through the cutting down of the wood at Cagham, which was bought in bulk 
in 1351-2 for £66 13s. 4d., or less than half the amount now realized by the sale of the 
waste ! 

The expenses for the same year came to £1407 10s. 5|d. Of this sum, wages accounted 
for £644 10s. ofd., the purchase of lead for £350, and various jobs done by taskwork for 
£75 is. 9^d. For 461 loads of Reigate stone, 90 pieces of “ Whenhale ’’ stone, 22 ashlars 
and other stones “de Egremont et Flynt’,’’ £51 10s. nd. were paid, and £34 10s. 4d. 
for their carriage to Windsor. In the purchase of boards £40 13s. 4d. were expended, 
and £19 19s. 4d. were paid for 32000 spikings, 86000 “traverse nails,’’ 80000 “sprigs,” 
500000 “lednail,” 500000 “bordnail,” 30000 of “rofnail,” 10000 “lathnail,” and 600 
white (i.e. tinned) nails for clickets and rings. Other large purchases of material were 
29700 laths for £6 2s. ; 74000 “ tylpynnes ” for 17s. n£d. ; 12 sheaves of steel and iooolb. 
of iron for the masons’ tools, etc. for £3 8s. ; 105 oaks for £9 13s. 6d. and 203 other pieces 
of timber for £3 5s. 8d. ; 3050 “wythes ” and 60 “crates ” for making scaffolds ; and 
90650 tiles for covering houses and for pavements. A lathe for joining boards cost 8s. ; 
13 loads of straw, 13s. 6d. ; a bell “for the labour of the King’s works,” weighing 501b., 
14s. and two millstones for the canons' mill, £5 ; 2lb. of varnish, 301b. of rosin, 20lb. of 
wax, and 8 elL of canvas were bought for 20s. 5d. for the masons “ for making cement.” 

The short account for the last three months of the year 1354 includes among the receipts 
£31: 14s. 9d. from the sale of talshid and faggots, derived partly from Cagham wood and 
partly from 100 oaks bought. The expenses amounted to £285 6s. 8fd., together with 
£87 4s. 9fd. paid : 

In carriage of 20500 talshid and 17750 fagots carried from Cagham by land and water to London on divers 
occasions ; 

In making of 43600 talshid in Cagham wood and elsewhere ; 

To 35425 bands bought for binding faggots, and for collecting the same faggots ; 

In making of 354 2 5 faggots obtained from branches of trees ; 

making a total of £372 ns. 6|-d. 


IV indsor C astle. 


138 


Of this sum £142 10s. o|d. were paid in wages, £y 2s. 8d. for 100 oaks and a piece of 
timber for the hall and chambers in the great tower, and for cogwheels for the mill, and 
£21 is. for 300 loads of ragstone for making a pavement, etc. and 62 loads of Reigate 
stone for the King's works. A sum of £13 3s. lid. was also paid for carriage of 260 loads 
of timber from Cagham to Windsor, and £45 for the use of a chalk quarry. 

Appended to the account is an interesting memorandum of the contents of the wood 
at Cagham purchased in 135 1-2, and of the way in which they were used : 

Cagham Wood. 

The same renders account of 3004 oaks accruing from a certain wood at Cagham bought in bulk, as is 
contained above in the 26th year. And of 105 oaks received of John of Bokhirst for the said works of the King 
there. And of 10 oaks bought above of John of Sinninghall. 

Total — 3119 oaks. Of which 

The same reckons to have delivered to John of Campsale, clerk Of the King’s works at Westminster, 500 oaks 
for which the aforesaid Robert accounts below. And he reckons to have used both on the canons’ chambers 
and on the making and repairing of a certain clock there, and upon the repair of divers other houses there made 
and repaired ; 2619 oaks. 

Bark of trees. And also 

The same renders account of the boughs, barkings, and other small profits accruing from the aforesaid 3119 
oak trees bought above. All which he accounts for by sale, as is above contained in the receipts of the account 
of the 27th and 28th years. 

Talshid and Faggot from Issues. 

The same renders account of 40550 “ talshid ” received from the issues of Cagham wood, namely from 
the cropping of trees. Also of 3000 talshid accruing from the issues of the cropping of 105 oaks bought of John 
Wodhurst. Also of 32325 faggots derived from the branches of the same wood of Cagham. Also of 3100 faggots 
accruing from the boughs of the aforesaid 105 oaks bought of the same John Wodhurst. 

Total — Talshid 43550 ; Faggots, 35425. Of which 

The same reckons to have spent on the King’s works at Windsor, namely, on burning of plaster of Paris, 
melting and founding of lead, both for the works of the chapel and of other houses there, 1000 talshid. 

And he reckons to have delivered to Roger Clebury for the expenses of the household of the Lady Isabel the 
King’s daughter, by the King’s command by word of mouth and by tally against the aforesaid Roger 203 quarters 
of “ talshid.” And by sale, 26050 talshid and 28250 faggots. Also by sale 16225 talshid and 7103 quarters of 
faggots. Of the monies of which he is charged above ^n the foreign receipts of the 28th and 29th years. 
Charcoal from Issues of Small Escheats of the said Wood. And also 

The same renders account of 60 quarters of charcoal accruing from the small escheats of the said Cagham wood. 
And of 95 quarters of sea-coals received of Thomas Foxle constable of Windsor Castle, etc. 

Total — Charcoal, 60 quarters ; sea-coals, 95 quarters. Of which 

The same reckons to have delivered to Roger of Cleobury for the expenses of the household of the Lady Isabel 
the King’s daughter, by precept of the same King by word of mouth, 20 quarters of charcoal. And he reckons 
to have expended on the making of divers ironworks for the King’s works to be done there during the time of 
the account 85 quarters of sea-coals. And by sale, 40 quarters of charcoal. For which he is charged above in 
the foreign receipts of the 28th year. 

Total, as above. And also 

The same renders account of 80 beeches and oaks received from the issues of Windsor Park. Also of 180 beeches 
received from the issues of the King’s forest there by tally against Thomas Foxle constable of the said Castle. 
Which beeches and oaks he reckons to have expended on burning lime during the time aforesaid. 

The account ends with a long list of "dead stock ” received, expended, and remaining 
on hand. 53 

As the four accounts that are grouped together on the Pipe Roll of King Edward's 
twenty-eighth year also have corresponding detailed wage-sheets, it will be well to deal 
with the latter before discussing the accounts of the concluding years of Robert of 
Burnham’s overseership. 

During Richard of Rothley’s term of office three important works were undertaken : 
(1) the making of new stalls for the chapel of St. Edward and St. George ; (2) the building 
of the re vestry ; and (3) the building of the chapter-house. None of these works was 
finished when Robert of Burnham entered upon his duties, but considerable progress must 
have been made with the stalls during a year and a-half’s continuous work, and the 
revestry had apparently been built, vaulted, and roofed in. 

The details of works in the opening weeks of the 135 1-2 account show that the chapel 
was still in hand. During the first week (7th — 14th August) 50 “ringolbords ” were bought 
for the stalls, and from eight to twelve carpenters were working upon them and the repair 
of the quire until the fifteenth week. For the latter work, the nature of which is uncertain, 
another 50 "ringolbords " and sounds for glueing them were bought in the eleventh week, 54 
and 1000 "takettes ” in the fourteenth week (7th — 14th November). 55 In the sixteenth 
week the master carpenter, Simon Hurley, and eleven other carpenters are entered as engaged 
"on the works of the same quire, and upon a certain pew ( stagium ) for the Queen at the 


1 39 


The ending oj the Chapel IV orks. 

end of the aforesaid stalls.” 66 During the following week seventeen carpenters were 
working upon the said pew, but the week after they were all taken off for ‘‘the making 
of a certain clock in the great tower.” Besides the ordinary carpenters, two others, 
Robert Burwell and John Gurdon, had been engaged from the beginning of the account 
for twenty-two successive weeks in carving the pomella, pinnacles, seats, and other 
ornamental portions of the stalls, but during the twenty-third and twenty-fourth weeks 
(nth — 23rd January) they were carving the Queen’s pew. Nothing further was done 
at the stalls for the next five months, but in the thirty-sixth week (16th — 23rd April) master 
Andrew the smith was paid 4s. 2d. “for 24 crooks bought for hanging the swords over the 
stalls in the quire of the chapel.” 67 These were made in conformity with the ninth Statute 
of the Order of the Garter, which directs that each knight “shall have in the chapel, above 
his stall, his helm and a sword, which shall remain there in memory of him and in defence 
of the Church for the term of his life, as a noble military Order requires.” 68 

In the forty-fifth week (18th — 25th June) some of the carpenters were still working 
on the clock, but others, including two carvers, John Gurdon and Edmund Loord, now 
resumed work upon the Queen’s pew in the chapel. 69 In the forty-ninth week the 
carpenters in the chapel were also working upon the stalls, and were apparently so engaged 
when the account ends at Michaelmas, 1352. 

Robert of Burnham’s detailed accounts for 1352-3 are entered not on the more usual 
roll, but in a book, which has been burnt along the top edges. Some of the entries are 
consequently imperfect or illegible. As regards the chapel they show that from Michaelmas, 
1352, until the third week of November, eight or nine carpenters were still engaged on the 
stalls and the Queen’s pew, but were afterwards transferred to other works. In the 
twentieth week (18th — 25th February) 8 “ righoltbords ” were bought for the stalls, and a 
month later the carpenters again resumed “upon a certain pew for the Queen in the chapel 
and upon the stalls in the quire.” 60 By Whitsun week (16th — 20th May) the carpentry 
of the stalls was at last finished, and with the Whitsun holiday the carpenters ceased 
working upon them. The Queen’s pew was also completed, the only later entry referring 
to it being the purchase in the thirty-seventh week (16th — 24th June) of a lock for its door. 61 
Thirty-eight iron candlesticks had been bought for the chapel in the first week of April, 
probably for fixing along the desks of the stalls. 62 

From the 1351-2 accounts it is evident that besides the fitting of the chapel with new 
stallwork, considerable repairs, or perhaps a reconstruction had been done to the roof 
above its vault. As the whole of the carpentry was done by taskwork there are few re- 
ferences to this work in the body of the accounts, but in the thirty-sixth week (16th — 23rd 
April) 21s. iod. were paid “in carriage of nine great pieces of timber for beams for the roof 
of the chapel, given to our lord the King by the bishop of Salisbury, from Sonning to 
Windsor in eighteen carts, namely for each piece two carts with sixteen horses.” 63 One 
hundred marks were also paid the same week to Agnes Bullock of Barkham “ for timber 
bought by the same in Cagham wood for the King’s works at Westminster and Windsor,” 64 
some of which was probably used for the chapel. In the forty-seventh week (2nd — 9th 
July) £80 17s. 8d. were expended “on 17 carrats and 4 wagers of lead bought through John 
Bray for the repair of the chapel roof.” 66 This was still in hand in the middle of August 
when seven elm trees were bought for 6s. “for a certain scaffold for drawing up the chapel 
roof.” 66 The only other entry relating to the roof in the 1351-2 accounts is the payment, 
at the end, of £24 “to William Waryn, carpenter, for the carpentry of the roof of the 
chapel, of the King’s timber, according to a bargain made with him by the treasurer, at 
taskwork.” 67 

The 1352-3 accounts show that the completion of the carpentry of the roof was 
followed by the setting up of a belfry upon it. The details of this are unfortunately very 
meagre, and consist only of the purchase in the week 22nd — 29th October of “10 pieces of 
timber for the belfry of the chapel ” and of “one piece of timber for lintels for the said 
belfry,” 68 and in the week 21st — 28th January of a payment of 21s. “for carriage of 
21 loads of timber from Cagham to Windsor for a certain new belfry upon the roof of the 
chapel.” 69 The conclusion of the works upon the fabric of the chapel is marked by a 
memorandum at the end of the account under notice that 10 carrats of lead had been taken 
off its roof, and 20 carrats of new lead put on, and by a corresponding entry on the Pipe 


1 40 


Windsor Castle. 


Roll, among the things done by taskwork, of £6 paid “in founding, casting, and laying 
20 carrats of lead upon the roof of the King’s chapel.” 70 

The entries relating to the vestry in Robert of Burnham’s accounts are comparatively 
few, and show that the building had practically been completed while Richard of Rothley 
was surveyor. Among the payments for the week beginning 7th November, 1351, is one 
of 20s. “to John atte Dich, plumber, for casting, founding, and laying two fothers and 
twenty-one claves of lead upon the vestry for the covering of the same ” 71 ; and 600 lead- 
nails for the same work were bought in the week beginning 5th December. In the same 
week 53s. 4d. were paid “for a marble stone bought for a certain altar in the new vestry,” 
and 40s. for 5000 tiles for its pavement. 72 In the week beginning 6th February, 1351-2, 
5s. 6d., an unusually large sum, was paid for a lock for the door of the new vestry, and 
3s. for “a latch with all the fittings for the same door.” 73 In the July following “the 
new vestry ” was one of the buildings of which the walls were whitewashed by John of 
Oxford at taskwork. 

The only other entries occur in the detailed accounts for 1352-3. In the week begin- 
ning 5th November is a charge of 12s. “for 6 locks and 12 hinges and 6 rings, with keys, 
bought for a certain new almery in the new vestry ” 74 ; and between 19th November 

and 3rd December seven of the 
carpenters who were engaged on 
the chapel stalls were also work- 
ing “upon a certain new almery 
in the new vestry for keeping 
relics in.” 75 As it was evidently 
divided into six compartments 
the almery must have been a 
substantial piece of furniture. 

Although the masons had 
been at work on the chapter- 
house from June, 1350, to the 
date when Richard of Rothley's 
account ended in August, 1351, 
only its walls had been carried 
up, and the first week of Robert 
of Burnham’s account contains 
a payment of 23s. gd. “for divers 
ironwork bought for the windows 
of the chapter-house,” 76 and a 
note of the purchase of twenty- 
two loads of Reigate stone for 
its windows and doors. (Fig. 9.) 
More ironwork was bought for the windows in the third week, and in the fifth week I2d. 
were paid “for lengthening six bars of iron for the windows of the chapter-house.” 77 For the 
first twelve weeks a number of masons under John Westerham were still working on the 
walls, but had apparently finished by the thirteenth week (31st October — 7th November), 
as they were then removed to other works. 

Unlike the vestry, the chapter-hou.se was not vaulted, but had a wooden ceiling, for 
which 1000 estrich boards were bought in the week beginning 17th October, and 6000 
nails “for fixing the said estrich boards to the rafters.” 78 Ten carpenters were also engaged 
the same week and that following in cutting timber “for the works of the said chapter- 
house.” A further supply of estrich boards “for the ceiling of the chapter-house,” 
etc. and 2000 “tackets ” for the same ceiling were bought in the week 21st — 26th February, 
1 35 1-2, 79 and 8000 more tackets in the week beginning 19th March. The fact that “the 
ceiling of the chapter-house ” is entered on the Pipe Roll as one of the things done by 
taskwork explains why there is no further reference to it in the accounts. It will be 
noticed that there are no entries relating to a roof over the chapter-house. 

In the week beginning 18th June, 1352, 65s. were paid for 10000 tiles for the chapter- 
house floor, at 6s. 6d. a thousand, bought at Hedsor, 80 and a fortnight later the chapter- 



FIG. 9 . THE CHAPTER-HOUSE DOORWAY AND FLANKING WINDOWS, 
WITH THE DEANERY DOORWAY ON THE LEFT. BUILT IN 135 1-2. 



Glazing of the Chapter-House and Chapel Windows. 1 4 1 

house is noted as one of the buildings which was whitewashed at taskwork by John of 
Oxford. The flooring apparently was not begun to be laid until the week beginning ioth 
September, three months after the purchase of the tiles, when 4s. 2d. were paid “to Elias 
Tilere, paviour, and Simon Billyng his man working in the new chapter-house for 5 days.’’ 81 
The further entry occurs at the end of the account : “To Elias the tiler for laying 8000 
paving-tiles in the floor of the new chapter-house, taking at taskwork per thousand 2od., 
13s. 4d.” 82 

As there is no mention of the chapter-house in the accounts for 1352-3 and I353~4 
it must have been completed before the end of September, 1352. There has, however, 
yet to be told the story of the glazing of its windows. 

It appears from the account of 135 1-2 that early in March a large staff of glaziers, 
who had until then been engaged upon the windows of the King’s new chapel of St. Stephen 
at Westminster, were set to work upon the painted glass for the windows of the new chapter- 
house at Windsor. They were apparently not removed to the Castle, but continued their 
work at Westminster. This is proved by the first entry relating to the matter in the 
accounts, a payment in the week beginning 12th March for a quantity of white glass bought 
for the chapter-house windows, and for carriage of the same from London to Westminster. 83 
Three gallons of beer were also provided “for washing and whitening the glaziers’ tables,” 
but as there is nothing relating to the provision of the tables themselves, they must already 
have been in existence. The same week’s account shows 84 that the chiefs were master 
John Lincoln and master John Athelard, who are described as working “upon the drawing 
out and ordering of the glass for the windows of the King’s chapel [sfc] at Windsor,” each 
at the rate of I2d. a day. Under them were five other men engaged “in painting glass 
for the chapter-house windows,” each at yd. a day, and ten others employed “on breaking 
and laying down glass for glazing the said windows ” each at 6d. a day ; there was also 
a labourer as helper at 3d. a day. 

In the next week's account Lincoln and Athelard are correctly described as working 
on the chapter-house windows, and 10s. are entered as paid to John Gedding “engaged 
upon providing glass for the laying out of the said works, for ten days beginning 12th 
March ” at I2d. a day. 85 William Walton and five companions were engaged in painting 
glass, and William Hamme and seven mates in breaking up and laying glass for the 
chapter-house windows. 

Since most of the same men, with occasional variations in their numbers, were 
engaged throughout upon the windows, there is no need to recite their doings week by week, 
unless of an exceptional or interesting character, and it will suffice to say that they con- 
tinued working on the chapter-house glass until the eve of Whitsunday, which in 1352 
fell on 27th May. 

In the week beginning 2nd April Robert Russhemere, who had joined in the preceding 
week, is entered as engaged “in drawing out upon tables of glass divers matters for the 
said windows,” 86 and in the week 9th — 15th April John Cosin was allowed 2s. “for 
journeying from Westminster to Windsor to measure windows, going and returning, 
with hire of a horse, for two days.” 87 In the week beginning 30th April master John 
Athelard is described as “ working upon the ordering of the drawing out of the images 
in the aforesaid windows,” 88 which gives a solitary clue as to their design. Purchases of 
glass and other materials are entered almost weekly. Thus in the thirty-third week of the 
account (that beginning 26th March) two hundred of white glass at 8d. a ponder, and four 
ponders of “safir ” glass at 3s. a ponder, were bought of William Holmere. 89 In the thirty- 
sixth week two hundred of glass of divers colours at 56s. the hundred (or 2s. 4d. the ponder) 
were bought of Roger Glendon. 90 In the thirty-eighth week 47s. 6d. were paid to John 
Alemayn for three hundreds and twenty-four ponders of white glass at 6d. a ponder, 8s. 
to William Holmere for carriage of it from Chiddingfold to London, and 8d. more for its 
carriage to Westminster. 91 Almost every week a quantity of beer, varying from one to 
three gallons, at 2d. a gallon, was bought for washing and whitening the tables on which 
the glass painters worked. 92 In the thirty-fourth week half a pound, in the thirty-sixth 
week one pound, and in the thirty-ninth week twelve pounds of jet ( geet ) at is. a pound 
were bought of John Gedding “for painting of glass,” and in the last-named week 3d. 
were paid for a quantity of silver filings (for yellow stain) for the same work. 93 Both in 


142 


W indsor Castle. 


the thirty-fourth and in the thirty-seventh week half a hundred of talshid was bought 
“for annealing ( i.e . firing) glass,” and also in the latter week three stone of tallow were 
bought to use with solder. 94 On three occasions “croisures,” groisers, or grazing irons 
were got for the workmen. 95 

During Whitsun week and that following all the glaziers were taking holiday. 

On the nth June (1352), when work was resumed, Athelard and Russhemere are 
described, and henceforth, as working on the windows of the chapel, 96 with Waltham and 
four mates, and Hamme and ten mates, assisting them. 

The close of the work upon the chapter-house windows had been already foreshadowed 
in the week beginning 14th May, when the large sum of £36 8s. was paid to Richard of 
Thorp “for twenty-six hundred of glass of divers colours bought for glazing the windows 
of the chapel.” 97 Another £30 was also paid him in the week 9th— 15th July for fifteen 
hundred of coloured glass. 98 The only other purchase of glass occurs in the week 10th — 
16th September, when William Marshal was paid 45s. “for three hundred of white glass 
for repairing the said windows.” 99 In the week 18th— 25th June one hundred pounds 
of tin or pewter were bought “for solder for the glass windows of the aforesaid chapel.” 100 
In the week 9th — 15th July, besides (i) six pounds of “ geet ” there were also bought (ii) four 
gallons of beer “for cooling glass and washing the glaziers’ tables,” (iii) silver filings for 
painting glass, (iv) two hundred “talshid” for annealing and breaking glass, and (v) a 
pound of gum-arabic for painting glass. 101 More beer, gum-arabic, and silver filings were 
bought the following week, 102 and again in the fifty-third and fifty-fifth weeks of the account. 
Grozing irons to the number of sixty, twenty-four, and forty were purchased for the work- 
men on three occasions. 103 

The glaziers were engaged continuously on the chapel windows until the end of the 
account ; it will therefore suffice to give the entries relating to one week’s work, for that 
beginning 23rd July, as a sample of the rest : 

To master John Athelard, glazier, working upon the drawing of glass for the said windows. 

To John Geddyng with his three mates, glaziers, working upon the glass of the same windows. 

To William Hamme with his seven mates, glaziers, painting, joining, and “ cloring ” glass for the said 
windows. 

To Thomas Dumnowe, glazier, working with them. 104 

A first examination of the detailed accounts for 1352-3 suggests that the labours 
of the glaziers upon the chapel windows came to an end at Michaelmas, 1352, for notwith- 
standing that the new accounts, though in book form instead of on a roll, are set out like 
the preceding, there are no entries whatever relating to the glaziers. The difficulty is, 
however, cleared up on reaching the end of the account, both the purchases of materials 
and the payments to the men being there entered separately, and by a different scribe, 
probably because the work was still being done at Westminster and not at Windsor. 

The section relating to the supply of glass, etc. is almost entirely lost, through its 
being written at the head of the page, where the book has been burnt, and the only perfect 
entry is the last, for the purchase of twenty-five “groisours ” for working glass from Simon 
the smith. 105 

The statement of the wages paid to the glaziers has lost only a few unimportant words, 
and is of sufficient interest to be given in an English dress : 

[? Paid] in wages of master John Lyncoln glazier engaged upon the ordering of the glazing of the 
windows of the King’s chapel [at] Windsor for 56 days between 1st October in the said 27th 
year and 18th December [next ensuing] taking per day I2d. . . . . . . 61s. 

And to master John Athelard glazier working with the same upon the glazing of the [said] windows 

for 14 days within the same time, taking per day I2d. . . . . . . . . 14s. 

And to John Geddyng [glazier] working upon the said works for 48 days between the said 1st 
October and the aforesaid 18th December taking per day 7d. . . . . . . 28s. 

To John Waltham, Stephen Lord, John Ipre, William Walton, Robert Coldryngton, John Esthawe, 
Thomas Yonge, and Henry Jernemuth, eight glaziers painting glass for the said windows from 
the aforesaid 1st October until the aforesaid 18th December next following, from the first 
day of the account not the last, for 11 weeks, to each of them per week 3s. 6d. . . £15 8s. 

To John Seman painting with them for 6J weeks within the said time taking per week 
3s. 6d. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... 22s. 9d. 

To John Hamme, Andrew Horkesley, William Copyng, John Parson, William Papelwickes, Thomas 
Dunmow, John Coventre, John Haddiscoe, John Cosyn, Richard Sibton, and Thomas 
Dadington, eleven glaziers called “ clorours and joynours ” working on the works of the said 
windows for the aforesaid 11 weeks, to each of them per week 3s. . . . . £18 3s. 

To John Lyons working with them for 10 weeks within the said time, taking per week 3s. 30s. 


1 43 


The IV irden s Lodging. 

To Roger Melchebourne, John Brampton, William Bromble working with the same upon the 
glazing of the said windows for 6 weeks within the said time, to each of them per week 3s. 54s. 

To Geoffrey Sibton working upon the said works for 6 weeks and 4 days, taking per 

week 3s. . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . , . . . 19s. 6d. 

To John Jonge grinding colours for the painting of the glass for the said windows for 4 weeks, 
taking per week 2s. 6d. . . . . . . . . , . . , . . . . . . 10s. 

To Henry Kirtlyngton labourer making a fire and heating the tools of the glaziers aforesaid for 
59 days within the said n weeks taking per day 3d. . . . . . . . . 14s. 9d. 

Sum of the wages — £46 5s. 108 

The glass painted at Westminster seems to have been kept there until the following 
March, when it was sent to Windsor and set up in the chapel windows. The entry relating 
to the glazing appears in this form in the account for the week beginning 4th March, 1352-3 : 

To John Coventre, John Parson, and Thomas Dadinton, three glaziers engaged there in placing the panels 
of glass in the windows of the said chapel for the said six days, to each of them 8d. a day, 12s. 

To Walter Beauchamp helping them in glazing of the said windows for the same time, taking 4d. a dav, 2s. 107 

A similar entry occurs in each of the six following weeks, by which time their task was 
apparently ended. 

In the account for the week beginning 18th March is a detailed note of the packing of 
the glass preparatory to its conveyance from Westminster to Windsor : 

In 18 boards for making boxes for carrying the panels of glass from Westminster to Windsor 3s. 

In 36 elm boards bought of the same, price apiece 4d. . . . . . . . . . . 12s. 8d. 

In carriage of the same from London to Westminster . . . . . . . . . . 5s. 

In hay and straw bought to put in the aforesaid boxes for the safe custody of the panels of 
glass . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i4d. 

In 300 nails bought for making the said boxes . . . . . . . . . . . . I2d. 108 

A “palet ” with a “soldur” for glass was also bought the same week for i2d., and a 
fortnight later 7s. were paid " for a quarter of tin bought for solder for the glass windows.” 109 

The charge for bringing the glass from Westminster is entered in the first week of the 
account for 1353-4 : 

To John Talwych for freightage of his shout carrying 12 mouncells of plaster of Paris, and 6 boxes With 
glass for the chapel windows, from Westminster to Windsor — 14s. 110 

The three glaziers employed earlier in the year, Co ventre, Parson, and Dadinton, 
were again engaged in putting in the newly-arrived panels. They were working in all 
for four weeks, but Coventre stayed on for a fifth week, after which no further entries as 
to the glazing occur. 

It has been noted above that not only the glass for the chapel windows but that for 
the chapter-house windows was made at Westminster. There is, however, no charge 
either of the conveyance of the latter to Windsor or its insertion in the windows ; it may 
therefore be assumed that both are included in the charges for the chapel windows. 

Next in order to the works upon the chapel, vestry, and chapter-house in the accounts 
is the building of the camera or lodging of the custos or warden of the newly-founded 
college. 

The entries relating to the warden’s lodging are a little difficult to follow on account 
of the uncertainty of the exact position that it occupied. Part of it must have been on the 
same level as the vestry and chapter-house, to the north of the latter, but as this would 
occupy even less space than the chapter-house itself, the more reasonable supposition 
is that the chief apartments of the warden’s lodging were on the first floor. This is borne 
out by one fact already noted, that although reference has been made to the ceiling of the 
chapter-house, there are no entries relating to its roof. If, however, the warden’s lodging 
extended over it this omission is at once explained. 

The warden’s lodging is first mentioned in Robert of Burnham’s account in the week 
beginning 12th September, 1351, when master Andrew the smith was paid 10s. “for divers 
ironwork bought for the windows of the lodging of the warden of the college, weighing 
401b.” 111 The purchase of ironwork for the windows is not usually the first step in the 
building of a house, and it can only be conjectured that in raising the walls of the chapter- 
house they had been carried up sufficiently high to include part of the warden’s lodging, 
which had been planned from the beginning to be built over it. The same week’s account 
also contains the first reference to work upon the building, thirteen out of a gang of 
twenty-six masons being described as engaged “upon the works of the walls of the chambers 
of the warden of the college.” 112 Seventeen labourers were also occupied “on the breaking 


1 44 


Windsor Castle . 


of old walls,” probably a continuation northward of that destroyed for the vestry and 
chapter-house. In the next week I9th-26th September John Westram and fourteen other 
masons were at work, seven of them being laying masons who were engaged” upon the making 
good of the walls of the warden’s chambers, and two others who were working with them.” In 
the following week ” io bunches of osiers were bought for repairing the corbel ” (apparently 
some basket) of the chambers of the warden’s lodging, 113 and two masons were engaged 
“in laying stones in the walls of the same lodging.” For the next four weeks only the 
two masons seem to have been working, but in the week beginning 31st October Westram 
and his sixteen masons, having finished their work upon the chapter-house, are entered 
as engaged “upon the repair of the said walls of the same lodging,” the other two masons 
being also occupied “upon the same works.” For the next ten weeks the whole of the 
masons were working upon the warden’s lodging, and in the last, that beginning 
16th January, 135 1-2, there were also ten labourers and another man partly employed 
“in the breaking and throwing down of a certain wall at the end of the houses of 
the warden of the college.” 114 The labourers were still at work on this wall during 
the next two weeks, but the masons had apparently done their part and begun 
other work. 

The finishing of the masonry is also indicated by two entries in the week beginning 
nth January of payments of (1) 20 marks “to John of Cambridge for the carpentry of the 
roof of the house of the warden of the college, of the King’s timber, at taskwork,” 115 and 
(2) of 72s. “to Robert Horewode, plumber, for founding, casting, and laying of 12 carrats 
of lead for the roof of the said house, taking at taskwork for each carrat 6s.” 116 A new 
lock was also bought for the door of the warden’s house, likewise four pounds of solder 
and 600 lead nails for the “repair ” of the roof of the same house. 117 

In the week 6th — 13th February ioolb. of iron were bought in London for divers 
ironwork for the windows of the warden’s “houses,” 118 and a month later a quantity of 
plaster was obtained “for making sundry walls” in the warden’s lodging. 119 Nothing 
further is recorded until the week 18th — 25th June, when 100 “talschid ” were bought 
for burning plaster of Paris for the walls ; 3000 laths and 10000 lath nails were also pur- 
chased for the walls, and nine “ferraments ” for the windows. 120 In the week beginning 
2nd July 4000 tiles were obtained for repairing the walls of the warden’s chambers. 121 
The interior of the lodging must now, however, have been nearly finished, since a payment 
is entered in the same week of 60s. to John of Oxford for whitewashing the walls of the 
“houses of the warden of the College, and of the chapter-house and vestry, with the 
King’s lime, at taskwork.” 

The payments in the remaining weeks are chiefly for carpentry and joinery. Thus 
in the week 16th— 23rd July fifty sounds were bought for making glue to join boards for 
the doors and windows. 122 For part of the week 20th — 27th August eleven carpenters were 
engaged on the “ making ready of the doors and windows,” and apparently continued so doing 
until the end of the account. Two other payments help to show what they were actually 
doing. In the week beginning 27th August ten locks and four clickets with keys and 
staples were bought for the doors, 123 and in that beginning 10th September is a charge 
“for making of 12 pairs of vertivells and crooks, 12 iron bolts, and 12 latches with all the 
fittings made for the doors and windows of the chambers of the warden’s chambers, 
weighing in all 1201b.” 1 24 

One other entry is of interest, the purchase in the last week of August of 10000 tiles 
bought from Penn for the pavement of the warden’s hall. 125 

Among the expenses of twenty-fifth — twenty-sixth year (1351-2) entered on the Pipe 
Roll are several entries relating to the warden’s lodging 126 : 

(i) In 17 carrats and 4 wagers of leads (and) 128 lbs of tin bought for the roof of the houses of the warden 

of the college, £82 5s. 2d. 

(ii) And in 32 mouncells of plaster of Paris bought for making good the houses of the warden of the college 

there, £14 8s. 6d. And in 22 casks bought for putting in the aforesaid plaster, 22s. 

(iii) And in divers works there at taskwork by ordering of the treasurer : 

In casting, founding and laying 2 f others and 21 claves of lead [with the carpentry of the roof 
of the house of the warden of the college (and) casting and laying of 14 carrats of lead written 
over] for the roof of the said house ; in whitewashing the walls of the houses of the warden of the 
college and of the chapter house ; in the carpentry “ de fflor ” of the chambers of the warden of 
the college, etc. etc. 


The Lodgings of the Canons and Vicars. * r 45 

The last-named item is thus entered at the end of the detailed account : 

To Ivo of Cambridge, carpenter, for the carpentry " del flor ” of the chambers of the warden of the college, 
but not the ceiling of the chapter-house, 127 of the Kind’s timber, by an agreement made with him 
by the treasurer at taskwork, 18 marks. 128 

Robert of Burnham also accounts for having used " upon the repair of the covering of 
the hall and chambers of the warden of the college 12 fothers ” of lead. 129 

In the account for 1352-3 there are hardly any references to the warden’s lodging. 
In the week beginning 16th December is a payment of 2s. "for the expenses of a glazier 
of London to Windsor to put panels of glass in the windows,” 130 and in that beginning 
18th February 14s. were paid “for a vane of latten bought for the chimney of the warden 
of the college.” 131 In the Pipe Roll the latter item is more fully entered as “a vane of 
copper painted with the King’s arms to put upon the top of the hall of the King’s college 
there.” 132 As, however, it is included among the mortuum staurum at the end of this 
and following accounts, it does not seem ever to have been set up. The same Pipe Roll 
has a few other entries relating to the warden’s lodging for 1352-3 133 : 

(i) In 49 carrats of lead, 226 lbs of solder, a pan for solder of glass, and 6 lbs of tallow bought and provided 

for the roof of the houses of the warden of the college there, £242 is. 

(ii) And in 20 mouncels of plaster of Paris bought and provided for doing the King’s works there, 

£6 15s. 8d. . . . and he reckons to have used the aforesaid plaster wholly upon making 

chimneys there and upon the walls of the houses of the warden of the college. 

(iii) And in 33100 tiles and 18000 tilepins bought, provided, and used for the roof of the houses of the 

warden of the college, £7 3s. id. 

There are no entries relating to the warden’s lodging in the detailed account for 1353-4. 

With the building of the vestry, chapter-house, and warden’s lodging the block on 
the east side of the chapel cloister was finished, and the next work to be taken in hand was 
the lodgings for the canons. 

These extended from the north side of the cloister to the Castle wall on the north, 
and occupied the area covered by the royal lodging ordered to be built by King Henry III 
in 1240. This was partly destroyed by fire early in 1296, but not rebuilt, and hatl 
apparently since remained a blackened ruin. 

The canons’ lodgings were begun in the week after the completion of the masons’ 
work on the warden’s lodging, that beginning 23rd January, 1351-2, when ten masons 
are entered as engaged "upon scappling of stones for the King’s works.” 134 The work is 
more definitely described in the next week as "carving stones for divers doors and 
windows for the houses and chambers of the canons.” 135 The week following the master 
mason, John Westram, was occupied in ordering divers works of the lodgings both of the 
warden and the canons, and eight other masons were still “scappling stones for the same 
houses.” Twenty-one labourers were also busy "in throwing down divers walls there 
in the places where the canons’ lodgings ought to be built,” 136 probably those of the ruined 
camera. "For breaking the old walls ” six pickaxes were bought and twelve iron-shod 
shovels "for the same work ” ; also five "croudwayns ” "for carrying the said wall, when 
it shall have been thrown down, from that place to another,” 137 which looks as if the 
materials were used as rubble in the new works. 

For the next nine weeks the masons were still scappling stones for the proposed work, 
and during two part were engaged “upon repairing a certain wall on the north side of the 
chapel,” 138 that is, the wall forming the north side of the cloister. The ruined walls 
beyond it are similarly described in a preceding week, when thirty-three labourers were 
still busy “upon breaking sundry walls on the north side of the chapel where the canons’ 
chambers ought to be built.” 139 The labourers were occupied in breaking walls at irregular 
intervals throughout the year’s account. 

By the week beginning 16th April, 1352, the masons had finished scappling stones, 
and were engaged "upon preparing a certain latrine for the canons outside the wall of 
the Castle.” 140 They were still working at this during the next two weeks, but in the three 
weeks that followed they were also occupied, under a new head mason, William Wymbremill, 
"in raising the Castle wall on either side the said latrine.” 141 The week beginning 28th 
May was Whitsuntide, which was holiday-time for all save the labourers, who were still 
busy at breaking walls and getting stone in the quarry. When the masons resumed work 
on 4th June Geoffrey Carlton appears as head mason, and their numbers were increased 
to twenty-six, of whom, in the week following, eighteen were still working on the latrine. 142 


146 


Windsor Castle . 


By the end of the next week the masonry of the latrine was apparently finished, and for 
the rest of the account the masons, who continued to number about a score, are described 
either as working on or "preparing for ” the walls of the canons’ chambers. For this 
work a quantity of scaffolding for the laying masons was bought in the week 18th — 25th 
June. 143 The progress of it is also marked, in the week beginning 27th August, by the 
making and preparing of twenty-five short and five long iron bars for the windows of the 
canons’ lodgings and the purchase of one hundred loads of Reigate stone, already scappled 
to pattern, for corbel-tables for the same 144 ; another lot of twenty-five short and five 
long bars of iron was also obtained a fortnight later. 

Shortly after Whitsuntide, 1352, in the week beginning 18th June, wood was begun 
to be felled for the canons’ chambers, and incidental references to the same effect continue 
down to the close of the account. There are no corresponding entries relating to the 
carpentry, and the main body of carpenters, as has been shown above, were engaged 
elsewhere, but an explanation is to be found in a charge at the end of the account of £40 
due “to John Glemsford, Simon Hurley, and John Dunstaple in part payment of 
£107 6s. 8d. for the carpentry of the canons’ chambers made at taskwork.” 145 

The detailed account for 1352-3 shows that the masons continued on the canons’ 
lodgings for seven more months, until Whitsunday (15th May), 1353, after which they 
were transferred for several weeks to other work. Very little information is afforded 
as to their precise occupation meantime. In the first week of the account eight masons 
and ten laying masons were engaged "upon making ready stones for the doors and 
windows of the canons’ chambers,” 146 and in the week 16th — 23rd December all the masons 
were working "upon the tablements of the canons’ chambers.” 147 There are also no special 
purchases of material until the week 15th — 22nd April, 148 when one hundred stones called 
corbels, each containing 3J feet, were bought for the works of the canons’ chambers at 
2d. a foot ; also 300 feet "de paas ” 149 for a certain stair of the gate leading to the canons’ 
cemetery. The carriage of these stones in fifty-seven carts from the quarry to the water 
at 6d. a cart cost 28s. 6d. ; the freightage of three ships bringing them from Maidstone to 
London amounted to 65s. ; and the freightage of the stones to Windsor 26s. 8d. Since 
the stones were shipped at Maidstone they were probably of Kentish rag, as were fifteen 
other loads of stone for which boatage was paid in the week 20th — 27th May from 
Maidstone to London and on to Windsor. 150 Some of the masons again resumed work 
in the week beginning 10th June “upon the foundation of the canons’ chambers,” 151 and 
apparently so continued until the week beginning 30th July, when they were engaged “upon 
the battlements of the canons’ chambers.” 152 Whether they were so occupied for this 
week only, or whether they were working on the battlements until Michaelmas, cannot 
be inferred from the entries in the account. 

Besides the entries referring to the masons there are others showing that for the first 
half of the period covered by the 1352-3 account certain works were also being done to 
the canons’ lodgings by the carpenters, who had for some time previously been engaged 
upon the warden’s lodging. For the first seven weeks of the account (1st October — 
19th November) eight carpenters were at work, some in the chapel, others "making ready 
the covering of three towers outside the chambers of the canons.” 153 During the next 
two weeks the carpenters were busy upon the revestry almery, but for the three weeks 
3rd — 23rd December they were "working on the roofing of a certain latrine and of two 
towers outside the wall of the canons’ chambers.” 154 

These references to the three towers on the Castle wall north of the canons’ cloister 
are of some interest. The middlemost was apparently a Norman one which had been 
converted into the canons’ latrine by building a fourth or south side to it ; a skewed passage 
was also made through it to the descending stairs, now represented by "the hundred 
steps,” that led to the canons’ cemetery at the foot of the Castle cliff. The other 
two towers were also probably of Norman foundation, but were apparently rebuilt after 
the walls extending from them to the middlemost tower were raised in May, 1352. 

Although the fact is not specifically stated, the carpenters probably continued working 
upon the canons’ chambers all through January and February and until the middle of 
March. But the more important section of the work was being done by taskwork, and 
at the close of the account there is an entry of the full payment of the £10 7 6s. 8d. “to 


The Lodgings of the Canons and Vicars. 1 47 

Simon Hurley, John Glemsford, and John Dunstaple, carpenters, for the carpentry 
of twenty-three chambers, of the King’s timber, for the canons of the college of 
the King’s chapel of Windsor at taskwork in accordance with an agreement made 
with them by the venerable father Dan William of Edington, the King’s 
treasurer.” 155 

This work, as was noted above, was actually begun, and about two-fifths of it done, 
in the preceding year, and it will be seen that with the warden’s lodging it provided 
accommodation for all the canons and vicars of the reconstructed foundation. As might 
be expected, there are not many entries relating to it in the detailed account. In the 
week 5th — 12th November a sum of 4s. was paid “for two acres of land hired for one year 
upon which the carpenters work at the canons’ chambers.” 156 In the week 10th — 16th 
December 20000 laths were bought for the canons’ chambers, and in the first week of 
February huge quantities of nails were purchased for the same work. 157 In the week 
20th— 27th May 2000 estrich boards were bought, at a cost of £1 7, for the roofing of the 
canons’ chambers. During the succeeding weeks there are constant charges for carriage 
of timber, both worked and un worked, from Cagham for the aforesaid works, and in the 
week 19th — 26th August 10000 little nails called “ spykyng,” 5000 tiles, 4000 laths, 
and 100 ridge tiles (rugtil) were bought for the roof of the canons’ chambers ; and a 
fortnight later 20000 more “spikings ” and 1281b. of tin for solder. The near completion 
of the carpentry and woodwork is indicated by the purchase in the week 16th — 23rd 
September of twenty mouncels of plaster of Paris for the chimneys and walls of the canons’ 
chambers. 

Besides large quantities of iron, which are mixed up with what was also bought for 
the chapel, the Pipe Roll 158 accounts for the purchase of 3426 estrich boards, righolts, 
wainscot boards, and other things bought and provided at a cost of £29 14s. iod., all 
of which were expended on the doors, windows, and ceilings of the canons’ chambers ; 
also for 219700 lath and other nails and 26000 laths bought and used on th£ 
same works, at a cost of £25 16s. 7d. ; also for twenty empty casks, at a cost of 
26s. 8d., for plaster of Paris, and twenty mouncels, at a cost of £6 15s. 8d., of the 
plaster itself, which was used in making the chimneys and upon the walls of the 
canons’ houses. 

The detailed account for 1353-4 shows that throughout the whole of the year 
covered by it two plasterers and their two assistants were engaged in plastering the 
newly-built lodgings. There are also a considerable number of entries relating to the 
finishing of the doors and windows, etc. as well as others dealing with the completion 
of the roof. 

Concerning the latter point, in the first week of the account is a note of £9 paid to 
Robert Horewode for the casting, founding, and laying of thirty carrats of lead for the 
roof of the canons’ chambers, at taskwork, at 6s. a carrat. 159 In the week 21st — 28th 
October a further sum of £9 was paid to Horewode for laying another thirty carrats, and 
three weeks later the cost of this second lot of lead is given as £150. In the week beginning 
27th January 5000 lead nails were bought for the battlements of the canons’ chambers, 
and the week following Robert Horewode was paid “for the founding, casting, and 
laying of thirty (carrats) of lead upon the battlements of the canons’ chambers, and on 
the battlements of the clock, taking at taskwork for each carrat 6s., £9 ; twelve carrats 
being new lead, and eight carrats old lead from the roof of the old cloister and from a 
certain cistern and the gutters on the Castle walls.” 160 

On the Pipe Roll £350 are given as the cost of seventy carrats of lead for covering 
the canons’ chambers, etc. The founding, casting, and laying of the ninety carrats 
mentioned above is included among the things done by taskwork, and at the end of his 
account Burnham accounts for having used the ninety carrats “on the making and getting 
ready of the roofing of twenty-six chambers for the canons of the college and on repairing 
the battlement of the clock.” 161 

The entries relating to the plasterers are of interest. In the first week, besides the 
two plasterers who were engaged in making ready the walls of the canons’ chambers, at 
6d. a day, two men were engaged at 5d. a day “paying laths for the walls ’ of the said 
chambers. 162 In the following week three loads, and a fortnight after ten loads, of straw 


148 


Windsor Castle. 


were bought for the same works, as well as 40000 sprigs “for making ready the walls." 
In the week nth— 18th November 4s. 8d. were paid for making 3100 laths of the King’s 
timber at taskwork for the walls of the canons’ chambers, and in the week after, besides 
another 10000 laths, 10 ells of canvas were bought for rubbing down the walls. 163 In 
the week beginning 2nd December 10000 tiles were bought for the walls, and two hundred 
of talschid for burning plaster of Paris for them. In the week 17th — 24th February a 
quarter and four bushels of salt at 6s. 8d. a quarter were bought for the chimneys of the 
canons’ chambers, 164 and three thousand Flanders tiles, 165 probably the usual thin tiles 
set on edge for the hearths and backs of the chimneys. In the week 17th — 24th March 
amongst various payments for taskwork is one of £6 13s. 4d. to John Burre, lather, 
for lathing the walls of the canons’ chambers with the King’s laths, 166 and another of 
ioos. to Richard Assheby “for painting the woodwork in the canons’ chambers according 
to his own devising with varnish and ochre.’’ 167 In the two weeks beginning 31st 
March, 1354, ten men were partly engaged in carting clay ( lutum ) for the walls of 
the canons’ chambers. The two plasterers and their two mates are also described as 
working upon the chimneys, and so continued until the end of the account. In the 
week 22nd — 28th April another lot of twelve hundred Flanders tiles was bought for the 
chimneys and ten thousand lath nails for the walls ; £15 6s. 8d. are also entered as 
paid to John of Oxford and Richard Assheby, daubers, for daubing of the walls of 
the canons’ chambers at taskwork. 168 In the first week of June five hundred Flanders 
tiles, and a fortnight later three thousand more, were bought for the chimneys, and 

in the week 15th — 22nd Septem- 
ber, amongst other things fur- 
nished by Richard Smyth, were 
ninety-three iron pikes made at 
taskwork for the chimneys of the 
canons’ chambers of his own iron 
at a cost of 3s. io|d. 169 

The only other entry that 
need be quoted is the purchase 
in the week beginning 31st 
March, 1354, of three thousand 
paving tiles “for the cloister in 
the canons’ chambers.’’ 170 This 
is apparently the first mention by 
name of the newly-built canons’ 
cloister (as distinct from the 
larger cloister north of the 
chapel) about which their lodgings 
were set. (Fig. 10.) 

The entries relating to the 
fittings begin in the second week of the account with the buying of twelve 
hundred spikings for the doors and windows, and are followed in the third week by 
a payment of 4s. 4d. to John Lokiere (at 6d. a day) for making locks, and John 
Smyth (at 4d. a day) for making “henges’’ and other necessaries for the doors of the 
canons’ chambers. 171 More smith’s work was also being made for a number of weeks, 
beginning with 2nd December. In the week beginning 3rd February twenty-six locks 
at 2s. each for the doors were paid for, and in that beginning 17th March John Smith of 
Slough was paid 8s. id. for making twenty-three pairs of vertivells with crooks of the King’s 
iron at taskwork. 172 In the same week there were also bought ten thousand spikings 
for doors and windows, five thousand door-nails, and forty thousand more spikings. In 
the week beginning 31st March there were purchased fifty clicket locks for the doors of 
the canons’ chambers, a clicket for the common latrine with twenty-six keys, 173 eighty 
tinned rings for the said doors, and forty latches. The only other entry is for 
the purchase, in the week beginning 26th May, of tw r o locks and two clickets for 
doors, and of twenty rings for the same, and of six hundred white nails for the 
clickets and rings. 



FIG. 10. PART OF THE WOODEN ALLEY OF THE CANONS’ 
CLOISTER, AS ORIGINALLY BUILT IN 1352-3. 


The Lodgings of the Canons and Vicars. 


149 


Besides the items already noticed, the 
Pipe Roll also accounts, among the expenses 
of the twenty-eighth year, for divers purchases, 
some of which were certainly, and others 
apparently, for the canons’ chambers 174 : 

£ s. d. 


In 461 loads of Reigate stone, ninety 
pieces of “ Whetenhale ” stone, two 
hundred ashlars and other stones 
from Egremont and Flynt 
In carriage, boatage, and freightage of the 
said stones from the places where 
they were bought, both by land and 
by water to Windsor 
In 32000 spikings, 86000 “ traverses ” 
and 80000 sprigs, 500000 “ lednail,” 
500000 “ bordnail,” 30000 “ rofnail,” 
10000 “ lathnail,” 600 white nails 
for clickets and rings 
In 13 loads of straw 
In 35 locks, 50 clickets with keys and 
clickets for canons’ chambers, etc... 
In 29700 laths 
In 74000 “ tylpynnes ” 

In portage of nails, boatage and carriage 
of tiles, iron, rings, clickets for 
latches, etc. 

In 70 carrats of lead for the roofing of 
the chambers and the battlements 
of the chambers 

In 24 tinned rings and 100 latches for 
the canons’ doors 

In 233 pieces of timber (used for houses, 
doors, etc.) 

In 105 oaks 


51 10 11 
33 10 4 

19 19 4 
13 6 

662 

620 

17 

4 5 7 

350 0 0 

246 

3 5 8 
9 13 6 


I 1 i;l 



FIG. II. REMAINS OF THE DOORWAY TO THE 
VAULTED PORCH BELOW THE TREASURY, 
BUILT IN 1353. 



CJE.BUCKLER. O . JEW IE5.M. 


FIG. 12. NORTH END OF THE VAULTED PORCH BELOW THE 
TREASURY. BUILT BY GEOFFREY CARLTON, HEAD MASON, IN 1353- 


In 3000 Estrich boards, 

200 righolts, and a 
thousand of wainscot 
(used for doors, win- 
dows, ceilings, and em- 
battling of the canons’ 
chambers) . . . . 40 13 4 

In carriage of timber from 
Kingston and Cagham 
to Windsor by land 
and water . . 38 1 5 

In 2lbs. of varnish, 3olbs. 
of rosin, 20lbs. of wax, 
and 10 ells of canvas 
for the masons for 
making cement, etc. . . 105 

In 3050 wythes and 60 
crates for making 
scaffolds . . . . 166 

In 90650 tiles for covering 
houses and making 
pavements . . . . 17 10 4 

After the withdrawal of the 
masons from the canons’ lodgings 
at Whitsuntide, 1353, fourteen of 
them were set to work the following 
week “upon a certain wall (ex- 
tending) from the great hall to the 
King’s great stable.” 175 With 
numbers increased to thirty they 
continued on this for the next two 
weeks, but in the week beginning 
10th June part of them were 
taken off, some to work, as noted 
above, on the foundations of an 




i5° Windsor Castle. 

unfinished portion of the canons’ cloister, others to begin "upon scappling stones for a 
certain chamber called le tresorie .” 176 (Fig. n.) This latter work occupied the masons 
engaged upon it for many weeks, and in that beginning 30th July the head mason, 
Geoffrey Carlton, is entered as working stones "for the vaulting for the treasury’’ 177 
(Fig. 12), and those of his staff of twenty masons not engaged on the battlements of 
the canons’ chambers were also busy “on the works of the said treasury.” 178 They 
apparently were so continued until the end of the account. 

As the treasury in question is still in existence it is clear that the works of 
the new college were now extended to the buildings along the fourth or western 
side of the chapel cloister, of which the treasury and the beautiful vaulted porch below 
it form part. 

Concurrently with the treasury, work was also begun on the reconstruction of the 
cloister itself, and in the week beginning 8th July, 1353, is a note of the purchase of 
250 feet of stones bought for the tablements in the cloister. 179 

In the first week of the new account, for 1353-4, a further supply of 144 loads of Reigate 
stone was bought for £12 of John Profete for the cloister and treasury 180 ; and Geoffrey 
Carlton and twenty-nine other masons are entered as engaged "upon the works of the 

aforesaid cloister and treasury house.” 181 
Another lot of 96 loads of Reigate stone was 
bought for the said works in the second week, 
after which the work seems to have gone 
forward steadily with a varying number of 
masons for some weeks. In the tenth week, 
that beginning 2nd December, Carlton was 
still working "upon a certain chamber called 
le tresorie ” 182 and Umbrevill and fifteen other 
masons “upon the said house called le tresorie 
and upon the lodging of Walter Whitehors.” 183 
For the next two weeks four of Carlton’s 
laying masons were busy "upon a certain 
sub-cellar for Walter Whitehors,” 184 but 
when work was resumed after Christmas all 
the masons seem to have been engaged for 
some weeks “upon the works of the said 
cloister.” During the fortnight beginning 
17th February Carlton and eleven masons 
were again occupied “upon the works of the 
house called la tresorie.” In the week 
beginning 3rd March the sum of 100s. was 
paid "to Dan Simon of Swanlond for a vout 
(vault) of Egremont [sic] stones bought for le 
tresorie in bulk,” and 16s. iod. “for the carriage of the said stones from Horfeld to 
Windsor, for twelve leagues.” 185 The vault in question was no doub t that still remaining 
.aver the treasury itself. (Fig. 13.) The vault which Carlton was working upon in July 
1353 would be that of the porch beneath it. The masons continued working on the 
treasury and cloister for several months, with occasional temporary withdrawals of some 
of them for other matters. Towards the end of the account occur sundry references to 
the purchase of stone, e.g. : 

7 July. 100 loads of Reigate stone for the treasury and for the cloister. 

28 July. 90 pieces of Whateley stone for the works of the cloister and treasury, and 200 ashlars for the same. 

4 August. 100 loads of Reigate stone for the works of the treasury-house and cloister. 

In the week beginning 25th August (1354) i8d. were paid to Richard Smith for the making 
of twelve crampons, of the King’s iron, for the treasury vault, 186 and 23 loads of Reigate 
stone were bought for 24s. ; and in the week beginning 15th September an iron hook was 
made “for drawing great stones upon the treasury,” 187 and 5s. were paid to Richard Smith 
“for making 32 short and 12 long bars, of the King’s iron, for the window of the house 
called the treasury at taskwork.” 188 



'C-K. h.&£. O.JEWITT.SC 

FIG. 13. THE TREASURY, NOW THE ERARY, AS 
BUILT AND VAULTED IN 1353. 


The Building of the Erary and Offices. 1 5 1 

The approaching completion of the treasury is marked in the last two weeks of the 
account by a note of some of the sixteen carpenters being engaged “upon the making 
ready of timber for the roof of the house called la tresor ,” 189 a work which also occupied 
them during the first week of the short account of works from Michaelmas to Christmas, 
1354. From this same short account it is clear that Carlton and his staff of masons 
continued throughout that time upon works of the treasury and cloister, but the near com- 
pletion of the former is again indicated by the payment, in the week beginning 17th 
November, of 36s. to Robert Horwode for laying at taskwork the lead “upon the roof 
of the treasury house.’’ 190 The amount used is given in the Pipe Roll as 6 carrats. 191 

The first notice of the lodging of Walter Whitehors, mentioned above, is in the account 
for 1352-3, where Denys and his carpenters are entered as working upon it for eight weeks 
from 20th May (1353) onwards, 192 and for a further eleven weeks in conjunction with other 
works. It seems therefore to have been a half-timbered building, perhaps of a temporary 
character, and by the week 22nd — 27th July was sufficiently finished for two tilers and two 
daubers to be set to work on it. The daubers were still working during the next week, 
and in that following, 35s. were paid for ten thousand tiles for the roof. In the second 
week of September three daubers were busy on the walls of the house of Walter Whitehors. 
Where it stood is not indicated. 

Throughout a considerable part of the 1353-4 account there are occasional entries 
relating to the same structure. Thus in the week 21st — 28th October twelve thousand 
tile-pins and sixteen hundred laths were bought for the chamber of Walter Whitehors, 
and during the period 2nd — 23rd December four of Carlton’s laying masons were engaged 
“ upon a certain sub-cellar for Walter Whitehors.’’ 184 Early in the new year ten thousand 
spikings were bought for the said Walter’s house, and in the week 17th — 24th February 
Denys and his carpenters were busy “making ready the doors and windows of the chambers 
,of Walter Whitehors.” 193 

In the first week of March eight of the laying masons were again engaged “ upon 
the cellar of Walter Whitehors and on the chimney of the same chamber,” and were 
succeeded during the next few weeks by two daubers to daub the walls. In the week 
beginning 31st March six locks were bought for the doors, and in that beginning 22nd April 
2500 tilepins for the roof. The building was apparently still unfinished in August, when 
eight thousand tiles and fifty ridge tiles were bought for it. The last entry which mentions 
it is in the week 1st — 8th December where a tiler is recorded as working “upon a certain 
porch outside the door of Walter Whitehors.” 194 

Besides the buildings round the cloister there seem to have been built for the use 
of the canons a roasting-house, a bakehouse, and a brewhouse. They evidently used the 
great hall and its kitchen as such. 

The roasting-house is mentioned in the account for 1352-3, wherein Lyndesey and 
eleven other carpenters are entered as working for eleven weeks from 15th July onwards 
“ upon the chamber of Walter Whitehors and upon le Rostynghous .” 195 During the week 
9th — 16th September two tilers were also at work upon it, and in the first week of the next 
account is a payment for 1000 tiles bought for repairing its roof. 196 It is once again 
mentioned in the week beginning 31st March, 1353, when Denys and his carpenters are 
described as working on the lecterns for the chapel and “on a certain porch beside the 
roasting-house . ” 1 9 7 

In this same week begin the references to the bakehouse and brewhouse. Firstly, 
Carlton and thirty-four other masons are entered as working “on the treasury and on the 
walls of the houses of the baker and brewer ” 198 ; and secondly, thirteen carpenters were 
busy at Cagham “ scappling timber for the houses of the baker and brewer of the college 
of Windsor,” 199 while nine others, with four helpers and four sawyers, were assisting in 
the work. Some of Carlton’s masons seem to have continued working on the bakery and 
brewery throughout the rest of the period covered by the account. The carpenters were 
also occupied at Cagham, preparing woodwork for the same buildings, until the middle 
of July, when they were for the most part moved to Windsor, only seven or eight being 
left behind. Very little can be gleaned as to the actual operations of either masons or 
carpenters upon the bakehouse and brewhouse, but the occasional purchases throw more 
light on the matter. In the middle of May, amongst sundry things made by the two 


IV indsor Castle . 


1 5 2 

smiths were “divers ironworks for the houses of the brewer and baker,” 200 and a fortnight 
later twenty thousand tiles and three hundred ridge-tiles ( rugtil ) were bought for the same 
houses. 201 In the last week of June four thousand laths were obtained, 202 and a further 
supply two weeks later. These and another five thousand bought early in August 
apparently were used for lathing the walls, which must therefore have been finished. In 
the last week of August forty-eight iron bars, weighing 20olbs., were made for the bake- 
house windows. 203 

The purchase of thirty thousand roof-nails in the first week of September 204 points 
to preparations for covering in the building, and a fortnight later there were bought for 
it eighteen thousand tiles from John Bithewode, ten thousand from Simon Moldere of 
Chalfont, and three thousand more from Robert Tillare of Penn. 205 In the same week 
(15th— 22nd September) six tilers and their boys are entered as working “on the making 
ready of the covering of the houses of the baker and brewer.” 206 They were so engaged 
in the following week. 

The short account for Michaelmas to December, 1354, opens with a payment for ten 
thousand roof-nails, twenty thousand traverse-nails, and two thousand “ sprigs ” for the 
bakehouse, and both masons and carpenters were still engaged upon the treasury and 
the houses of the baker and brewer. In the week beginning 13th October six thousand 
laths were bought for the bakehouse, and a further lot of one thousand for the walls of 
the same. Two other lots were similarly bought in the following week, two thousand 
for the bakehouse, and fifteen hundred “ de saplath ” for the bakehouse walls. 

The building must have been finished structurally by the middle of November, for 
in the week beginning 17th of that month Thomas Grenewyc, mason, was paid £6 13s. 4d. 
“ for the making of two ovens in the house of the baker for the college, of stone and the 
King’s lime, at taskwork.” 207 A week later three thousand tiles and four quarters of 
tilesherds ( tilstherd ) were bought for the two ovens, as well as two hundred lead-nails. 
Lastly, in the week 15th — 22nd December two hundred nails were bought for the bake- 
house door. 

Where the bakehouse and brewhouse stood is a matter of conjecture, but perhaps 
in the open ground between the canons’ chambers and the great hall. 

An adjunct to the bakehouse was naturally a mill, and in the week beginning 5th May, 
3:354, ioos. were paid “ for two millstones for a certain mill of the college within the 
Castle.” 208 The summary on the Pipe Roll of the expenses from Michaelmas to December 
of the same year also notes the purchase of timber inter alia for “ cog Wheles ” for the mill, 209 
and the payment of 24s. “ to Peter Gaunt, carpenter, working upon the ordering of a horse- 
mill for the college in the Castle there from 10th November to 22nd December, for six weeks 
at 4s.” 210 

In addition to the works on the chapel, cloister, and buildings adjacent, Robert of 
Burnham includes in his accounts the charges for two other important matters that were 
carried out under his supervision, namely, the construction of a clock in the great tower, 
and the repair of certain buildings in the great tower itself. 

The clock is first mentioned in the week beginning 5th December, 1351, when six 
pieces of timber were bought at Sunning for 40s. “ for a certain clock ( orlogium ) made in 
the great tower.” 211 Simon Hurley and sixteen other carpenters, who had until now been 
engaged on the chapel, are also entered in this same week as working “ upon a certain 
clock made in the great tower.” 212 These carpenters continued working more or less 
constantly upon the clock until the following June, after which they were gradually 
withdrawn as the work neared completion. Sundry sawyers are entered from time to 
time as helping them or cutting up timber at Beaumys for the clock. In the week 
6th — 13th February 6s. 8d. were paid for the carriage of a certain great bell from Aldgate 
to Baynard’s Castle, and 4s. for boatage of the same from Baynard’s Castle to Windsor. 213 
A fortnight later a thousand estrich boards were bought for the ceiling of the chapter- 
house and for the works of the clock, 214 and in the first week of March eight thousand 
nails, and a further lot of four thousand, for the clock. 215 In the week 19th — 26th March, 
3:352, great spikings were obtained for the clock and scaffold, and two brass pulleys 
weighing 461bs. were bought for the works of the said clock. 216 In the week beginning 
2nd April 24s. 9d. were paid to master Andrew the smith “for sundry plates and ironworks 


1 53 


The Clock in the High Tower. 

bought for a certain bell for the same clock, weighing 99lbs.”; i8d. were also paid “for carriage 
of the same clock from London to Windsor ” ; 12s. for i2lbs. of large wire for the clock ; 
14s. for a great cord and 8d. for six little cords for the same ; and 13d. for 61bs. of copper 
wire. 217 Further payments were made a fortnight later to master Andrew the smith of 
40s. “ for divers ironworks and a hammer bought for the clock, weighing i6olbs.,” 218 the 
carriage of which from London cost i8d. Two “ lynns ” (lines ?) were also bought for the 
clock for 2s. 219 In the week beginning 30th April sundry payments were made for 
the clock : iod. for five lbs. of candle bought at different time for working by night 
and keeping the clock ; 8d. for a staple for a certain weight for the said clock ; 6s. 8d. 
for mending the hammer ; i8d. for the making of seven bars for the clock of the King’s 
iron, weighing fifty lbs. ; and 3s. 6d. for two copper bolsters for a certain pulley in 
the same clock, weighing fourteen lbs. 220 In the same week are entered, among the 
expenses : 

And for three horses hired to carry divers tools of the three Lombards, one of whom is the master of the 
clock, on two occasions, 6s. 

And for the expenses of the three Lombards abiding at the table of Stephen Cheseburv, from 8th April 
to 8th May, for 31 days, taking by day for each of them 6d., 46s. 6d. 221 

The second of these entries is crossed out and written over “ because below among the 
wages,” but it is written in again among the payments for the following week. 

The visit of the three Lombards clearly points to the completion of the works of the 
clock, but certain things apparently had yet to be done before its case or housing could 
be regarded as finished. The accounts show that the carpenters were still engaged upon 
the clock, but in the week 14th — 21st May the plumber, Robert Horwode, with his 
assistant, is entered as “ working upon making ready the covering of the clock ” 222 ; the 
expenses of the three Lombards for a second period, from 8th — 23rd May, are also written 
in the same week. With the departure of the Italians, who were working upon it for six 
and a-half weeks, and the advent of Whitsuntide, the clock seems to have been finished? 
and the only later entry of importance is a charge in the week 16th — 23rd July of 100 
lead-nails “ for a certain cistern in the clock.” 223 On this cistern and the repair of the 
covering of the clock Robert of Burnham reckons at the end of his account to have 
expended two fodders of lead. 224 

The foregoing entries do not enable much to be made out as to the nature of the 
clock, beyond the fact that its train of wheels was actuated by a weight, and that it struck 
the hours. It need not have been, and apparently was not furnished with a face or dial, 
and there is no hint that it was provided with any such moving figures as distinguish the 
well-known clock set up at Wells in the fifteenth century. 225 

There do not seem to be any references to the clock in the account for 1352-3, but 
that for 1353-4 shows in its opening week that the carpenters, who had for some months 
past been engaged upon the chamber of Walter Whitehors, were now set to work “ upon 
the hall in the (high) tower, upon the clock, and upon divers other lodgings in the tower.” 226 
The men so engaged were eighteen at 6d. a day, and a nineteenth at 4d., under the direction 
of William Denys, who was paid 3s. 6d. a week. During the winter the number of men 
was reduced by about one-third. The work seems to have gone on steadily until the 
first week in December, when the carpenters are described as working “ upon the case 
about the clock.” 227 No further hint is given as to the occupation of the carpenters 
until the middle of February, when they were engaged, apparently for a fortnight, “ in 
making ready the doors and windows of the chambers of Walter Whitehors.” Their work 
upon the clock, whatever it was, had then come to an end, for in the first week of February 
Robert Horwode was paid for founding, casting, and laying thirty carrats of lead upon 
the battlements of the canons’ chambers, and upon the battlement of the dock . 228 The 
carpenters returned to the high tower in the first week of March, when Denys and eighteen 
men are described as busy “ upon the works of divers lodgings in the high tower.” 229 
Four sawyers were also paid the same week for sawing “ gistes ” and “ ponchons ” for 
the works in the high tower. 230 The carpenters continued in the tower for three more 
weeks, but were then transferred to other works. In the week 22nd —28th April three 
thousand laths were bought for 14s. “ for mending the hall and chambers in the great 
tower.” 231 In the week beginning 23rd June two hundred pieces of scappled timber 


1 54 


W indsor Castle. 


were also bought for the hall in the tower; together with a thousand estrich boards 
“ for the high tower and for the hall and chambers of the same, and two hundred righolt 
boards.” 232 

In the first week of July six thousand laths were bought, inter alia, “ for the walls 
in the tower,” 233 and in the last week of the same month £8 13s. 6d. were paid “ for a 
hundred oaks for the works of the high tower, namely, for making the hall and chambers 
in the same.” 234 (Fig. 14.) In the last week of August two thousand estrich boards were 
bought for £16, probably for the same works, and the week following 20s. were paid “ for 
five oaks for beams for the hall in the tower ” and /8 “ for a thousand wainscot boards for 
works in the tower.” 235 In the week beginning 20th October, 1354, five more oaks “ for the 
hall and chambers in the tower ” 236 were also bought for £7. What men had been engaged 
in using up all this material during the preceding months there is nothing to show ; not 
Denys and his carpenters, since they were certainly occupied elsewhere, and the only 
alternative seems to be that they were men engaged by the constable of the Castle. 
Unfortunately his accounts for this period do not give any details. The work in the 
tower, by whomsoever it was done, was clearly nearing completion by the beginning of 
December, for in the first week of that month two plumbers are entered as leading ” the 
hall and chambers in the tower.” The previous week contains a final entry relating to the 
clock, 25s. 3d. having been paid “ for a corbel for the clock in the great tower.” 237 

The fifth of Robert of Burnham’s accounts, for the period 29th December, 1354— 

29th September, 1355, is entered 
upon the Pipe Roll for King 
Edward’s twenty-ninth year. 

The heading is in similar 
terms to that on the roll for the 
preceding year, but explains more 
shortly that the account is “ for 
the construction of the houses of 
the King’s college ” in the Castle 
of Windsor. 

Unlike the foregoing accounts, 
this for 1354-5 has no corre- 
sponding one giving the details 
of purchases and expenditure 
week by week, but there exists an 
account roll 238 which at first sight 
seems identical with it. A com- 
parison, however, of the two shows 
that although their arrangement is very similar, and the totals the same, the entries are 
somewhat differently worded, and the one constantly supplies details not given in the 
other. It will therefore be more convenient to deal with them together. Since the 
account from the Pipe Roll is set out at length in the Appendix, it will only be necessary 
to give in the notes the quotations from the separate account. 

Both accounts begin with the sums received from the treasury, which came to 
£724 3s. 5-id., to which must be added £34 is. n|d. derived from foreign receipts, making 
a total of £758 5s. 5d. The foreign receipts, as given in the Pipe Roll, were as follows : 

4 £ s. d. 

From the bark of one hundred oaks bought of Thomas of Crouchfeld. . . . . . 140 

From the loppings of the said oaks 3 19 7I 

From the bark sold from issues of one hundred and seventy oaks bought of John 

atte Halle .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 300 

From the loppings of one hundred and twenty oaks, and no more, which oaks 

are not yet sold . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 10 o 

From the bark of four hundred oaks bought of Henry Sturmy . . . . . . 10 15 0 

From the loppings of the same 430 [stc] oaks . . . . . . . . . . . . n 13 4 

, 34 1 11-2- 

The expenses begin with a discrepancy which is hard to explain. On the Pipe Roll 
the first item is for the purchase of 100 oaks from Thomas of Crouchfield, 170 from 



IHorks in the High Tower. l 55 

John atte Hall, and 400 from Henry Sturmy, 670 in all, for £96 5s. The other 
account begins : 

£ s. d. 

The same accounts for 60 oaks bought of John atte Hall 12th January for the hall 

and chambers in the Tower . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 6 8 

And for 60 oaks bought of the same John the 12th day next following for the said works 10 0 o 
And for 50 oaks bought of the same John 10th August for the said works .. 650 

And for 400 oaks bought of Henry Sturmy for divers works done within the said 

Castle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 13 4 239 

96 5 0 

But the 100 oaks obtained from Thomas of Crouchfield, though noted, as on the Pipe Roll, 
among the foreign receipts, are not included, and yet the total works out to the same 
£96 5 s - 

The Pipe Roll states that 620 of the oaks were used (i) on the works of the houses 
and chambers in the high tower, and (ii) on the repairs of divers other houses, leaving 
50 in hand. 

Besides the oak trees there were bought sundry other pieces of timber which are more 
fully described in the account roll as follows : 

For a piece of timber bought by William Herland 26th January, for the hall aforesaid, of Nicholas 
Dunmore, 24s. 

For a piece of timber bought for the works of the mill, 6s. 8d. 

For four holms bought of John Bokhurst 9th March for making cogs for the mill wheels, 5s. 

For four elms bought for the works of the same mill 27th April, 4s. 

For a hundred logs bought 30th March for making “ soules ” for the safe custody of coals, 6s. 8d. 

For a thousand estrich boards bought of Fulco Horwode for the roof of the cloister 27th July, £9. 

To John Jondelay for boatage of the same from London to Windsor, 10s. iod. 

And to John Hertele for a certain tenement leased from the same for putting timber in it, for a year, ios. 240 
On the Pipe Roll the hundred logs are also stated to have been expended on the works 
of the mill. 

The next item accounts for the purchase of twenty-four " crates ” for scaffolds for 
6s. and of eight hundred “ withes ” for the same for 2s. ; also for iod. spent on four baskets 
for carrying coals, for 3s. for six quires of paper for writing the journal in, and 3s. for 
straw bought on 9th March and 12th May for repairing the walls of the baker’s house. 

The next entry accounts for noolbs. of iron bought for 66s. on 1st January “ for 
making thence divers ironworks ” ; for ioo3lbs. of iron bought on 12th March for the 
irons of the mill for 65s. 2-|d. ; for 10000 spikings (50s.), and 4000 little spikings (13s. 4d.), 
for the repair of the baker’s house and mill ; for 6000 more spikings (15s.), and 20000 
“ travers ” and “ sprigs ” (21s. 8d.) ; for 20000 other “ sprigs ” (20s.) and 10000 “ travers ” 
(ns. 8d.) for the walls of the baker’s house, and a further lot of 20000 “ travers ” and 
“ sprigs ” for the same house, costing with carriage from London 32s. Four thousand 
“ rofnail ” were also bought for 9s. 4d. There were also bought : 

A “ cliketlok ” with six keys for the door “ del viz ” [sic], 3s. 

Of John le Smyth, for 7s. five pairs of hinges, viz. two for the doors of the house of Walter Whitehors, and 
three for the doors within the baker’s house. 

Twelve locks for doors within the baker’s house, 24s. 

A lock for the gate in the middle of the Castle, 4s. 

Thirty rings for divers doors, 7s. 6d. 

Thirty latches with their fittings for the windows of the great hall, 7s. 6d. 241 
Richard the smith was also paid 8d. for two pairs of “ henges ” for a door of the baker’s 
house, and I2d. for the making of twenty-four candlesticks for the chapel. 242 

The total amount spent on ironwork, including the periodical steeling and sharpening 
of the masons’ tools, etc. came to £19 8s. 9|d. 

The entry thar follows deals with the purchase of stone. It begins with the buying 
for ios. of a stone called a “ groisour ” for sharpening the masons’ tools, and of a stone 
for the mill, which, with its carriage from “ Hundeslawe ” (Hounslow), cost 51s. The 
remaining items are for the purchase of five lots of Reigate stone, amounting in all to 441 
loads, bought of John Profete at 2s. a load for £44 2s. Their carriage from Reigate to 
Kingston cost £25 14s. 6d. and the boatage thence to Windsor £16 13s. 4d. Three of these 
lots, each of one hundred loads, are described as “ for the cloister of the chapel,” 243 and 
not improbably the rest of the stone was for the same work. 

The next is a solitary entry, which in the account roll appears as : “ And for four 
footbraces with two collars of brass bought for the mill, weighing Splbs., of the price of 


I 56 


Windsor Castle. 


4d. a lb., 29s. 8d.” 244 In the Pipe Roll, wherein the footbraces alone are mentioned, they 
are described as “ for the canons’ mill within the Castle.” 

The entry that follows is interesting enough to be given in full : 

For 66 lbs. of white lead bought for the painting of the vault of the treasury house there, 22s. 

For 12 gallons of oil (“ painters oil ” on Pipe Roll) bought for the same 13th April, 24s. 

For four earthen jars and two “ calathes ” bought for putting in the said oil and carrying it from London to 
Windsor, i5d. 

For thread bought for binding brushes with ( pro pyncellis inde lygandis ), 2|d. 

For the carriage of the aforesaid lead and oil on divers occasions from London to Windsor, 4s. 245 

The succeeding entry begins with the purchase, for 4s. 6d., of nine quarters of 
“ tilsherdes,” or broken tiles, at Penn “ for mending the kiln.” The remaining items 
are for the purchase, also at Penn, of three lots of whole tiles : (i) on 30th March, of 3500 
tiles for 8s. 2d. for the bakehouse, and of 1500 paving tiles for 6s. 9d., the carriage on which 
was 6s. 8d. ; (ii) on 13th April of 6000 tiles for 14s., and 4000 paving tiles for 18s. for the 
treasury, with carriage amounting to 13s. 4d. ; and (iii) of 5000 more paving tiles for 
the treasury at a cost of 22s. 6d. and 4000 roof-tiles which cost 9s. 4d., with boatage 
amounting to 9s. 2d. According to the Pipe Roll, the 3500 and the 6000 tiles were also 
roofing tiles. After the first lot is entered the purchase of 4000 tile-pins for iod., and 
after the second lot, of an unspecified further supply costing 2|d., which should therefore 
have been 1000 in number. The Pipe Roll states that*the tiles in question were all used 
in repairing the roofs of divers houses, and on paving the said houses. 

The next entry is also of sufficient interest to be given in full : 

For four hundred of glass bought of John Alemayne 23rd January at Chiddingfold, price per hundred 
13s. 4d., 53s. 4d. 

For carriage of the said glass from Chiddingfold to Windsor, 4s. 

For jet bought for the painting of the glass, 3d. 

For “ cinopre,” filings, and arnement bought for the painting of the glass for the window of the treasury, 
i6d. 246 

On the Pipe Roll the materials in question are described, not as for the treasury 
window, but “ for the glazing of the windows on the top of the canons’ chambers called 
ca/>ym.” 247 This discrepancy is explained apparently by the details of the payments 
to the workmen at the end of the account roll, which include those to John Cosyn and 
John of Glynton, “ two glaziers working there upon the making ready of the window of the 
treasury and upon the easier s for the chambers of the canons.” 248 

The next entry is for the purchase of sea-coals for burning lime. Of these 100 quarters 
were bought in March for £10 os. 5d., and 33s. 8d. were paid to John atte Lye and John 
Suthwik for the freightage of their shouts which brought the coals from London to 
Windsor. A further supply of 362 quarters was bought also, in March, for £28 13s. 2d. 
and £4 9s. paid for its boatage ; 30s. 2d. were likewise paid for “ measuring ” the same 
coals, at id. a quarter. According to the Pipe Roll, only ioolbs. of the coals were used, 
leaving the remaining 362 quarters on hand. 

Another solitary entry comes next, the purchase of i 561 bs. of tin for solder, for repairing 
the gutters of the canons’ chambers, for 33s. 7|d. 

The succeeding entry contains a number of miscellaneous items : The first of these, 
a charge of 5d. “ for a cord for a certain little bell hanging at the end of the chapel,” 
apparently refers to the sanctus bell, as a belfry had already been set up on the chapel 
roof in 1352-3. The next item is a payment of 3d. “ for a little cord bought for measuring 
the cloister,” which was now nearing completion. Two buckets for the well, bought of 
John Coupere of Colebrook, cost 2s. 2d. ; three iron-shod shovels cost i8d., and six irons 
for old shovels i 5 d. ; a sieve Cost 5 d., and the mending of two others for cleaning lime 6d. 
Lastly, an ell of canvas was bought for 8d. for the master mason. 249 

The next entry, for carriage of timber, accounts for £30 4s. 8d. Of the timber 300 
loads came from Cagham, 111 from Crouchfield, and 184 from Sandhurst. 

Another entry of some interest follows : 

The same accounts to have paid to Athelard of Brabant, pavier, for making of the pavement of two cloisters 
before the canons’ chambers, which contain 9J perches, of the King’s stone, Athelard himself taking 
for each perch at taskwork 3s. 3d., 30s. io-|d. 

And for the expenses of the said Athelard riding on two occasions from London to Windsor for the said 
business, 2s. 

And to John Smyth of Slough for making of 8 bars of iron for the stone cloister, of the King’s iron, weighing 
100 lbs., taking per lb. one penny at taskwork, 8s. 4d. 250 


Buildings in the High Tower. 


1 57 


The Pipe Roll adds that the bars in question were made out of the ioo3lbs. of iron 
of which the purchase has been noted above ; the rest of the iron was used on the works 
of the mill. 

The remainder of the account roll contains, with the exception of the concluding 
paragraph, details of the sums paid in wages to (i) the masons, (ii) carpenters, (iii) plasterers, 
(iv) sawyers, (v) smiths, glaziers, and other workmen, (vi) the lime-burners and carters, 
and (vii) labourers. 

The payments to the masons show that master JohnSponle, the ordinalor or master mason, 
was paid at the rate of I2d. a day ; Geoffrey of Carlton, the apparilator or setter-out of the 
masons’ work, received 3s. 6d. a week ; thirty-eight other masons earned 5|d. a day, four 
5 d., and one 4d. Ten of the thirty-eight masons are described as working on the cloister, 
and three others, who alone are called laying-masons, “ on divers works done within the 
Castle.” As no other building work save that of the cloister seems to have been in progress, 
the rest of the masons must also have been engaged upon it, although the fact is not 
recorded. The total sum paid to the masons was £11 7 13s. nf-d. 

The carpenters were apparently divided into two gangs. The first numbered forty- 
three and was headed by Peter Gant, who received 4s. a week, and with whom were John 
Lyndesey at 3s. 4d., William Denys and John Glemsford at 3s. 6d. a week, and thirty- 
nine others. Of these two received 6d. a day, twenty-two 5d., eleven 4-|d., and four 4d. 
The second gang consisted of Thomas Basyng and thirty-two others, all of whom earned 
6d. a day, ten at 5|d., twenty-one at 5d., two at 4|d., and one at 4d., or sixty-seven in 
all. Nothing is stated as to the occupation of the former gang, but of the others ten are 
described as working “ upon the hall and chambers in the high tower,” and two “ upon 
divers works.” As a large part of 620 oaks were used this year, according to the Pipe Roll, 
“on the repair of divers houses” other than those in the high tower, the majority 
of the carpenters must have been occupied on those works, no further particulars of which 
are given. The total amount paid in wages to the carpenters was £150 15s. 9d. 

Of plasterers there were four, who were engaged “ on making chimneys for the 
chambers of the canons.” 251 The chief of them earned 9d. a day during January and iod. 
during February and March ; the next 6d. and yd. respectively during the same period, 
while the other two were paid uniform rates of 5d. and 3d. each. The total sum paid to 
the plasterers was 113s. 5d. 

The sawyers included five couples, who received an average wage of 5d. a day, or 
2-|-d. per man. The sum paid out to them was £14 10s. yd. in all. 

The next group of payments is of some interest, since it throws some light upon 
several points previously dealt with. 

First comes a payment to John Smyth and his boy of 19s. iod. for thirty-four days 
at yd. for the two for “ working hinges and hooks for the windows of the hall and upon 
the making of divers ironworks for the mills that are within the said castle.” 252 Next 
come payments to two scaffolders at 4d. a day each. The payments to the two glaziers 
already cited follow ; then to the lather, who with his boy made iod. a day. The plumber 
and his mate each earned 6s. for working for twelve days at 6d. a day “ upon making the 
pipes for a certain cistern in the baker’s house.” 253 The tiler and his boy earned together 
7s. for mending the roof of the King’s hall, 254 and Elias the pavier 2s. for working for four 
days upon the pavement of the treasury. The former purchase of white lead and oil 
for painting the treasury vault is explained by the payment of the wages of three painters 
who did the work : to Gilbert Pokerich, 8s. 4d. for ten days in April at iod. ; to Thomas 
Rothewell, 5s. for seven and a-half days’ work at 8d. ; and to Clays Colkyrk, 3s. 9d. for 
seven and a-half days. Peter Rothewell was also paid 2s. 6d. “ for grinding colours for the 
said vault ” at 4d. a day. 255 Seven daubers at 6d. a day were engaged for many weeks 
" upon whitewashing the walls of divers lodgings,” 256 and two others at 6d. and four at 
5d. “ making ready walls within the baker’s house.” 257 Thirteen other daubers at 4d. 
a day assisted the others in their work. The total sum paid out to all these workmen 
was £25 3s. 7d. 

Five lime-burners with seven carters helping them, and thirteen other carters, were 
paid in all £30 ; and fourteen labourers at 2\d., forty-five at 3d., and eight at 4d., or sixty- 
seven in all, received between them £48 12s. gd. 


Windsor Castle. 


158 



Lastly Robert of Burnham himself received £13 14s. for 274 days at I2d. as overseer, 
and 61s. more for expenses in riding to London about engaging workmen, and to Ashurst 
about the felling of oak trees. His clerk received 117s. for thirty-nine weeks at 3s. “ for 
superintending the workmen and writing the journal.” 258 Master Richard of Snoring 
the smith had £13 14s. for 274 days’ work at I2d. and John Alkeshull tbte provisor £6 17s. 
for the same period at 6d. The total sum paid to these four was £43 3s. 

The sum of all the expenses for the year was £747 9s. 8|d., made up of £311 16s. 7|d. 
for purchases and taskwork, and £435 13s. ofd. for wages, leaving a balance unspent of 
£10 15s. 8fd. 

It will be seen from the foregoing account that the cloister (Fig. 15) was the chief 
work in hand, large quantities of stone being bought for it, bars of iron for its windows, and 
boards for its ceiling. It must therefore have been approaching completion, especially as 
there are charges for its paving. The treasury was also paved, its vault painted, and the 
window filled with painted glass. 

A good deal of work was expended, too, in fitting up the canons’ mill. Two millstones 

for this, and timber for the cog- 
wheels, had been bought in 1354, 
and 24s. paid for the “ order- 
ing ” of it as a horse mill. 
Another stone was now added, 
holms ( i.e . hollies) bought for its 
cogwheels, and elms and other 
timber for its framing, iron for 
the iron-work, and footbraces 
and collars of brass for the axles. 

Some further works were 
done to the baker’s house and 
the great hall, and candlesticks 
obtained for the chapel. 

Considerable purchases of 
timber were made for the hall 
and chambers in the great tower, 
and four hundred oaks bought 
for “ divers works ” unspecified. 

The sixth and last of Robert 
of Burnham’s accounts is con- 
fined to the summary entered on 
the Pipe Roll for the King’s 
fig. 15. north-west corner of the cloister, built 1354-6. thirtieth year, and is “ for the 

construction of houses ” in the 
Castle from Michaelmas, 1355, to the 31st October, 1356, “ from which date William 
Wykeham, clerk of the said works, ought otherwise to account.” 259 


Unfortunately it stands alone, no details having been preserved of the works mentioned 
in it, nor any such statement as that which helps to illustrate the preceding year’s account. 

The amount received from the Treasury was £765 8s. nd., to which must be added 
£6 17s. 6d. derived from foreign receipts, making a total of £772 6s. 5d. 

The foreign receipts were made up of £4 obtained by sale of the bark and loppings 
of eighty-seven oaks bought of William of “ Saundreden ” at Hedgeley ; of 28s. 4d. from 
the like issues of thirty-four out of forty oaks bought of John atte Halle, “ six of which 
are not yet felled ” ; and of 29s. 2d. from the issues of the fifty oaks remaining from the 
last account. 


The expenditure for the year amounted to £778 4s. 8fd., or £5 18s. 3§d. 
the receipts. 

The principal items were as follows : 


To 2807 lbs. of iron, and 49 ponds, 4 sheaves, and gadds of steel 
To 61820 “ spiknail,” 7000 “ lednail,” 210500 traversnail and sprigs, 4000 nails 
with tinned heads, 4 locks, and 17 irons for shovels 


23 


in excess of 

s. d. 

6 7J 

6 ii£ 


27 


Summary of Works. 


T 59 


To 251 loads of stone from “ Colyngleye,” 256 loads of Reigate stone, 14 lbs. of wax, 
26 lbs. of rosin, 260 bought for the works of the cloister and the foundation 
of divers houses in the high tower, together with carriage and boatage of 
the said stones from the places where they were bought . . 

To 247 oaks 

To 31400 laths and 1103J quarters of talwood 
To 10 empty casks, 180 righolt boards, and 744 wainscot boards 
To carriage of 74 loads of timber from Sandhurst, 87 loads from “ Elnetham,” and 
32 loads from Hedgeley (Huggele) for the King’s works 
To making of divers bars and cramps for strengthening stones in the cloister ; 
making divers hinges and hooks of the King’s iron ; 
making a certain [iron] lectern for the King’s chapel ; 
painting a sepulchre, a lectern, and two chairs for the same King’s chapel ; 
founding, casting, and laying of 81 carrats of lead on the roof of the cloister 
beside the chapel, and of other houses in the high tower there covered 
with lead ; 

purging, washing, and founding of 5 carrats, 6 wagers, and 12 claves of lead 
recovered from washed lead ashes ; 

repairing the walls of the houses in the high tower with laths and the King’s nails ; 
repairing the walls of the same houses with clay, ochre, and the King’s varnish ; 
making two ovens with the foundation of one oven in the high tower ; 
repairing the pavement within the canons’ cloister ; 

making 30 ironworks of iron for windows in the high tower, made of the King’s 
iron, at taskwork . . 

To master William Herlond, carpenter, in part payment of the sum of £18 due to 
him for the making good the ceiling of the cloister beside the King’s chapel 
there, with boards and the King’s nails at taskwork, £6, and no more, 
because the said William has not yet finished his task aforesaid. 

To the wages of divers masons, carpenters, plasterers, and other workmen working 
there upon doing and repairing divers of the King’s works within the said 
Castle, together with the wages of the aforesaid overseer and his clerk 


£ s. cl. 


64 0 o 
30 6 8 
10 7 8J 
12 11 o 

10 16 1 


55 13 7 \ 


0^0 


The account closes with a detailed statement of the extent to which the various 


materials, etc. bought were used, and of the quantities left and handed over by Robert 
of Burnham to his successor in office, William Wykeham. 

The works referred to in the account are practically confined to the cloister and the- 
high tower. 

The cloister was evidently finished under Burnham’s overseership, as these concluding 
charges provide for such stone as was still needed, for thirty iron bars and two hundred 
and eighteen cramps for the windows, the ceiling of the alleys, and the covering of the 
roof with lead. 


For the buildings within the high tower large quantities of stone were provided for 
foundations, lead for roofing, and ironwork for windows. The hall and other houses were 
repaired with new lathing and the painting of the walls, and new ovens added, probably 
for the kitchen and bakehouse. Burnham also reckons to have used thirty-two oaks 
(i) in making the hall and other chambers in the high tower, and (ii) on divers other works. 

The works carried out in connexion with the foundation of the new college by the 
two canons, Richard of Rothley and Robert of Burnham, were : 


R. April 1350— Aug. 1351 . . 
B. Aug. 1351— Mich. 1352. . 


B. Mich. 1352 — Mich. 1353 


B. Mich. 1353 — Mich. 1354 

B. Mich. 1354 — 29th Dec. 1354 

B. Dec. 1354 — Mich. 1355 . . 

B. Mich. 1355 — 31st Oct. 1356 


Carpenters. 

New stalls in chapel begun. 


Masons. 

Building of revestry and begin- 
ning of chapter-house. 
Completion of chapter-house and 
glazing of its windows. 
Warden’s lodging built. 

Canons’ lodgings begun. 


New stalls and Queen’s pew in 
progress. 

Clock in great tower. 

Re-roofing of chapel. 

Glazing of chapel windows. 

Completion of new stalls and . 

Queen’s pew, and glazing. 

Belfry on chapel roof. 

Carpentry of canons’ lodgings. 

Canons’ cloister begun. 

Lodging of Walter Whitehors begun. 

Roasting-house begun. 

Roasting-house finished. 

Lodging of Walter Whitehors in progress 
Bakery and brewery begun. 

Works in high tower begun. 

Bakery and brewery finished. . . Completion of treasury 
Mill built. Cloister in progress. 

Works in high tower in progress. 

Works in high tower. . . Cloister in progress. 

Works in high tower. . . Completion of cloister. 


Canons’ lodgings in progress. 


La Tresorie begun. 
New Cloister begun. 


Cloister and treasury in progress. 


W indsor Castle. 


1 60 


NOTES TO CHAPTER X. 

1 “ Rex Edwardus fecit convocari plures artifices ad castrum de Wyndeshore, et coepit aedificare domum quae 
Rotunda Tabula vocaretur. Habuit autem ejus area a centra ad circumferantiam per semidiametrum, centum pedes ; 
et sic diametros ducentorum pedum erat. Expensae per hebdomadam erant primo centum librae ; sed expost, propter 
nova quae rex suscepit de Francia, resecabantur ad viginti libras, eo quod censuit pro aliis negotiis thesaurum plurimum 
comportandum . 

Eodem tempore, Philippus de Valoys, rex Franciae, hoc facto provocatus regis Angliae, coepit et ipse rotundam 
aedificare tabulam in terra sua ; ut sic sibi attraheret militiam Alemanniae et Italiae, ne ad regis Angliae tabulam 
properarent.” Chronicon Anglice, 1328 — 1388, auctore monacho quodam Sancti Albani (Rolls Series 64), 17. In 
Walsingham’s Historic/, Anglicana (Rolls Series 28), i. 263, he has “ novem ” for “ viginti.” 

2 Archaeologia, xxxi. 109. 

3 Archaeologia, xxxi. 125. 

4 See The Great Pestilence (a.d. 1348-9), now commonly called The Black Death, by Francis Aidan Gasquet, D.D., 
O.S.B. (London, 1893). 

5 " De supervisore operacionum Regis in Castro de Wyndesore constituto. 

Rex universis et singulis vicecomitibus majoribus ballivis ministris et aliis fidelibus suis ad quos etc. salutem. 
Sciatis quod assignavimus dilectum clericum nostrum Ricardum de Rothele supervisorem operacionum nostrarum 
in Castro nostro de Wyndesore ad latomos Carpentarios et alios operarios qui pro operacionibus nostris predictis 
necessarii fuerint, ubicumque inveniri potuerint infra libertates et extra feodum ecclesie duntaxat exceptis, et exceptis 
operariis pro operacionibus nostris apud Westmonasterium, Turrim nostram London, et Dertford prius retentis, 
necnon ad petram maeremium et alia necessaria pro operacionibus predictis et cariagium pro eisdem maeremio et petra 
ac aliis premissis capiendum et providendum. et ad operarios qui pro operacionibus nostris in dicto castro 
de Wyndesore retenti fuerunt, et ab eisdem operacionibus sine licencia nostra recesserunt, reducendum, 
ac eciam ad inquirendum per sacramentum proborum et legalium hominum de singulis Comitatibus regni 
nostri Anglie, per quos rei veritatis melius sciri poterit, si maeremium vel petra pro operacionibus nostris empta 
et provisa aliquo modo asportata vel elongata fuerunt, et eadem maeremium et petram sic elongata, ubicumque inventa 
fuerint, reduci faciendum, et omnia necessaria pro operacionibus nostris predictis emendum et providendum, ac 
ramos et alia residua de arboribus pro operacionibus nostris provisis ad opus nostrum vendendum et nobis de denariis 
inde provenientibus respondendum, percipiendo pro vadiis suis propriis duodecim denarios per diem dum ibidem 
residens, et duos solidos per diem quando alibi circa negocia nostra intendens fuerit ac tres solidos in septimana pro 
vadiis clerici sui. Et ideo vobis et cuilibet vestrum mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod eidem Ricardo in premissis 
omnibus et singulis faciend. et explend. intendentes sitis, consulentes et auxiliantes quociens et prout idem Ricardus 
vobis scire fecerit ex parte nostra. In cujus, etc. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium xxvj die Aprilis.” Patent 
Roll, 24 Edward III, part i, m. 23. 

6 The full text of these is given in the Appendix to the present chapter. 

7 John of Sponlee (? Spoonley), by letters patent dated 8th April, 1350, was appointed to take masons and 
other workmen for the King’s works in these terms : 

“De cementariis eligendis. 

Rex universis, etc. Sciatis quod assignavimus dilectum nobis Johannem de Sponlee magistrum latomorum 
pro capella in castro nostro de Wyndesore faciendum deputatorum ad eligendum et capiendum tot cementarios et 
alios operarios quot pro operacionibus dicte capelle nostre necessarij fuerint in locis ubi melius viderit expedire 
infra libertates et extra, et ad eosdem cementarios usque ad Castrum nostrum supradictum ducendos ibidem in 
servicio nostro ad vadia nostra moratur, necnon ad omnes illos quos contrarios inobedientes vel rebelles in hac parte 
inveniri contigeret capiendum et arestandum et prisonis nostris committendum in eisdem moraturos quosque de eis 
aliter duximus ordinandum. Et ideo vobis mandamus quod eidem Johanni in premissis faciendum et explendum 
intendentes sitis obedientes consulentes et auxiliantes quociens et prout idem Johannes vobis scire fecerit ex 
parte nostra. In cujus, etc. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium viij. die Aprilis [1350].” Patent Roll 24, 
Edward III, part i, m. 21. 

Spoonley or Sponley (Sponlege in D.B.) is a manor in the parish of Adderley, co. Salop. 

8 William of Hurley and William of Herland were appointed to engage carpenters for the King’s works at Windsor 
by letters patent dated 30th June, 1350. 

9 P.R.O. Accounts, etc. (Exchequer K.R.) Bundle ~ 

10 The Feast of St. Philip and St. James was evidently deemed a holiday. 

11 “ Die Lune xxvj° die Aprilis anno xxiiij 0 supradicto. 

Johanni Fynch pro x tribulis et ij vangis emptis ad faciendum morterum et aliis diversis necessariis, ij.s. 
Johanni le Smyth pro vj picoyses emptis tam ad fodiendum fundamentum vestiarii ejusdem Capelle quam ad pro- 
strandos diversos muros ibidem, v.s. Johanni Losky pro .C. Ringoldboltis emptis pro stallis Capelle ibidem, xlviij.s. 
Eidem pro di .C. Waynscotbordis emptis pro eisdem stallis .vij.s. vj.d. Johanni Matfray pro .vii. libris de Rosyn 
empto pro Cymento inde faciendo, xiiij.d. Eidem pro iiij or libris picis empt. ad idem, viij. d. Eidem pro j libro de 
eodem, j.d. ob. Eidem pro iij. libris Cere .xviij.d. Roberto Scalby pro .j. gresour empt. ad superacuenda Instrumenta 
diversorum operariorum ibidem, iiij.s. Ogn. Dishe pro vj trayes emptis pro mortero imponendo .iij .s. In .ij. tynes 
emptis ad aquam portandam, xxj.d. In .ij. boketes emptis ad idem, xvj.d. In una sarra empta ad petras sarrandas, 
.iij .s. iiij.d. In .ij. cribris emptis ad mundandam Calcem pro mortero inde faciendo .iiij.d. In Civeris rotatibus emptis 
ad cariand. robus et morterum .iiij.s. 

Summa empcionum .iiij.li. iij .s. viij.d. ob. prob. 

Eodem die Lune. Johanni Westram apparilatori operum Cementariorum operanti ibidem pro operibus Regis 
ibidem expediendis per dies lune, Martis, Mercurij, Jovis, Veneris et pro die sabbati in festo apostolorum Philippi 
et Jacobi ipso capiente per septimanam iijs vjd, iij.s. vj.d. Ricardo Sallyng, Johanni Brille, Jacobo Blounham, 
Willelmo Goyleston, Willelmo Carlel, Johanni Siherd, Nicholao Hert, Johanni Purbik et Johanni Squier, ix. Cementariis 
operantibus ibidem super scapulacione petrarum pro hostio, fenestra, et boteras cujusdam revestiarii ibidem per dictum 
tempus cuilibet eorum per diem, v.d. ob. videlicet per dictos vj dies .xxiiij.s. ix.d. Thome Rokelande operanti ad 
eosdem per .iiij or dies infra dictum tempus, capienti per diem .v.d. ob. xxij.d. Johanni Dunstaple, Simoni Hurle, 
Johanni Glemesforde, Ioni de Cantebrigia, Willelmo Denys, Johanni de Uffyngton, Ricardo Cotel, Johanni Lyndwood, 


Documentary fNyotes. 


1 6 1 


I-Iugoni Bcrnom, Johanni Reynold, Johanni Tilburi, Thome Sandwich, et Ricardo Kent | xiij. carpcntarils operantibus 
ibidem tarn super operibus stallorum Capelle quam reparacione del trasour ibidem per idem tempus, cuilibet eorum 
per diem vj.d. viz. per dictos vj. dies, xxxix.s. Roberto Burwell sculpanti cedilia dictorum stallorum per idem tempus 
ipso capienti per septimanam .ij.s. ij.s. Willelmo Sutton, Johanni Silvestre, Willelmo Smalc, Thome Kent, Johanni 
Butt, Rogero Rodeshale, Willelmo Hamelyn, et Johanni Fairher .viij. laborariis operantibus ibidem tam super ffraccionc 
diversorum murorum quam factura morteri pro aliis operariis ibidem per dictos .v. dies operatiles cuilibet eorum per 
diem iij.d. x.s. Johanni Chalkes operanti cum eisdem per iiijor dies capienti per diem iij.d., xijd. 

Summa iiij.li. ij.s. j.d.” 

Accounts, etc. ( Exchequer K.R.), Bundle 492/27. 

1 2 These wages were all considerably in excess of the rates fixed by the second Statute of Labourers, which was 
passed in February, 1350-1, while the works under notice were in progress, but without causing any change of rate. 
By this Statute it was enacted “ that carpenters, masons, tilers, and others, and other workmen of houses shall not 
take by the day for their work but in manner as they were wont, that is to say, a master carpenter 3d., and another 2d., 
a master mason of freestone 4d., and another 3d., and those serving them i|d. ; a tiler 3d., and his boy i|d., and any 
other coverer of fern or straw 3d. and his boy i£d. ; also plasterers and other workers of mud walls, and their boys, 
by the same manner, without food or drink, that is to say, from Easter to Michaelmas, and from that time less, accord- 
ing to the rate and discretion of the Judges who shall be thereto assigned ; and they that make carriage by land or water 
shall take no more for such carriage to be made than they were wont in the said 20th year and four years before.” 
A general enactment to this same effect had been made by the first Statute of 1349 with regard to all labourers, 
including smiths, carpenters, masons, tilers, etc. and it will be seen on referring to the account roll quoted above 
for the years 1343-4 and 1344-5 that the carpenters and masons then earned only 4d. a day, sawyers 3d., and labourers 
2d., or about the same as was prescribed by the second Statute. The enhanced rates of wages paid for these special 
works at Windsor were no doubt due to the work being for the King. 

13 In 1351 the college of Windsor was settled upon a new establishment, consisting (instead of the original warden 
and twenty-three canons) of a custos or warden and twelve other secular canons, thirteen priests or vicars, four clerks, 
six choristers and twenty-six poor knights. 

14 “ Ricardo Deynes pro D. Spikynges emptis pro emendacione domus in qua Magister Willelmum Hurle vertat 
Chapitrals pro stallis .xx.d. 

In xvj pynnes ferri emptis pro quadam rota ad vertend. Chapitrals pro eisdem stallis .ij.s. vj.d.” 

15 “ In quodam ferro empto ad quamdam Rotam ad vertend. Chapitreaux .ij.s.” 

16 These boards, etc. were bought at the following intervals : xst week, 100 “ ringoldbolts ” for the stalls of the 
chapel for 48s., and 50 “ waynscotbords ” for the same stalls for 7s. 6d. ; 2nd week, 60 “weynscotbords ” for 7s. 6d. ; 
7th week, 4 pieces of timber for 10s. ; 16th week, half a hundred of “ Ryngoldbord ” for the chapel stalls for 30s., 
and half a quarter of “ Estrichbord ” for the same stalls, 4s. ; 31st week, half a hundred of “ Ryngoldbord ” for the 
works of the said stalls for 20s., and the same quantity of “ waynscotbord ” for the same stalls for 8s. ; 38th week, 
a quarter of “ Ryngoldbord ” for the works of the said stalls for 13s. and 100 of “ Waynscotbord ” for the same for 18s. ; 
47th week, half a hundred of “ Estrichbord ” for the stalls for 9s. ; 62nd week, “ In vj lignis emptis pro operibus Capelle,” 
6s. 8d. 

17 In the 6th week, “ Joni de Cant, pro .CC. sondes emptis pro glu inde faciendo vi.s.” ; 14th week, “ In Cvj 
stokfisshsondes emptis pro glu inde faciendo pro stallis capelle predicte iij.s. j.d.” ; in the 22nd, 23rd, and 25th weeks, 
“ In .C. sondes emptis pro glu inde faciendo .iij.s.” ; 37th week, “ In CC Stokfisshondes emptis pro glu inde faciendo 
pro dictis stallis vj.s.” Fifty more sounds were also bought in the 38th week, and 100 each in the 47th, 60th, and 
65th weeks. 

18 In the 37th week, “ pro Ml Ml clavis emptis pro celura dictorum stallorum iiij.s. ij.d.” ; 52nd week, “Johanni 
Deynes pro D. clavis emptis pro operibus dictorum stallorum xx.d. Eidem pro C. parvis clavis, iij.d. Et eidem pro 
C. minutis clavis emptis pro eisdem ij.d.” ; 60th week, “ Johanni Deynes pro Ml parvis clavis emptis pro cellura 
stallorum predictorum xv.d.” 

19 6th week, “ Joni de Cant, pro j pelle piscis canini vj.d.” ; 47th week, “ In .j. pelle piscis canini empta pro 
operibus stallorum .vj.d.” 

20 “ Magistro Andree fabro pro vj Crampons de ferro emptis ad retinenda stalla ad parietes ij.s. vj.d.” 

21 “ In .j. Clampe pro stallis in Capella ad muros retinentibus x.d.” 

22 “ In DC magnis clavis emptis pro scaffold, et operibus stallorum predictorum precii Centene vij.d. ob. iij.s. ix.d.” 

23 “ In factura .j. ymaginis de sancto Georgio . iiij.s.” 

24 “ Ricardo Evere pro D. clavis emptis pro hostio et fenestris del Trasour ibidem ij.s. vj.d. Eidem pro iiij ml 
Lathnail emptis pro parietibus dicte domus .v.s. Eidem pro Mi lathis emptis apud Kyngeston pro eadem domo. 
.ij.s. ij.d.” 

25 “ Ricardo Evere pro Mi lathnail emptis pro eadem domo xviij.d. In .j. pari vertivellorum cum gumphis 
emptis pro hostio dicte domus xij.d.” 

26 “ Johanni Deynes pro vij paribus vertivellorum cum gumphis emptis pro hostio et fenestris dicte domus vocatc 
trasour iiij.s. j.d.” 

27 " Simoni Hood tegulatori tegulanti super dictam domum vocatam trasour” for four days @ 4d. — -i6d. 

28 Beamys is in the parish of Shilton or Swallowfield, near Beechill, co. Berks, and was the site of a castle of the 
de la Beches. 

29 “ viij. laborariis (names given ) operantibus ibidem tam super ffraccione diversorum murorum quam factura 
morteri pro aliis operariis ibidem.” 

30 6th week : “ In iij. carectis conductis ad cariand. aquam et robus per .v. dies viz. cuilibet carecte per diem 
viij.d. x.s.” 

7th week : “ ij. c? r ectariis existentibus ibidem et cariantibus robus de uno loco in alium per .v. dies, utrique 
ipsorum per diem viij.d. vj.s. viij.d.” 

31 “ Et .viij. laborariis de predictis .ix. laborariis operantibus ibidem tam super prostracione parietum ibidem 
quam super reparacione et fodiacione fundamenti ejusdem revestiarii.” 

32 “ tam ad frangendum quendam murum quam fodiendam quamdam foveam pro fundamento muri domus 
capituli ac ad servientes cementarios et frangentes lapides in quarera.” 

33 “ tam ad fodiendos lapides in quarera et ad fodiendam quandam foveam pro novo muro domus Capituli quam 
ad prosternendas veteres arbores in parco de Wyndesore pro calce cremando ac ad serviendos cementarios. 

34 “ frangentibus cretam pro calce inde faciendo.” 

35 See above, note 11, for the text of the first week’s account. 

36 “ Johanni Profete pro .ix. carectatis petrarum de Reygate emptis pro operibus ejusdem revestiarii .xviij.s. 

In batillagio earundem de Ba[terseye] usque Wyndesore .iij.s. x.d.” 

37 “ In .vij. bordis emptis pro moldis Cementariorum inde faciendis .iij.s. In cariagio predictorum bordorum 
de Beaumys usque Wyndesore .iiij.d.” The “ molds ” were probably centerings. 


IV incisor Castle , 


1 62 


33 “ Super novos muros pro domo Capituli.” 

39 “tam super operibus dicti revestiarii. quam super muros domus capituli,” and " super posicione petrarum 
in parietibus dicti revestiarii.” 

40 16th week : “ Johanni Deynes pro D. clavis emptis pro scaff. xxij.d. In CCC Withes emptis pro scaff. xx.d.” 

22nd week : " In xlvj clatibus emptis pro scaff. precii pecie .iij.d. xi.s. vj.d. In C Withes emptis ad idem iiij.d.” 

41 “ [Johanni Deynes] pro iiij or gumphis pro hostiis novi operis.” 

42 “ Johanni Ponkes pro .x. carectatis petrarum de Reygate empt. pro dictis operibus .xviij.s. In cariagio 
earundem de Reygate usque Batrechesey .x.s. Et in batillagio earundem de Batricheseye usque Wyndesore .iiij.s.” 

43 “ Johanni atte Hacche pro ix carretatis de heth empt. ad cooperiendos muros, precii carretati .x.d. vij.s. vj.d.” 

44 “ ij positoribus operantibus super operibus ejusdem revestiarii.” 

45 " Johanni Westram operanti super scapulacione petrarum pro vosura ejusdem revestiarii.” 

46 “ In vertivellis emptis pro interiori hostio vestiarii .ij .s. vj.d.” 

47 “ Johanni Ponkes pro xlviij carectis petre Reygate empt. pro operibus ejusdem vestiarii ac pro parietibus 
domus capituli ibidem precii unius carecte xx.d. ^4. In cariagio earundem petrarum de Reygate usque Batrichesey 
viz. qualibet carecta .xij.d. 48s. In batillagio earundem petrarum de Batrichesey usque Wyndesore 33s. 4d.” 

48 “ Johanni atte Wode et Johanni le Rich pro xvj quarterns tegularum defractarum empt. ad implendas parietes 
dicte domus, 5s. 3d.” 

49 “ Magistro Andree ffabro pro quodam ferramento pro fenestra vestiarii ponderis iiij c xxxj. lb. precij libre 
.iij.d. Cvij.s.” 

60 The amount of stone, ninety-nine loads, bought during these sixty-six weeks seems comparatively small unless 
for the ashlar work. Probably the broken-up walls supplied the rubble That formed the bulk of the walling. 

51 “ Johanni Saundere eunti ad querendum quendam magistrum ad calcem cremandum, xviij.d.” 

51 * Patent Roll, 25 Edward III, part ii, m. 11. By further patents, dated 17th August, 1351, 1st March, 1352-3, 
and 12th May, 1356, Robert of Burnham was appointed to take masons, carpenters, and other workmen for the 
King’s works at Windsor. 

By patent dated 9th May, 1352, John of Dunstable, Simon Hurley and John of Glemsford were appointed to 
choose and impress in Berks, Bucks, and Wilts carpenters and sawyers for the King’s works at Windsor. Patent 
Roll, 26 Edward III, part i, m. 6. 

52 By an error of the scribe the date is entered as 19th December, but the detailed account shows that it extended 
to the 29th of the month, on which date the next account also begins. 

53 See Appendix, p. 174. 

54 “ Pro di. C. de Rigoldbord emptis pro reparacione chori ejusdem Capelle, xx.s. 

In .C. sondes emptis ad glu inde faciendum pro bordis inde conjungendis .iij.s. iiij.d.” 

55 “ Pro M. taketis emptis pro operibus Capelle, xv.d.” 

56 “ tarn super operibus ejusdem chori quam super quodam stagio pro Regina ad finem stallorum predictorum.” 

87 ‘‘ Magistro Andree Fabro pro .xxiiij. Gumphis emptis pro gladijs pendendis super stallis in Choro Capelle 

.iiij.s. ij.d.” As only twenty-four crooks were made, the number of Knights had not yet been increased to twenty-six. 

58 “ Et quilibet eorum habebit in capella supra stallum suam galeam et ensem quae in sui memoriam et ecclesiae 
tuicionem ibidem pro tempore vitae suae remanebunt, quemadmodum militaris Ordo nobilis hoc exposcit.” In the 
later versions of the Statutes this direction is differently worded, but without altering its tenor. 

59 “ super le Stag, in eadem Capella pro Regina.” 

60 " super quodam stagio pro Regina in Capella et super le stallis in choro.” 

61 ” In .j. serura pro hostio stagii Regine in capella ij.s. ij.d.” 

62 ‘‘ In xxxviij. Candelabris ferri emptis pro capella iij.s. ij.d.” 

63 “ Et in cariagio .ix. grossarum peciarum Meremii pro bemes ad tectum Capelle datis domino nostro Regi per 
Episcopum Sar de Sunnyng usque Wyndesore. in .xviij. carectis viz. pro qualibet pecia ij carectis cum xvj. equis 
.xxj.s. x.d.” 

84 “ Item Agneti Bulloc de Berkham pro maeremio ab eadem empto in bosco de Cagham pro operibus Regis 
apud Westmonasterium et Wyndesore .C. marcas.” 

65 “ In xvij carratis et iiij or wageris plumbi emptis per Johannem Bray pro reparacione tecture capelle precii carrati 
.xvij. marcas et wagi .vij.s. ix.d. q a rt. Mli. xvij.s. viij.d.” 

66 “ In .viij. ulmis emptis pro quodam scaffold, pro tectura capelle sursum trahenda vj.s.” 

67 “ Et Willelmo Waryn carpentario pro Carpentaria tecti capelle de maeremio Regis per convencionem secum 
factam per Thesaurarium ad tascam xxiiij .li.” 

68 ‘‘ In .x. peeijs maeremij emptis pro campanili capelle xl.s. Pro .j. pecia maeremii pro linteh ad dictum 
campanile viij.s.” 

69 “ In Cariagio .xxj. carett. maeremii de Cagham usque Wyndesore pro quodam novo Campanili super tectum 
Capelle .xxj.s.” 

70 “ Fundacione jactacione et posicione ,xx. carratarum plumbi super tectura Capelle Regis ibidem — vj.li.” 

71 “ Johanni atte Dich plumbario pro jactacione fundacione et posicione .ij. foudors xxj clavarum plumbi 
super vestiarium pro coopertura ejusdem.” 

72 “ In .j. petra marmorea empta pro quodam altare in nova [sic] vestiar .Iiij.s. iiij.d. 

In Batillagio ejusdem de London, usque Wyndesore .ij.s. 

In vmi Tegulis emptis pro pavimento ejusdem vestiarii .xl.s.” 

73 “ In .j. serura empta pro hostio nove [sic] Vestiar. v.s. vj.d. In .j. Each, cum toto apparatu pro eodem hostio 
.iij.s.” 

74 “ Jn .vj. seruris et xij gemettis et vj anulis cum clavibus emptis pro quodam novo almariolo in nova vestiaria 
.xij.s.” 

76 “ Super quodam almariolo in nova vestiaria pro reliquiis in eodem custodiendis.” 

76 << p ro diversis ferramentis emptis pro fenestris domus Capitularis xxiii.s. ix.d.” 

77 “ In elongacionem vj barrarum ferri pro fenestris domus Capituli xij.d.” 

78 “ Pro Mi Estrychbordis emptis pro operibus dicte Domus Capituli .vij .li. Johanni Deynes pro .vj ml clavis 
emptis pro dictis Estrychbordis ad tigna affirmanda .xviij.s.” 

79 “ Pro Mi Estrychbordis emptis tam pro Celura domus Capituli quam pro operibus ejusdem Orlogij .vij.li. x.s. 

In ijmi Taketis emptis pro eadem Celura .ij.s. vj.d.” 

so << p ro x mi tegulis emptis pro pavimento domus capituli precii Mille vj.s. vj.d., lxv.s. 

In cariagio earundem de Hedenesore usque Wyndesore .v.s.” 

81 “ Elie Tilere pavier et Symoni Billyng famulo suo operantibus in novo capitulo per dictos .v. dies ipso capiente 
pro se et famulo suo x.d. iiij.s. ij.d.*’ 


Documentary . 7 {otes. 1 63 

82< ‘Elie tilere pro posicione .viij. ml Pavyng tit in la fflor Novi Capituli capicnti ad tascam per Ml xx.d. 
xiij.s. iiij.d.” 

83 “ Willclmo Holmere pro Cvij ponderibus vitri albi emptis pro fencstris Capituli preeij C ne xvj.s. ct ponderis 

[C. continet .xxiiij 01 ' pondera] viij.d. xx.s. viij.d. 

In cariagio ejusdem vitri de London, usque Westmonasterium .vj.d. 

In .iij. lagenis Cervisie emptis ad mensas vitriariorum lavandas et dealbandas .vj.d.” 

84 “ Magistro Johanni Lyncoln et Magistro Johanni Athelard vitriariis operantibus super protractacionem et 

ordinacionem vitri pro fenestris Capelle Regis apud Wyndesore (three days at i2d.), vj.s. 

Willelmo Walton, Johanni Waltham, Johanni Carlton, John Loord, et Nicholao Dadinton v. vitriariis 
depictantibus vitrum pro fenestris Domus Capituli (six days at jd.), xvij.s. vj.d. 

Johanni Coventre, Willelmo Hamme, Johanni Cosyn, Andree Horkesleye, Willelmo Depyng, Willelmo 
Papelwyk, Johanni Brampton, Willelmo Bromle, Johanni Lyons, et Willelmo de Naffreton, x vitriariis 
operantibus super fraccione et cubacione vitri pro vitriacione dictorum fenestrarum (six days at 6d.), 
xxx.s.” 

As will be seen below, the statement as to Lincoln and Athelard working on the " chapel ” windows 
is clearly an error for “ chapter-house.” 

The names of most of the workmen and of others that occur later will be found in the account of 
the glazing of the windows of St. Stephen’s Chapel in J. T. Smith’s Antiquities of Westminster (London, 
1807), 191 — 196, and in Brayley and Britton’s History of the Antient Palace and late Houses of Parliament 
at Westminster (London, 1836), 176 et seqq. 

85 “ Johanni Geddyng existenti super providendum vitrum pro expensis dictorum operum per .x. dies incipientcs 
.xij. die Marcij, capienti per diem xij.d., x.s.” 

86 “ Roberto Russhemere protractanti super tabulas vitri diversas materias pro eisdem fenestris” at gd. a day. 

87 " Johanni Cosin itineranti de Westmonasterio usque Wyndesore pro mensura fenestrarum capienti eundo 
et redeundo cum conduccione .j. equi per .ij. dies .ij.s.” 

88 “ Magistro Johanni Athelard vitriario operanti super ordinacionem protractature ymaginarum [sic] in fenestris 
predictis.” 

89 “ Willelmo Holmere pro .CC. vitri albi emptis pro vitriacione fenestrarum domus Capituli, preeij Centene 
.xviij.s. xxxvj.s. [quelibet Centena continet xxiiij or pondera. et quodlibet pondus continet .v. libras]. Eidem pro 
iiij or ponderibus vitri safir coloris emptis pro eisdem fenestris. preeij ponderis iij.s. xij.s. In cariagio ejusdem vitri 
de London usque Westmonasterium per terram .vj.d.” 

90 ” Rogero de Glendon pro .CC. vitri diversorum colorum emptis pro fenestris vitriis ibidem preeij Centene 

lvj.s. C. xij.s. 

In portagio dicti vitri de London usque Westmonasterium .vij.d.” 

91 “ Johanni Alemayne pro CCC. et xxiiij ponderibus vitri albi emptis pro fenestris ibidem preeij Centene xij.s. 
et ponderis vj.d. xlvij.s. vj.d. Willelmo Holmere pro cariagio dicti vitri de Chiddingfold usque London .viij.s. Et 
in cariagio dicti vitri de London usque Westmonasterium .viij.d.” 

92 E.g. in the week beginning 2nd April : “ In iij. lagenis Cervisie emptis pro mensis vitriariorum lavandis et 
dealbandis .vj.d.” 

93 E.g. “ Johanni Geddyng pro .xij. lb. dc Geet emptis pro pictura vitri .xij.s. 

In I.ymaituris argenti emptis ad idem .v.d.” 

94 ” Willelmo Bonet pro dj. C. Talschid empt. pro vitro enallando .iiij.s. vj.d. (and 2d. for boatage from London 
to Westminster). Stephano le Bocher pro iij. petris Cepi emptis pro vitr. xv.d.” 

95 (2nd April) “ Symoni le Smyth pro .xij. Croisures [sic] emptis pro vitro operando .xv.d.” 

(23rd April) “ Symoni le Smyth pro xlij. Croisures emptis pro vitro operando preeij pecie j.d. qr. iiij.s. iiij.d. ob.” 

(14th May) “ Symoni le Smyth pro .xxiiij Croisures emptis pro vitro operando .ij.s. vj.d.” 

96 “ Johanni Athelard et Roberto Russhemere vitriariis operantibus super vitriacionem fenestrarum Capelle 
predicte.” 

97 " Ricardo de Thorp pro .xxvj. Centenis vitri diversorum colorum emptis pro fenestris Capelle vitriandis. preeij 

Centene xxviij.s. xxxvj.li. viij.s. 

In portagio et batillagio ejusdem vitri de London usque Westmonasterium .viij.d.” 

98 “ Ricardo Thorp pro ,xv. Centenis vitri diversi coloris precii Centene xl.s. xxx.li. 

In portagio et batillagio ejusdem vitri de Temesesterete [sic] usque Westmonasterium .x.d.” 

99 “ Willelmo Mareschal pro .CCC. tenis vitri albi pro reparacione dictarum fenestrarum ibidem preeij Centene 
xv.s. xlv.s.” 

100 “ Nicholas peutrer pro .C. lb. stanni emptis pro soldura ad fenestras vitreas capelle predicte .xxij.s.” 

101 “ p ro cerv i S xa empta tarn pro congelacione vitri quam pro mensis vitriariorum lavandis .viij.d. 

Pro lymatura argenti empta pro pictura vitri .viij.d. 

Willelmo de Newerc pro .CC. Talshid emptis pro vitro anellando et frangendo preeij C ne vij.s. xiiij.s. 

Johanni Madfray pro .j. lb. de Gum Arebikes empta pro pictura vitri .iij .d.” 

102 “ In Cervisia et Gum Arabik et lymatura argenti emptis pro pictura vitri .xiv.d.” 

103 (4th June) 60 “ croisures ” bought for 6s. 3d. ; (30th July) 24 for 2s. ; (10th September) 40 for 5s. 

104 “ Magistro Johanni Athelard vitriario operanti super protractacionem vitri pro dictis fenestris. 

Johanni Geddyng cum .iij. sociis suis vitriariis operantibus super vitriacionem earundem fenestrarum. 

Willelmo Hamme cum .vij. sociis suis vitriariis depictantibus conjungentibus clorantibus vitrum pro dictis 

fenestris. 

Thome Dunmowe vitriario operanti cum eisdem.” 

It has not been deemed necessary to give the amounts paid, as they are repeated below. 

105 ” Symoni le Smyth pro .xxv. groisours emptis ad operandum vitrum” (amount burnt off). Among the 
expenses of the twenty-seventh year upon the Pipe Roll is the following entry, which probably gives the particulars of the 
burnt paragraph : “ Et in .v. soudours .vj. foundors, limatura argenti, cervisia pro mensis vitriariorum lavandis. xij lb. 
de geet pro pictura Ml Ml C vitri albi et .xxv. groysours emptis et provisis pro operibus Regis ibidem — xvj.li. xiiij.s.” 

106 . . . in vadiis Magistri Johannis Lyncoln vitriarii existentis super ordinacionem vitriacionis fenestrarum 

capelle Regis [apud] Wyndesore pro lxj dies inter primum diem Octobris dicto anno xxviij° et xviij. diem Decembris 

capientis per diem .xij.d. — lxj.s. Et Magistro Johanni Athelard vitriario operanti cum eodem super 
vitriacionem [dictarum] fenestrarum per xiiij. dies infra dictum tempus capienti per diem xij.d. — xiiij.s. Et Johanni 
Geddyng [vitriario] operanti super dictis operibus per xlviij dies infra dictum primum diem Octobris et predictum 
xviij. diem [Decembris] capienti per diem vij.d.- — xxviij.s. Johanni Waltham, Stephano Lord, Johanni Iprc, V\ illelmo 
Walton, [Robe]rto Coldryngton, Johanni Esthawe, Thome Yonge, et Henrico Jerncmuth viij. vitriariis depictantibus 


W indsor Castle. 


1 64 


vitrum pro dictis fenestris a predicto primo die Octobris usque predictum xviij diem Decembris proximum sequentem 
primo die compoti non ultimo per xj septimanas cuilibet eorum per septimanam iij.s. vj.d. — xv.li. viij.s. Johanni Seman 
depictanti cum eisdem per vj septimanas dimid. infra dictum tempus capienti per septimanam iij.s. vj.d.- — xxij.s. ix.d. 
Johanni Hamme, Andree Horkesle, Willelmo Copyng, Johanni Parson, Willelmo Papelwikes, Thome Dunmovve, 
Johanni Coventre, Johanni Hadesco, Johanni Cosyn, Ricardo Sibeton, et Thome Dadyngton, xj. vitriariis vocatis 
clorours et joynours operantibus super operibus dictarum fenestrarum per predictas .xj. septimanas cuilibet eorum 
per septimanam .iij.s.- — xviij .li. iij.s. Johanni Lyons operanti cum eisdem per .x. septimanas infra dictum tempus 
capienti per septimanam .iij.s. — xxx.s. Rogero Melcheboum, Johanni Brampton, Willelmo Bromble, operantibus 
cum eisdem super vitriacionem dictarum fenestrarum per .vj. septimanas infra dictum tempus cuilibet eorum per 
septimanam .iij.s. — liiij.s. Galfrido Sibeton operanti super dictis operibus per vj septimanas et iiij or dies capienti 
per septimanam iij.s. — xix.s. vj.d. Johanni Jonge molanti colores pro pictura vitri pro dictis fenestris per .iiij or . 
septimanas. capienti per septimanam .ij.s. vj.d. — x.s. Henrico Kirtlyngton laborario facienti focum et calefacienti 
Instrumenta vitriariorum predictorum per .lix. dies infra dictas .xj. septimanas capienti per diem iij.d. — xiiij.s. ix.d. 

Summa vadiorum .xlvj.li. v.s.” 

The words in brackets are conjecturally supplied. 

107 “ Johanni Coventre Johanni Parson et Thome Dadinton .iij. vitriariis existentibus ibidem super posicione 
panellorum vitri in fenestris ejusdem Capelle per dictos vj. dies cuilibet eorum per diem viij.d. — xij.s. Waltero 
Beauchamp adjuvanti eisdem super vitriacionem dictarum fenestrarum per idem tempus, capienti per diem iiij.d. — ij.s.” 

108 “ In .xviij. bordis pro cassis faciendis ad cariand. panett. vitri de Westmonasterio usque Wyndesore .iij.s. 

In .xxxviij. bordis de ulmo emptis ad idem precii pecie .iiij.d. — : xij.s. viij.d. 

In cariagio earundem de London usque Westmonasterium .v.s. 

In feno et stramine emptis ad ponenda in predictis cassis pro salva custodia panellorum vitri .xiv.d. 

In ,iij c - clavis emptis pro dictis cassis faciendis .xij.d.” 

109 “ In .j. palet cum .j. soldur emptis pro vitro .xij.d. 

In .j. qr. stagni empta pro soldura pro fenestris vitreis .vij.s.” 

110 “ Johanni Talwych pro frettagio shute sue carianti .xij. mouncett piastre paris et vj. cass. cum vitro pro 
fenestris capelle de Westmonasterio usque Wyndesore .xiiij.s.” 

111 “ Magistro Andree fabro pro diversis ferramentis emptis pro fenestris Camerarum Custodis Collegij, ponde- 
rantibus .xl. lb. precij libre iij.d. — x.s.” 

112 “ super operibus parietum Camerarum Custodis Collegij.” 

113 “ In .x. bunchis de Osieres emptis pro reparacione Corbelli Camerarum Custodis Collegij .ij.s. vj.d.” 

114 “ super fraccione et deposicione cujusdam muri ad finem domorum Custodis Collegij.” 

115 “ Johanni de Cantebrug pro Carpentaria cooperture domus Custodis Collegij de maeremio Regis, capienti 
ad tascam .xx. marcas.” John of Cambridge’s name appears elsewhere as Ivo. 

116 “ Roberto Horewod plumbatori pro fundacione jactacione et posicione xij carratarum plumbi pro coopertura 
dicte domus capienti ad tascam pro qualibet carracta vj.s. — lxxij.s.” 

117 “ In .j. serura nova empta pro hostio domus Custodis Collegij .iiij.s. In .iiij. lb. soldure emptis pro reparacione 
cooperture dicte domus .xij.d. In DC. lednayl emptis pro reparacione ejusdem cooperture .xx.d.” 

118 “ In .C. lb. ferri emptis apud London pro diversis ferramentis pro fenestris domorum Custodis Collegij .xxv.s.” 

119 “ In .xvij mouncels plastri paris. emptis tam pro fumerariis in Cameris Canonicorum quam pro diversis 
parietibus in Cameris Custodis Collegij faciendis, precij mouncelli viij.s. — vj.li. xvj.s.” 

120 “ In .C. Talschid empt. ad cremandum plastrum Paris, pro parietibus [camerarum] Custodis Collegij. iiij.s. 

. . . . pro .iij. ml. lathis emptis pro parietibus camerarum Custodis Collegij. precii Ml. vs. xv.s. In .x. ml 

lathnail empt. pro operibus earundem domorum xv.s. ij.d.” 

121 ‘‘ pro parietibus camerarum Custodis Collegij reparandis.” 

122 “ In . 1 . soundes emptis pro visco inde faciendo ad conjungendas bordas pro hostiis et fenestris camerarum 
Custodis Collegij .ij.s. vj.d.” 

123 “ Ade Lokier pro .x. seruris et iiij or clikettis cum clavibus et .x. staples emptis pro hostiis Camerarum Custodis 
Collegij in grosso .xviij .s.” 

124“ p ro f a ctura .xij. paribus vertivellorum et gumphis [sic] .xij. boltes ferreis et .xij. lacches cum toto apparatu 
factis pro hostiis et fenestris Camerarum Custodis Collegij ponderantibus in toto .Cxx. lb. — x.s. viij.d.” 

125 “ In .x. m' tegulis emptis pro pavimento Aule Custodis collegij precii Mine vj.s. lx.s. In cariagio earundem. 
de la Penne usque Wyndesore .iiij.s.” 

126 See Appendix, p. 170. 

127 It has been already noted that the ceiling of the chapter-house was also done by taskwork. 

128 “ Ivoni de Cantebrigia carpentario pro Carpentaria del flor Camerarum Custodis Collegij sine Celura domus 
Capituli de maeremio Regis per convencionem secum factam per Thesaurarium ad tascam xviij. marc.” 

129 ‘‘super reparacione cooperture Aule ac Camerarum Custodis Collegij .xij. fouders.” 

i3°“ p ro expensis .j. vitriarii de London usque Wyndesore ad ponenda panella vitri in fenestris domus Custodis 
Collegij — ij.s.” 

131 “ In una vane de laton empta pro ffumerale Custodis Collegij .xiv.s.” 

132 << j n una vane de cupro picta de armis Regis empta ad ponendum super summitatem aule Collegij Regis 
ibidem .xiiij.s.” 

133 See Appendix, pp. 170, 171. 

134 “ super scapulacione petrarum pro operibus Regis ibidem.” 

135 “ Johanni Westram operanti ibidem super sculpacione petrarum pro diversis hostiis et fenestris pro domibus 
ac cameris Canonicorum ibidem ” and ten masons “ super eisdem operibus.” 

136 “ super prostracione diversorum murorum ibidem in locis ubi camere canonicorum debent edificari.” 

137 “ In .vj. pykoyses emptis ad frangendos veteres parietes ibidem .vj.s. 

In .xij. tribulis ferratis emptis ad idem .iij.s. vj.d. 

In .v. Croudwayns emptis ad cariandum dictum Murum cum prostratum fuerit de illo loco usque ad alium .v.s.” 

138 “ super reparacione cujusdam muri in parte aquilonali ejusdem capelle.” 

139 “ super fraccione diversorum Murorum in parte boriali ejusdem Capelle ubi camere Canonicorum debent 
edificari.” 

In the week following, that beginning 19th March, is a charge" pro factura .xij. mattocks et. ij. bekes de ferro 
et acerre Regis preemptis ponderis CC. lb. ad muros frangendos et scaffold, faciendos v.s.” 

140 “ super reparacione cujusdam latrine pro Canonicis extra murum Castelli.” 

141 " quam super exaltacione Muri Castri ex utraque parte dicte latrine.” 


Documentary f\otes. 


i6 5 


142 In the week nth— 18th June is a charge : “ In xij. ladles emptis ad fundendam aquam super muros predicte 
latrine ” ; also “ Johanni Wynkefeld pro .Ixvj. Cratis emptis pro scaffold, ad latrinam. precii pecie iij.d. — xvj.s. vj.d. 
In cariagio earundem de Wynkefeld usque Wyndesore xviij.d. In .DC. wythes emptis ad idem .ij.s.” 

143 Thirteen “ crates ” were bought for scaffolding “ ad positores operantes super muros Camerarum Canonicorum.” 

144 “ Johanni Prophete pro .C. carectatis petrarum de Reygate scapulat. per modum sibi traditum empt. pro 
corbeltables camerarum canonicorum, precii carectate ij.s. — x.li.” 

146 “ Item Johanni Glymmesford Symoni Hurlee et Johanni Dunstaple in partem solucionis Cvij.li. vj.s. viij.d. 
sibi debitis pro carpentraria camerarum Canonicorum factarum ad tascam .xl.li.” This is not entered on the Pipe 
Roll until the following year, when the balance became due, and the whole was then discharged. 

148 “ super reparacione petrarum pro hostiis et fenestris Camerarum Canonicorum.” 

147 “ super tabulamentis Camerarum Canonicorum.” 

148 “ Thome Draper pro .C. petris vocatis Corbellis quolibet continente iij. pedes di. emptis pro operibus Came- 

rarum Canonicorum precii pedis ij.d. lviij.s. iiij.d. 

Eidem pro CCC pedibus de Paas emptis pro quodam gradu porte ducentis usque Cymiterium Canonicorum 
precii pedis ij.d. l.s. 

In cariagio earundem petrarum cum .lvij. carectis de quarera usque aquam ibidem videlicet pro qualibet 
carecta vj.d. xxviij.s. vj.d. 

Item pro frettagio .iij. Navium ducentium dictas petras de aqua apud Meydeston usque London .lxv.s. 

(To five men) “ pro frettagio dictarum petrarum de London usque Wyndesore .xxvj.s. viij.d.” 

149 Among the expenses entered on the Pipe Roll is a charge of 19s. yd. for one hundred and twenty loads 
of Reigate stone, one hundred corbel stones and five hundred and fifty feet of stones de Paas. 

150 “ Ricardo Love et Johanni Talworth pro batellagio xv carectarum petrarum de Maydeston de London usque 
Wyndesore .xiij.s.” 

161 “ super fundament. Camerarum Canonicorum.” 

152 ‘‘super batillament. Camerarum Canonicorum.” 

353 “ super reparacione tecture .iij. turrellorum extra Cameras Canonicorum.” 

164 “ operantibus cooperture cujusdam latrine et ij orum turrellorum extra murum Camerarum Canonicorum.” 

155 “ Simoni Hurle Johanni Glymesforde et Johanni Dunstaple carpentariis pro carpentraria xxiij camerarum 
de meremio Regis pro canonicis collegij capelle Regis de Wyndesore ad tascam per convencionem secum factam per 
venerabilem patrem Dominum Willelmum de Edyndon Thesaurarium Regis — cvij.li. vj.s. viij.d.” 

166 “ Johanni Wrestelere pro .ij. acris terre conductis per unum annum super quibus carpentarii operant Cameras 
Canonicorum .iiij.s.” 

157 “ In xxxml Traversnail emptis pro parietibus Camerarum Canonicorum precij millene .xiij.d. — xxxij.s. vj.d. 

In xxml Sprygis emptis pro eadem precij millene xij.d.— xx.s. 

In v. mi spikyngis emptis pro reparacione tecture earundem domorum precii millene .iiij.s. ij.d. — xx.s. x.d. 

In v. m> clavarum cum capitibus stagnatis emptis pro hostiis earundem Camerarum precii millene viij.s. viij.d. 
— xliij.s. iiij.d. 

In v. ml clavarum cum capitibus stagnatis emptis pro fenestris earundem Camerarum precii millene v.s. x.d. — 
xxix.s. ij.d. 

Item in .vj. ml lednail emptis pro eisdem Cameris precii millene ij.s. vj.d. — xv.s.” 

168 See Appendix, p. 170. 

169 “ Roberto Horewod pro jactacione fundacione et posicione xxx. carettarum plumbi pro tectura camerarum 
canonicorum ad tascam pro qualibet caretta .vj.s. — ix.li.” 

i6° << Roberto Horewod pro fundacione jactacione et posicione .xxx. [sic] plumbi super batillamentis Camerarum 
Canonicorum et super batillamentis Orlogij capienti ad tascam pro qualibet carretta vj.s. — ix.li. quorum xij carrette 
fuerunt de novo plumbo et viij. carrette de vetero plumbo proveniente de coopertura veteris Claustri et de quadam 
Cisterna et gutturis in Muris de Castro.” 

161 “ Idem computat in tam super facturam et reparacionem cooperture xxvj Camerarum pro canonicis collegij 
ibidem quam super reparacionem batallamenti orlogij ibidem fA.x. carrate plumbi. Et in vastacione per ignem in 
fundacione et jactacione dicti plumbi .iij. carrate .ij. wage .ij. clave videlicet de qualibet waga ij. clava.” 

162 “ pacantibus lathis pro parietibus.” 

163 “ ad fricandas parietes.” 

164 On the Pipe Roll this salt is described as bought and provided for rubbing down the chimneys, “ pro Caminis 
Camerarum Canonicorum fricandis.” 

165 “ In iij ml de tegulis Flandre emptis pro eisdem .xx.s.” 

166 “ Johanni Burre lathere pro lath, parietum Camerarum Canonicorum cum lathis Regis ad tascam per 
convencionem sibi factam in grosso .vj.li. xiij.s. iiij.d.” 

167 “ Ricardo Assheby pro depictacione maeremii in cameris canonicorum de sua propria invencione cum vemys 
et ocre ad tascam .C.s.” Some of this colouring was found in the upper story of one of the houses a few years ago, 
but defaced by an over- zealous painter before arrangements could be made for its preservation. 

168 “ Johanni de Oxonia et Ricardo Assheby daubatoribus pro daubacione parietum Camerarum Canonicorum 
ad tascam .xv.li. vj.s. viij.d.” 

169 “ Eidem (Ricardo Smyth) pro factura »•■. xiij pikes pro Caminis camerarum canonicorum ad tascam de ferro 
proprio iij.s. x.d. ob.” 

170 “ In iij m> pavyngtit empt. pro claustro in Cameris Canonicorum .xiv.s. vj.d.” 

171 “ Johanni lokiere et Johanni Smyth unde unus facit seruras pro hostiis Camerarum Canonicorum et alius 
facit henges et alia necessaria pro eisdem cameris, per idem tempus, unde .j. ad vj.d. et alter ad iiij.d. per diem — 
iiij.s. ij.d.” 

172 “ Tasca. Johanni Smyth de Slow pro factura xxiij paribus [sic] vertivellorum cum gumphis de ferro Regis 
preempto ad tascam — viij.s. j.d.” 

173 “ In . 1 . Cliketlokes emptis pro hostiis Camerarum Canonicorum .l.s. 

Pro .j. clicket pro communi latrina cum xxvj clavibus vj.s.” 

174 For the Latin text see Appendix, p. 171. Egremont is no doubt Eglemunt, and Flynt, Flint Hill near 
Dorking. 

1,5 “ super quendam murum de magna aula usque magnum [stabulum Regis ?].” 

176 “ tam super scapulacione petrarum pro quadam camera vocata le trcsorie ac super fundamentis Camerarum 
Canonicorum. quam super quemdam murum de magna aula usque magnum stabulum Regis.” 

177 “ pro vousura pro tresorie. 1 ’ 


W indsor Castle. 


1 66 


178 “ super operibus dicte Thesaurie quam super batillamentis Camerarum Canonicorum.” 

179 “ Pro CC.l. pedibus petrarum emptis tabulamentis in claustro precij pedis j.d. ob. xxxi.s. iij.d.” 

180 “ tam pro claustro ibidem quam pro Thesaur.” 

181 “ tam super operibus predicti claustri quam domus Thes.” 

182 “ super quamdam cameram vocatam le Tresorie.” 

183 “ tam super dictam domum vocatam le Tresorie quam super Cameram Willelmi [sic] Whitehors.” 

184 “ super quendam subcelarium pro Waltero de Whitehors.” 

185 “ Domino Symoni de Swanlond pro .j. vout. de petris de Egremont empta pro le tresorie in grosso .C.s. 

In cariagio supradictarum petrarum de Horfelde usque Wyndesore per .xij. leucas .xvj.s. x.d.” “ Egre- 

mont” is no doubt the Eglemunt before referred to (see chapter iv. note g, p. 20), since the stone from thence was 
only carried thirty-six miles, but the “ Horfelde ” whence it was brought is as difficult to locate as Eglemunt. 

186 “ Ricardo Fabro pro factura .xij. crampons pro vosura tresorie de fferro Regis .xviij.d.” 

187 “ ad tractandas magnas petras super le Tresorie.” 

188 “ Ricardo Smyth pro factura .xxxiiij. barrarum curtarum et .xij. barrarum longarum pro fenestra domus 
vocate le Tresorie ad tascam de ferro Regis preempto .v.s.” 

189 “ super reparacionem maeremii pro tectur'a domus vocate la Tresor.” 

190 “ super tecturam domus Thes.” 

191 “ in fundacione jactacione et posicione vj. carectat. plumbi super tecturam domus Thes. per certam con- 
vencionem ad tascam.” 

192 “ super cameras Walteri de Whitehors.” 

193 “ super reparacionem hostiorum et fenestrarum camerarum Walteri Whitehors.” 

194 The personage in question was one of the King’s yeomen. He was granted in March, 1342-3, the custody 
of the waters of Fosse at York, an appointment confirmed in the following May. In 1344 he received a grant for life 
of the tronage of the port of King’s Lynn, with the usual wages, etc. and in 1345 was allowed to appoint a deputy. 
In 1347 h- e was made constable of Conisborough Castle for life, and the next year keeper of the lesser seal of recognisances 
under the Statute Merchant at York, also a life appointment. In 1349 he was further granted, for life, the steward- 
ship of the Forest of Galtres. 

On the foundation of the Order of the Garter Walter Whitehors was made the first ostiarius of the King’s free 
chapel in Windsor Castle, an office now represented by the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, and a residence for 
him was begun in May, 1353, and finished by the end of the following year. The patent of his appointment was not, 
however, issued until 1361, and was in these terms : 

“ Pro Waltero Whithors. Rex omnibus ad quos etc. salutem. Sciatis quod cum oneraverimus dilectum 
valettum nostrum Walterum Whithors ostiarium libere capelle nostre in castro nostro de Wyndesore ad 
portandum virgam in presencia nostra ante Collegium capelle predicte in processionibus diebus festivis 
cum personaliter ibidem fuerimus faciendis. Nos ut idem Walterus onus illud libencius sustinere valeat 
volentes ipsum respicere graciose Concessimus ei duodecim denarios percipiendos singulis diebus ad 
scaccarium nostrum ad totam vitam suam. In cujus etc. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium xxiij die 
Aprilis (1361).” Patent Roll, 35 Edward III, part 2, m. 22. 

On the Patent Roll this entry is cancelled, and in the margin is written : 

“ Vacat quia restitute fuerunt et idem Walterus habet alias literas Regis patentes de dato xiiij die Aprilis anno 
istius Regis quinquagesimo in rotulo patente irrotulatas de balliva hundredi de Rocheford. ad totam 
vitam suam habend. etc. Et ideo iste litere cancellantur et dampnantur.” 

Walter’s appointment as bailiff of the hundred of Rochford in Essex, instead of his pension of I2d. a day, is duly 
entered on the Patent Roll for the 50th year (part i, m. 25), but expressly reserves to him his office of usher of the 
King’s chapel. 

195 ‘‘tam super cameram dicti Walteri quam super le Rostynghous.” 

196 ‘‘pro reparacione cooperture del Rostynghous.” 

197 “ super quandum porticam juxta le Rostynghous.” 

198 ‘‘ tam super le tresorie quam super muros domorum pistoris et braciatoris.” 

199 ‘‘super scapulacione maeremii pro domibus pistoris et braciatoris Collegij de Wyndesore.” 

200 “ super diversis ferramentis pro domibus braciatoris et pistoris.” 

201 “ Eidem (Roberto Tillare de la Penne) pro xx. ml tegulis emptis pro domo pistoris et braciatoris precij millene 
ij.s. iiij.d. xlvj.s. viij.d. Eidem pro CCC rugtil emptis pro eadem domo vij.s. In cariagio earundem de la Penne 
usque Wyndesore .xxj.s. iiij.d.” 

202 “In iiij ml lathis emptis pro operibus domorum pistoris et braciatoris .xvj.s. In cariagio eorundem del 
Hurst usque Wyndesore .iiij.s.” 

2°3“ Eidem (Ricardo ffabro) pro factura .xlviij. barrarum pro fenestris domus pistoris de ferro Regis ponderis 
CC. lb. v.s.” 

204 “ Pro .xxx. Ml rofnayl emptis pro domibus pistoris et braciatoris, l.s.” 

206 ‘‘ John Bithewod pro .xviij. Ml tegulis emptis pro reparacione cooperture domus pistoris precii Millene 
iij.s. vj.d. — lxiv.s. ix.d. 

Symoni Moldere de Chalfhonte pro .x. Ml tegulis emptis pro eadem precij millene .ij.s. iiij.d. — xxiij.s. iiij.d. 

In cariagio earundem de Chalfhonte usque Wyndesore xiij.s. iiij.d. 

Roberto Tillare de la Penne pro mimimi tegulis emptis pro eisdem domibus vij.s. In cariagio earundem 
de la Penne usque Wyndesore iiij.s.” 

206 “ super reparacione cooperture domuum pistoris et braciatoris.” 

207 “ Tasca. Thome Grenewyc cementario pro factura .ij. furnorum in domo pistoris pro Collegio de pctra et 
calce Regis ad tascam .vj.li. xiij.s. iiij.d.” 

2°8“ j n molaribus emptis pro quodam molendino Collegij infra Castrum .c.s.” 

209 “ pro cog Wheles ad molendinum.” 

210 “ Et Petro Gaunt carpentario operanti ibidem super ordinacione cujusdam Molendini equini pro Collegio 
in Castro ibidem a xo. die Novembris usque .xxij. diem Decembris proximum sequentem per sex septimanas capienti 
per septimanam .iiij.s. — xxiiij.s.” 

211 “ In .vj. peciis maeremii emptis apud Sunnyng pro quadam [sic] Orlogio in magna Turri Pacta [sic for 
“facta”] precij pecie vj.s. viij.d. xl.s.” 

212 “ super quodam Orlogio in magna Turri factta [sic].” 

213 “ In cariagio cujusdam Grosse Campane de Algate usque Baynardescastel vj.s. viij.d. et In batillagio ejusdem 
Campane de Baynardescastel usque Wyndesore .iiij.s.” 

214 “ Pro M> Estrychbordis emptis tam pro Celura domus Capituli quam pro operibus ejusdem Orlogij .vij.li. x.s.” 


'Documentary , ?{otes . i 67 


215“ i n viij ml clavis emptis pro operibus dicti Orlogij precii Mi. iiij.s. xxxij.s. 

Willelmo Deynes pro .iiijmi clavis emptis pro eodem. precii ml iij.s. vj.d. .xiiij.s.” 

216 “ In .ij. pullinis de eneo ponderantibus xlvj.lb. precij lb .iij. d. emptis pro operibus dicti Orlogij .xj.s. vj.d." 

217 “ Magistro Andree fabro pro diversis lamynibus et ferramentis emptis pro quadam Campana pro eodem 

Orlogio ponderis j||j xix lb. precij j lb. iij.d. xxiiij.s. ix.d. 

-In cariagio ejusdem orlogij [de Turri struck out ] de London usque Wyndesore .xviij.d. 

In .xij. lb. magni Wyr emptis pro orlogio .xij.s. 

In .j. magna corda empta pro eodem xiiij.s. 

In .vj. parvis cordis emptis pro eodem viij.d. 

In .vj. lb de Wir de cupro emptis pro eodem Orlogio .xiij.d." 

518 " Magistro Andree fabro pro diversis ferramentis et .j. Martello emptis pro Orlogio predicto ponderantibus 
Clx. lb. xl.s.” 

219 “ In .ij. lynns emptis pro operibus ejusdem Orlogij .ij.s.” 

220 “ In .v. lb. candelarum emptis per diversas vices ad operandum pernoctes etad custodiendum orlogium .x.d. 

In .j. Stapel empt. pro quodam pondere ad dictum orlogium .viij.d. 

Et in emendacionc .j. Martelli pro eodem orlogio vj.s. viij.d. 

Pro factura .vij. barrarum pro eodem orlogio de ferro Regis preempto ponderis . 1 . lb. xviij.d. 

In .ij. bolstris de Cupro emptis pro quodam polino in eodem Orlogio ponderis .xiiij. lb precij. lb iij.d. iij.s. vj.d." 

221 “ Et in .iij. equis conductis ad carianda diversa instrumenta .iij. Lumbardorum unde .j. extitit magister 

orlogij per .ij. vices .vj.s. 

Et pro expensis .iij. lumbardorum existencium ad mensam Stephani Cheseburi ab viij° die Aprilis usque viij. 
diem Maij per xxxj. dies capient. per diem pro quolibet ipsorum vj.d. — xlvj.s. vj.d." 

222 “ super reparacionem cooperture Orlogij." 

223 “ pro quodam cisterno in Orlogio.” 

224 “ Et tam in reparacione cooperture Orlogij ibidem quam .j. nove Cisterno ibidem .ij. fouders." 

225 The oft-made statement that the Wells clock was brought from Glastonbury Abbey at the suppression is an 
invention not founded on fact. This clock is known to have been at Wells in the fifteenth century. 

228 “ tam super aulam in turri quam super orlogium hac [sic] aliis diversis cameris in turri." 

227 “ super claustrum circa Orlogium.” 

228 ‘‘super batillamentum Orlogii.” 

229 “ super operibus diversarum camerarum in alta turri.” 

230 “ iiij or sarratoribus sarrantibus gistes et ponchons pro operibus in alta turri." 

231 “ (pro) emendacione Aule et Camerarum in magna turri.” 

232 “ In .CC. peciis meremii scapulati emptis de Alicia Heynes del Hurst pro aula in turri .Iiij.s. viij.d. 

In M* Estrychbordis emptis de Johanne Lovekyn pro alta Turri et pro aula et cameris ejusdem .x.li. 

Eidem pro .CC. Righoldbordis emptis pro eisdem .vj .li . xiij.s. iiij.d.” 

233 “ tam pro domibus pistoris et brasiatoris quam pro parietibus in Turrym ac pro domo Walteri de Whitehors.” 

234 “ Pro .C. quercubus pro operibus Alte Turris videlicet pro aula et cameris in eadem faciendis .viij .li. xiij.s. vj.d.” 

235 “ p ro _ v quercubus pro Bemys pro aula in turri .xx.s. Pro Ml Waynescotbordis pro operibus in turri .viij .li.” 
238 “ pro aula et cameris in Turrym." 

237 “ In .j. corbul pro Orlogio in magna Turri .xxv.s. iij.d.” 

23 8 Accounts, Exchequer K.R. 493/1. 

239 “ Idem computat in .lx. quercubus emptis de Johanne atte Halle .xij. die Januarij pro aula et Cameris in Turri 

.xiij.li. vj.s. viij.d. 

Et in .lx. quercubus emptis de eodem Johanne xij. die proximo sequente pro dictis operibus x.li. 

Et in 1 . quercubus emptis de eodem Johanne .x. die Augusti pro dictis operibus vj.li. v.s. 

Et in iiij c quercubus emptis de Henrico Sturmy pro diversis operibus infra dictum castrum factis .Lxvj.li. 
xiij.s. iiij.d." 

240 “ Et in una pecia maeremii empta per Willelmum Herland .xxvj. die Januarij pro aula predicta de Nicholas 

Dunmowe .xxiiij.s. 

Et in una pecia maeremii empta pro operibus molendini .vj.s. viij.d. 

Et in iiij or holmes emptis de Johanne Bokhurst .ix. die Marcij pro coggis inde faciendis pro rotis molendinorum 
ibidem .v.s. 

Et in iiij or ulmis. emptis pro operibus ejusdem molendini .xxvij. die Aprilis .iiij.s. 

Et in .C. loggis emptis .xxx. die Marcij pro soules inde faciendis pro salva custodia carbonum .vj.s. viij.d. 

Et in Ml. Estrichbordis emptis de Fulcone Horwode pro coopertura Claustri .xxvij. die Julij .ix.li. 

Johanni Jondelay pro batillagio earundem de London usque Wyndesore .x.s. x.d. 

Et Johanni Hertele pro quodam tenemento ab eodem locato pro maeremio in eadem [.«e] ponendo unum 
annum .x.s.” 

241 “ Et in .j. cliketlok cum .vj. clavibus emptis pro hostio del viz .iij.s. 

Johanni le Smyth pro .v. paribus de hengis emptis .xxvij. die Aprilis videlicet .ij. pro hostiis domus Walteri 
de Whithors et iij pro hostiis infra domum pistoris .vij.s. 

Et in .xij. seruris emptis eodem die pro hostiis infra domum pistoris .xxiiij.s. 

Et in .j. serura empta pro porta in medio castri post festum Pasche .iiij.s. 

Et in .xxx. anulis emptis .xxvij. die Aprilis pro diversis hostiis .vij.s. vj.d. 

Et in .xxx. lacchis cum apparatu emptis eodem die pro fenestris magne aule .vij.s. vj.d.” 

242 ‘‘ Ricardo le Smyth pro ij paribus de hengis emptis pro hostio domus pistoris xv die Junij .viij.d. 

Et eidem Ricardo pro factura xxiiij or candelabrorum. pro capella .xij.d.” 

243 ‘‘pro claustro capelle.” 

244 “ Et in .iiij or ffotbraces cum .ij. colariis de eneo emptis pro dictis molendinis ibidem ponderantibus .jjjj.ij. lb. 
precij lb. iiij.d. — xxix.s. viij.d.” The weight is wrongly given as 82 instead of 89 lbs. 

245 “ Et in .Ixvj. lb. albi plumbi emptis pro pictura vousure domus Thes ibidem .xxij.s. 

Et in .xij. lagenis de oleo emptis pro eadem .xiij. die Aprilis .xxiiij.s. 

Et in iiij or ollis terreis et .ij. calathis emptis pro dicto oleo imponendo. et cariando de London usque 
Wyndesore .xv.d. 

Et in filo empto pro pyncellis inde ligandis .ij .d. ob. 

Et in cariagio predictorum plumbi et olei per diversas vices de London usque Wyndesore .iiij.s.” 


1 68 


W indsor Castle. 


246 “ Et in ,iiij or . Centenis vitri emptis de Johanne Alemayne xxiij die Januarij apud Chiddyngfold precij Centene 
.xiij.s. iiij.d. — liij.s. iiij.d. 

Et in cariagio dicti vitri de Chiddyngfold usque Wyndesore .iiij.s. 

Et in Get empt. pro pictura vitri .iij.d. 

Et in cinopre Lymatura amemento emptis pro pictura vitri pro fenestra del Thes .xvj.d.” 

245 “ Et in .iiij or . Centenis vitri et get Cynopre. Limatura argenti emptis et provisis pro vitriacione fenestrarum. 
super summitatem Camerarum Canonicorum vocatarum Capyers.” 

248 << i n vadiis Johannis Cosyn et Johannis de Glynton ij vitriariorum operancium ibidem super reparacione 
fenestre Thes. et super capiers pro cameris Canonicorum per xliiij dies mensibus Marcij et Aprilis utrique ipsorum per 
diem ix.d. — Lxvj.s.” 

249 “ Et in una corda empta pro quadam parva campana pendente ad finem capelle .v.d. 

Et in parva cordula empta ad mensurandum claustrum ibidem .iij.d. 

Et in .ij. Citulis emptis pro fonte ibidem .xxx. die Marcij de Johanne Coupere de Colebrok .ij .s. ij.d. 

Et in .iij. tribulis ferratis emptis .xviij.d. 

Et in .vj. ferris pro veteribus tribulis .xv.d. 

Et in uno cribro empto .v.d. 

Et in emendacione .ij. cribrorum pro calce mundanda .vj.d. 

Et in una ulna canevaci empta pro magistro cementario .viij.d.” 

250 “ Idem computat solvisse Athelardo de Brabant, paviario pro factura pavimenti .ij. claustrorum cora.m 

cameris Canonicorum que continent .ix. perticatas et di. de petris Regis ipso Athelardo capienti pro 
qualibet pertica ad tascam iij.s. iij.d. — xxx.s. x.d. ob. 

Et in expensis dicti Athelardi equitantis per .ij. vices de London usque Wyndesore pro dictis negociis .ijs. 
Et Johanni Smyth de Slowe pro factura .viij. barrarum ferri pro claustro lapideo de fferro Regis ponderan- 
tium .C. lb. capienti per lb. j.d. ad tascam .viij.s. iiij.d.” 

251 “ super factura caminorum pro cameris canonicorum.” 

252 “ operancium henges et hookes pro fenestris aule ac super facturam diversorum ferramentorum pro molendinis 
infra dictum Castrum existentibus.” 

253 “ operancium super facturam piparum pro quadam Cisterna in domo pistoris.” 

254 “ emendancium cooperturam aule Regis.” 

255 “ Et pro vadiis Gilberti Pokerich pictoris depictantis vosuram del Tres. per x dies mense Aprilis capientis 

per diem x.d. viij.s. iiij.d. 

Et pro vadiis Thome Rothewell pictoris depictantis ibidem per vij. dies dim. capientis per diem viij.d. v.s. 
Et pro vadiis Clays Colkyrk pictoris ad idem facientis ibidem per dictos dies dim. capientis per diem 
vj.d. iij.s. ix.d. 

Et Petro Rothewell molanti colores pro dicta vosura per idem tempus capienti per diem iiij.d. ij.s. vj.d.” 

256 “ super dealbacione parietum diversarum camerarum ibidem.” 

257 ‘‘ reparancium parietes infra domum pistoris.” 

258 ‘‘ad supervidendos operarios et ad scribendum Jornale.” 

259 The whole of the account is set out in full in the Appendix to this chapter. 

260 Rosin and wax were used by the masons as a cement. 


APPENDIX TO CHAPTER X. 

Pipe Roll, 28 Edward III [1353-4 — 1354-5] (with account from 26th April, 1350, to 6th August, 1351). 

Compotus Ricardi de Rothele supervisoris operacionum Regis in castro Regis de Wyndesore de recepcionibus 
solucionibus et expensis per ipsum factis infra Castrum predictum pro construccione diversarum domorum pro 
collegio Regis ibidem per breve Regis patens datum xxvj° die Aprilis anno xxiiij per quod Rex assignavit predictum 
Ricardum supervisorem operum Regis ibidem et latamos Carpentarios et alios operarios qui pro operacionibus 
predictis necessarii capiendum et providendum ac eciam ramos et alia proficua residua de arboribus pro operacionibus 
predictis provisis vendendum et Regi de denariis inde provenientibus respondendum percipiendum pro vadiis suis per 
diem .xii.d. dum ibi resideat | duos solidos per diem quando alibi circa negocia Regis fuerit intendens | ac tres 
solidos in septimana pro vadiis unius Clerici sui a predicto xxvj° die Aprilis anno .xxiiij to usque vj° diem Augusti 
anno .xxv° . quo die successit in officio predicto Robertus de Barnham qui alias de officio predicto debet computare. 
[ The receipts in various amounts from the treasurer and chamberlains ] 

= Summa totalis Recepta D.xx.li. ii.s. iij.d. ob. 

De quibus 

Idem computat in xvj. tribulis et vangis una cum ferris pro tribulis et ferro pro quadam rota emptis et provisis pro 
opcribus Regis apud Wyndesore a xxvj to die Aprilis anno xxiiij to usque vij. diem Augusti anno xxv to — vi.s. v.d. 
sicut continetur in Rotulo de particulis quem libera vit in thesauro quas computat expendisse in operibus Regis ibidem 
per tempus predictum sicut continetur ibidem. 1 

Et in vj. picois et xvj. pynnes de ferro cum emendacione xj. picois ix.s. ii.d. 

Et in CCj. Ringoltis .CC. et di. Waynscot. di. .C. et .j. quateria de Estrichebordis emptis et provisis etc. 
viij.li. viii.s. ij.d. 

Et in .xiij. lb. de roseo .iiij. lb. picis .j. lb. de eodem et .ij. lb. cere emptis et provisis etc. iiij.s. v.d. ob. 

Et in .iij. securibus .j. grisor et .j. petra emptis pro instrumentis cementariorum ibidem acuendis per tempus 
compoti .ix.s. xj.d. ob. 

Et in xiiij. bolles .ij. tynes .iii. bokettes .iiij. treyes .iiij. cribris .iiij. civeris rotalibus et .j. situla emptis et 
provisis etc. — xvj.s. xj.d. 

Et in una sarra empta pro petris sarrandis pro operibus Regis, etc. — iij.s. iiij.d. 

Et in xix. carectatis petrarum de Reygate emptis et provisis etc. una cum cariagio et batillagio earundem 
tam per terram quam per aquam .xv.li. xiiij .s. ix.d. 

Et in carectatis locatis per diversas vices pro Robus et aqua cariandis una cum cariagio et Batillagio. Bordis. 
et clavis pro operibus Regis, etc. — xxiij. s. j.d. ob. 

Et in m 1 clxvj. soundes et ij. pellibus caninis emptis et provisis pro glu inde faciendis et aliis operibus Regis, 
etc. — xxxiiij.s. j.d. 

Et in .xiij ml DCCCxij. clavis tam spikynges grossis quam aliis minutis clavis et midelspilcynges emptis et 
provisis pro operibus Regis, etc. xxxix.s. x.d. 

1 This or a similar note occurs at the end of each paragraph of these accounts, and it has therefore not been 
deemed necessary to repeat them. 


Appendix of Accounts. 1 69 


Et in .m 1 . CCCC. lathes et xij. millibus lathenail emptis ct provisis, etc. xxiij.s. ix.d. 

Et in .viij. vertivellis et .xij. gumphis emptis et provisis, etc. xij.s. ix.d. 

Et in aceracione et bateracione instrumentorum Cementariorum Regis pro operibus Regis, etc. — xxxvij.s. iij.d. 

Et in iiij or peciis mercmii et vj. tignis emptis pro operibus Regis etc. cum cariagio eorundem — xxxiij.s. ij.d. 

Et in .ij. helves pro picois emptis per tempus predictum vj.d. 

Et in .v. weggis factis de ferro Regis .ij. rastre .v. celtis pro quarrera .ij. sleggis de ferro Regis cum factura unius 
circuli de ferro — vj.s. 

Et .CC. ferri ,iiij or . garbis asceris. quodam ferramento pro fenestra ponderis .ccccxxxj. lb. et aliis diversis 
ferramentis pro fenestris cum vj. crampons de ferro emptis et provisis etc. — ix.li. xix.s. vj.d. 

Et in .Ciij. quateriis calceti emptis et provisis etc. — ciij.s. vij.d. 

Et in xviij. malleys et papiro emptis et provisis tam pro particulis compoti intrandis quam pro operibus Regis 
etc. — xviij [sic] 

Et in xl. circulis .MID. Withes et .ij. vates emptis et provisis tam pro vasis ligneis quam pro scaffald. faciend- 
pro operibus Regis etc. ix.s. ix.d. 

Et in cariagio .D. Talwod .lxxj. clatibus emptis pro scaffald. inde faciendis pro operibus Regis ibidem — xxviij.s. 

Et in stramine .CC. fagettis et ix. carectatis de heth emptis etc. xvij.s. ij.d. 

Et in .j. dolio vacuo empto pro plaster’ paris imponendis ix.d. 

Et in uno calatho et virgis pro hocces inde faciendis. cum Batillagio earundem. Et in uno funo pro meremio 
trahendo empto pro operibus Regis etc. — xij.d. 

Et in uno moncello enplastr paris’ empto pro operibus Regis etc. x.s. 

Et in factura unius Imaginis de sancto Georgio ad ponendum in capella — iiij.s. 

Et in uno clampe ferreo empto pro stallis in Capella Regis ibidem — x.d. 

Et in xvj. quarterns tegularum defr[act]arum emptis etc. — v.s. iij.d. 

Et in vadiis diversorum Cementariorum Carpentariorum sarratorum carectariorum et aliorum operariorum 
operancium ibidem a dicto xxvj° . die Aprilis anno. xxiiij to predicto usque vj° . diem Augusti anno xxv to . — 
CCC^xj.li. iij.d. ob. 

Et Johanni de Sponle capitali Cementariorum Regis existencium ibidem super ordinacionc operum Regis 
cementariorum pro vadiis suis a predicto xxvj° . die Aprilis anno xxiiij to usque .vj. diem Augusti anno xxv'° per 
CCCClxix dies primo die comp. — xxiij.li. ix.s. capienti per diem .xij.d. 

Et in vadiis Willelmi Herland Carpentarii apparilatoris omnium operum carpentariorum existencium et operancium 
ibidem per dictos CCCClxix dies .xv.li. xij.s. viij.d. capienti per diem viij.d. 

Et in vadiis dicti Ricardi de Rothele supervisoris operum Regis ibidem per dictum tempus — xxiij.li. ix.s. 

Et in vadiis ejusdem Ricardi existentis apud London ad querendam solucionem denariorum quam ad vadia 
solvenda apud Beaumys pro operibus Regis apud Wyndesore per .Ixj. diem [sic] infra tempus predictum capientis 
per diem .xij.d. — lxj.s. 

Et in vadiis unius Clerici sui existentis continue apud Wyndesore et alibi ad supervidendos operarios per tempus 
predictum videlicet per .lxvj. Septimanas et .vj. dies capientis per Septimanam .iij.s. — x.li. vj.d. 

Summa omnium Expensarum — Dxxij.li. xvj.s. v.d. 

Et habet superplusagium — liiij.s. j.d. ob. 

Idem respondet compotum de .iij. securibus .j. gresour .j. petra pro instrumentis Cementariorum superamendis 2 
.xiiij. bollis .ij. tynis .iiij. bokettis .iiij. treis .iiij. cribris .iiij. civeris .j. situla .j. sarra pro petris sarrandis MlCCCC 
lathes .xij millibus lathenail .v. wegges de ferro .ij. rastres .vj celtis pro quarera .ij. slegges de ferro .viij. vertivellis 
et .xij. gumphis .CC. ferri .iiij. garbis asceris .vi. crampons de ferro .j. dolio vacuo .j. corda pro meremio trahendo. 
quodam ferramento pro quodam fenestro [sic] ibidem. 

De quibus 

Idem computat expendisse super diversis operacionibus Regis infra Castrum dc Wyndesore .j. grisour .j. petra 
pro Instrumentis cementariorum superamendis 2 .xiiij. Oolles .iiij. treys iiij. cribres .j. situla CCCC lath .xij millia 
lathnaill .ij. wegges .ij. rastres .ij. seltes .j. cord?, [pro] meremio trahendo .iiij. paribus vertivellorum .viij. gumphi 
.CC. ferri .iij. garbe asceris .vj. crampons quoddam ferramentum pro fenestra revestiarii. 

Et computat liberasse Roberto de Bernham supervisori operum predictorum .Ml. lath .c. clav. precij .vij.d. .ij. 
tynes .iiij. bokettes .iiij. civer .j. sarram pro petris sarrandis .iij. wegges de ferro .ij. paria gumphorum .iiij. paria 
vertivellorum .j. sleg. de ferro .j. garbam asceris .j. dolium vacuum de quibus predictus Robertus respondet infra. Et 
in vendicione super compotum .iij. securum precij iij.s. iij. seltes precii . xviij. d. pro quarera .j. slegg de ferro precij 
.ij.s. ij.d. De quibus oneratur supra in Recepta denariorum. 

Et eque 

Robertus de Bernham debet respondere de M 1 lathis .C. clavis precij .vij.d. ij. tynis .iiij. bokettis .iiij. civeris 
.j. sarra pro petris sarrandis .iij. weggis de ferro .ij paria [sic] gumphorum .iiij or . paria [sic] vertivellorum .j. sleg de 
ferro .j. garba asceris .j. dolio vacuo sicut supra continetur. 

[Et respondet inde in compoto suo de operibus predictis alibi in hoc Rotulo Rotulo compoti added.] 

2 Sic for " superacuendis.” 

Pipe Roll, 28 Edward III [1353-4 — 135 4-5] (with accounts from 1st August, 1351, to Michaelmas, 1352 ; from , 
Michaelmas, 1352, to Michaelmas, 1353 ; from Michaelmas, 1353, to Michaelmas, 1354 ; and from Michaelmas, 
1354, to 29th December, 1354). 

Compotus Roberti de Bernham clerici supervisoris operum Regis in Castro de Wyndesore de recepcionibus 
solucionibus et expensis per ipsum factis infra Castrum predictum pro construccione domorum Custodis Collegii Regis 
ibidem videlicet aule camerarum et aliarum domorum ibidem per breve Regis patens datum primo die Augusti anno 
.xxv to . penes ipsum remanens per quod Rex assignavit predictum Robertum supervisorem Operum Regis in Castro 
predicto, et latomos carpentarios et alios operarios qui pro operacionibus predictis necessarii fuerint capiendum et 
providendum ac ramos et alia residua de arboribus pro operacionibus predictis provisis vendendum et Regi de denariis 
inde provenientibus respondendum percipiendum per diem pro vadiis suis .xij.d. dum ibidem resideat. et duos solidos 
per diem quando alibi circa negocia Regis fuerit intendens .ac tres solidos per septimanam pro vadiis Clerici sui a 
primo die Augusti anno ,xxv to . [1351] usque festum Sancti Michaelis. anno .xxvj to . finiente. [1352] et ab eodem festo 
anno predicto [1352] usque festum Sancti Michaelis anno xxvij to finiente [1353] et ab eodem festo Sancti Michaelis 
anno .xxviij to . incipiente [1353] usque idem festum proximum sequens [1354] et ab eodem festo usque .xix. diem 
Decembris. anno .xxix° . incipiente [1354] a quo quidem die predictus Robertus debet inde alias computari. 

[Et computat in Rotulo sequente R° comp, added.] 

Recepta. 

De anno .xxv. pro parte et toto anno xxvj to . 

[In various sums paid out of the Treasury amounting to] 

Summa R^jpte — M 1 xxxvj.li. iij.s. viij.d. Et r. infra. 

Recepta de anno T^vij. 

[In various sums amounting to] 


1 70 


JVindsor Castle , 


Summa Recepte— MiC.xiij.li. iij.s. vij.d. ob. Et Mhxxxvj.li. iij.s. viij.d. de receptis anni xxv‘“. 
et xxvj to . sicut supra continetur. 

Summa comunita— MiJVDCxlix.li. vij.s. iij.d. ob. De quibus. 

Expense de anno xxv to finiente pro parte et anno xxvi to finiente. [1351-52]. 

Idem computat in xxix. peciis grossi meremij ,cv.“ Righoltis MbMi Estrichebordis Dixj. quarteriis de Tahvood 
emptis et provisis pro diversis operibus pro Collegio Regis de Wyndesore de novo faciendo ex ordinacione Regis inter 
vij. diem Augusti anno .xxv. et ultimum diem Septembris anno xxvj. finiente — xxiij. li. ix.s. iiij.d. sicut continetur 
in Rotulo de particulis quern liberatur in thesauro. Que quidem meremium Righoltis Estrichebord computat integre 
expjndisse in domibus cameris hostiis fenestris et aliis faciendis ibidem. Et in uno bosco in grosso empto apud Cagham 
pro operibus Regis ibidem et apud Westmonasterium per ordinacionem Thesaurarii — lxvj.li. xiij.s. iiij.d. De quo 
quidem bosco r. infra. Et in CCxliii. carectatis petrarum de Reigate emptis et provisis pro operibus Regis ibidem 
infra tempus predictum — xxvj.li. x.s. Quas computat integre expendisse in operibus Regis ibidem per tempus pre- 
dictum. Et in una petra marmorea empta pro altari in revestria ibidem faciendo — liij.s. iiij.d. Quam computat 
ibidem posuisse pro altari ididem construendo et perficiendo. Et computat in diversis ferramentis tarn emptis in 
diversis locis quam de ferro Regis factis tarn pro fenestris Capelle aule Camerarum quam pro aliis ponderis — cccx. lb. 
liij.M 1 CC. clavorum emptis pro operibus Regis ibidem .xvj. seruris cum clavibus, aceracione Instrumentorum 
Cementariorum picois emcndacione et elargacione barrorum de ferro .Clx. groisours emptis et provisis pro operibus 
Regis ibidem faciendis infra tempus predictum — xxj.li. xix.d. ob. Que omnia computat ibidem integre expendisse 
super operibus predictis. Et in .D. lb. ferri .vj. garbis ascere emptis pro diversis operibus Regis ibidem faciendis et 
Instrumentis Cementariorum emendandis et ascerandis infra tempus predictum .xxviij.s. vj.d. Et in vj. picois emptis 
pro muris ibidem prostruendis et fundamenta parietum radicandis et aliis operibus Regis ibidem faciendis — ix.s. Et 
computat in .j. martello cum lamine empto pro orlogio ibidem faciendo et imponendo et Wyr pro predicto orlogio — 
Iv.s. Quam computat imposuisse in orlogio predicto. Et in xliij. tribulis .xviij. bollis ij. scopis .ij. tynis .vj. bokettis 
xij. ladelles et xvij. civeris rotalibus emptis pro morterio petris ac aqua ad Cementarios cariandis .xxxv.s. x.d. Et 
in cratis vvithis et virgulis ac circulis pro emendacione vasorum emptis pro scaffoldis faciendis ad cementarios — 
lxvj.s. vij.d. Et in Cl. soundes piscium emptis pro glu inde faciendo pro bordis conjungendis — v.s. ix.d. Que 
computat expendenda super facturam diversorum hostiorum ct fenestrarum ibidem. Et in ij. cabulis et ix. cordulis 
emptis pro operibus Regis ibidem— xxij.s. v.d. Et in papiro ^lergameno emptis pro particulis in eisdem scribendis — 
iij.s. Et in .xi.Mi.D. tegulis pro coopertura domorum .xx ml . de pavyngtil pro pavimento domus capituli. et in 
M'MiMi lathis cum viij. millibus tilpyn emptis pro emendacione domorum ibidem .xj.li. iij.s. iiij.d. Que omnia 

computat integre expendisse in operibus Regis predictis ibidem. Et in xvij. carratis et iiij Wageris plumbi. Cxxviij. lb. 
stagni emptis pro coopertura domorum Custodis Collegij — jijj.ij.li. v.s. ij.d. Et in xxxij. mouncellis Plaustre de Paris 

emptis pro reparacione domorum Custodis Collegij ibidem — xiiij.li. viij.s. vj.d. Et computat predictam 

plaustram integre expendisse tarn super caminis ibidem faciendis quam super parietibus domorum 
predicti Custodis. Et in .xxij. doliis emptis pro plaustra predicta imponenda xxij.s. Et in xliij. 

centenis .xj. ponderibus vitri diversorum colorum emptis pro vitriacione fenestrarum Capelle Regis ibidem. 
Centena continente .xxiiij. pondera et quolibet pondus continens v. lb. — ■jlS.li. xiiij.d. Et computat predictum 
vitrum expendisse super vitriacione dictarum fenestrarum predicte capelle ibidem. Et in .viij. lb. candelarum 
Paris emptis pro operariis operantibus super operacionibus cujusdam orlogii ibidem .xvij.d. Et in cervisia 
pro mensis vitriarorum lavandis et dealbandis limatura argenti gumme arabikes et get emptis pro pictura vitri pro 
dictis fenestris vitriandis — xliij .s. iij.d. Que omnia computat expendisse super depictacione vitri pro fenestris 
dicte Capelle. Et in .ij. pullinis eneis et .ij. bolsters eneis emptis pro orlogio ibidem — xv.s. Quos 

computat posuisse super operibus ejusdem orlogii. Et in una grossa patella ferri empta pro plumbo calido 

fundendo .j. skymour .j. ladel pro plumbo calido mundando xxiij .s. Et in cxvi. quarteriis calceti emptis 

pro morterio inde faciendis — lxxij.s. Et in .j. stipide empta pro fabrica ibidem — -iiij .s. iiij.d. Et in portagio 
cariagio. cariagio [sic] Batillagio maeremij petrarum ac aliarum diversarum rerum superius emptis de diversis 
locis ubi emebantur tarn per terrain quam per aquam usque dictum Castrum per tempus predictum — xlix.li. 
vi.d. Et in vadiis diversorum Cementariorum Carpentariorum vitriariorum et aliorum operariorum ibidem 
operancium inter predictum vij. diem Augusti dicto anno ,xxv to . usque festum sancti Michaelis anno xxvj to 
finiente Dlxviij.li. xvij.s. vij.d. ob. Et in diversis operibus ibidem ad tascam per ordinacionem 

Thesaur(arii) videlicet jactacione fundacione et posicione .ij. fothres et xxj. clavarum plumbi [carpentria cooperture 
domus Custodis Collegj jactacione et posicione xiiij carratarum plumbi written over ] pro coopertura dicte domus 
dealbacione parietum domorum Custodis Collegii et domus capituli carpentria de fflor camerarum Custodis Collegij 
ibidem, celure domus capituli. Carpentria tecti capelle de meremio Regis, posicione de pavyngtyl in fundamento 
novi capituli. factura .vj. picoys no vis [sic] ponderis .c. lb. cum emendacione ,xv. aliorum pycoys factura .iiij or . 
gumphorum .iij. staples .iiij or ferris tribulorum. ^xviij.li. viij.s. [xj.d. written over]. Et Johanni Sponle Capituli 
Cementarii Regis existentis ibidem super ordinacione operum Regis Cementariorum pro vadiis suis a .vij. die Augusti 
anno ,xxv to . usque ultimum diem Septembris anno xxvj. finiente per CCCC.XIX. dies — xx.li. xix.s. capient. per diem 
.xij.d. Ricardo de Snoryng fabro Regis existenti ibidem pro diversis ferramentis ibidem faciendis a iiij to . die Februarii. 
anno .xxvj to . usque ultimum diem Septembris proximum sequentem per CC. XXXIX dies — xj.li. xix.s. per breve Regis 
de privato sigillo datum .iiij to die Februarii anno xxvj to . sicut plenius continetur infra, in line compoti anni xxvij mi . Et in 
vadiis Roberti de Bernham Clerici et supervisoris operum Regis ibidem a primo die Augusti anno .xxv. usque ultimum 
diem Septembris anno ,xxvj to . finiente. per .CCCCxxvj. dies. — xxj.li. vj.s. capientis per diem .xij.d. Et in vadiis 
dicti Roberti tam apud London quam alibi ad querendas soluciones denariorum et ad vadia solvenda per lxiij dies 
infra tempus predictum — lxiij. s. capientis per diem .xij.d. sicut supra continetur in titulo hujus computi. Et in vadiis 
Clerici sui existentis continue apud Wyndesore et alibi ad supervidendos operarios per tempus predictum — ix.li. iij.s. 
capientis per septimanam iij.s. sicut supra continetur in titulo hujus computi et in Rotulo de particulis. 

Summa expense hujus anni — MiCxxxj.li. v.s. 

Expense de anno xxvij. [1352-53]. 

Idem computat in .xij. peciis meremij. cum .xxxviij. bordis de olmo emptis et provisis pro diversis operibus 
Regis pro Collegio Regis de Wyndesore de novo faciendo ex ordinacione Regis inter festum sancti Michaelis anno xxvjo. 
finiente. et idem festum proximum sequens anno .xxvijo. finiente — lxxiij.s. viij.d. sicut continetur in Rotulo de 
particulis quern liberavit in thesaur. Que quidem meremium borda computat integre expendisse in domibus cameris 
et fenestris et aliis faciendis ibidem. Et in Cxx. carectatis petrarum de Reygate .C. petris vocatis Corbellis .Dl. 
pedibus petrarum de paas emptis et provisis pro operibus Regis ibidem faciendis infra tempus predictum — 
xvj.li. xix.s. vij.d. Quas computat integre expendisse in operibfts Regis ibidem per tempus predictum. Et in xlix. 
carratis plumbi C. x v x vj.li. soldure .j. patella pro soldura vitri et vj. lb. cepi emptis et provisis pro coopertura domorum 
Custodis collegij ibidem— CCxlij.li. xij.d. Et in .j. barello picis empto pro operibus Regis ibidem et expend, ibidem 
pro dictis operibus. Et in cratibus et Wythes ac circulis pro emendacione vasorum una cum tinis et circulis et .ij. 
acris terre pro operibus Regis superfaciendis et scaffald, faciendis ad Cementarios — xix.s. viij.d. Et in M*. lb. ferri 
.xij. garbis ascere lachis et annulis pro ostiis, gemettis, serruris cum clavibus .xxxviij. cavillis tam pro capella quam 
cameris Custodis collegij. emendacione tribulorum. bollis, factura cujusdam grossi instrumenti vocati Sleg. [Et in] 
asceracione et Bateracione instrumentorum Cementariorum emendacione de picoyses et emendacione vasorum 
ligneorum — vi.li. .xiij.s. iij.d. Et in .iij mi11 - CCCCxxvi. de estrichebordis righoltis Waynscotbordis et aliis emptis et 


Appendix of Accounts. 


1 7 1 


provisis pro operibus ibidem— xxix.li. xiiij.s. x.d. Que quidem borda computat iategre expendisse in ostiis ffenestris 
celula [sic] camerarum et aliis ibidem faciendis per tempus predictum. Et .CCxix. millibus DCC. clavis tarn latneil. 
quam aliorum .xxvj. millibus lathis emptis et provisis pro operibus ibidem per tempus predictum — xxv.li. xvj.s. vij.d. 
Que omnia computat integre expendisse in operibus ibidem per tempus predictum. Et in .xx. doliis vacuis emptis 
pro enplastra de pans imponenda infra tempus predictum— xxvj. s. viij.d. Et in xx. Mouncellis enplastre de parys 
emptis et provisis pro operibus Regis ibidem faciendis infra tempus predictum — vj.li. xv.s. viij.d. et computat 
predictam enplastram integre expendisse tam super caminis ibidem faciendis quam super parietibus domorum 
Custodis Collegij ibidem. Et in ij. bolsters eneis emptis pro orlogio ibidem .v.s. Et in lj. cathenis et lj.bus 
[duobus] cavillis ferri emptis et provisis pro operibus Regis ibidem faciendis infra tempus predictum— x.s. 
x.d. Et in emendacione .xlii. barrarum curtarum et x. longarum tam de ferro Regis quam de empto provisis 
pro operibus Regis ibidem infra tempus predictum— liij.s. x.d. Et in ij. grossis petris videlicet grynstones 
emptis pro instrumentis cementariorum et carpentariorum acuendis per tempus prtdictum — xxiiij.s. Et in 

v. civeris rotalibus emptis et provisis tam pro officio Cementariorum quam aliorum per tempus predictum — 
iiij.s. ij.d. Et in una vane de cupro picta de armis Regis empta ad ponendum super summitatem aulc 

Collegij Regis ibidem — xiiij.s. Et in CCCC soundes piscium emptis pro glu inde faciendo tam pro officio 

Cementariorum quam Carpentariorum infra tempus predictum— xj.s. Et in .xxxiij. millibus et .c. tegulis et 

xviij. millibus de tilpynnis emptis provisis etexpenditis pro coopertura domorum Custodis Collegij ibidem infra tempus 
predictum — vij.li. iij.s. j.d. Et in viij. pellibus pergameni emptis pro particulis computi intrandis infra tempus 
predictum — ij.s. Et in cariagio plumbi clavorum lath, petrarum de Reygate batillagio. lodinagio. meremii bordarum 
et aliarum rerum diversarum tam per terram quam per aquam de locis ubi emebantur. usque castrum prcdictum infra 
tempus predictum — Ivj.li. xij.s. x.d. Et in iij. lb. de Rosyn emptis pro Cementariis pro operibus ibidem infra tempus 

predictum — -v.s. Et in .v. soudours .vj. foundors limatura argenti cervisia pro mensis vitriariorum lavandis .xij. lb. 

de geet pro pictura Ml. Mi. .C. vitri albi et xxv. groysours emptis et provisis pro operibus Regis ibidem — xvj.li. xiiij.s. 
Que omnia computat integre expendisse super operibus Regis ibidem infra tempus predictum. Et in diversis operibus 
Regis ibidem faciendis ad tascam per ordinacionem Thesaurarii videlicet fundacione jactacione et posicione .xx. 
carratarum plumbi super tectura Capelle Regis ibidem — vi.li. Et Simoni Hurle Johanni Glymesforde et Johanni 
Dunstaple Carpentariis pro carpentria .xxiij. camerarum de meremio Regis pro Canonicis Collegii Capelle Regis ibidem 
per convencionem secum factam per Thesaurario — cvij.li. vj.s. viij.d. Et in vadiis diversorum cementariorum 
Carpentariorum vitriariorum et aliorum operariorum operancium ibidem inter predictum festum Sancti Michaelis 
anno ,xxvi t0 . finiente et idem festum proximum sequens — CCCC**.viij.li. xiij.s. x.d. Et Johanni Sponle Capituli 
Cementarii Regis existenti ibidem super ordinacionem operum Regis Cementariorum per ordinacionem Regis 
pro vadiis suis a prim> die Occobris anno xxvj to . finiente. usque ultimum diem Septembris anno xxvij° 
finiente utroque die computato per unum annum integrum — xviij.li. v.s. capienti per diem .xij.d. Ec in 
vadiis Ricardi Snoryng ffabri Regis existentis ibidem per idem tempus facientis diversa opera Regis ibidem — 
xviij.li. v.s. capientis per diem .xij.d. Et eidem Ricardo pro Roba sua sibi concessa per breve Regis de privato 
sigillo datum .iiij to . die Februarij anno .xxvj to . in quo continetur quod Rex concessit predicto Ricardo xij.d. per diem 
et unam robam per annum percipiendam per manus Custodis operum Regis infra Castrum de Wyndesore qui pro 
tempore fuerit quousque predictus Ricardus super operaciones Regis ibidem moram fecerit per quod Rex mandavit 
Custodi predicto quod de tempore in tempus predicto Ricardo solucionem habere fecerit a vij° die Augusti anno ,xxv to . 
usque festum Sancti Michaelis anno xxvij° finiente per duos annos — xxvj.s. viij.d. Et Roberto de Bernham clerico 
et supervisori operum Regis predictorum pro vadiis suis per dictum tempus — xviij.li. v.s. percipienti per diem .xii.d. 
sicut continetur in titulo hujus computi. Et eidem Roberto pro consimilibus vadiis suis tam apud London ad 
querendam solucionem operariorum et emenda diversa necessaria pro dictis operibus quam apud Cagham ad solvenda 
vadia diversorum operariorum ibidem operancium infra tempus predictum per lxxvj. dies — .lxxvj.s. capienti per 
diem .xij.d. sicut supra continetur in titulo hujus computi et in rotulo de particulis. Et in vadiis Clerici sui 
existentis continue apud Wyndesore et alibi ad supervidendos operarios per supradictum tempus. vij.li. xvj.s. 
percipientis per septimanam .iij.s. sicut supra continetur in titulo hujus compoti et in rotulo de particulis. 

Summa totalis expense istius anni — M 1 jjy viij.li. xv.d. 

Summa totalis expense annorum xxv.xxvij. et pro parte anni xxvj conjuncta. MiM>CCxix. li. vj.s. iij.d. 

Et habet superplusagium lxix.li. xviij. s. xj.d. ob. Qui allocatur ei in dorso Rotuli. 

Recepta de anno xxviiio. [1353-54]. 

[In various sums from the treasurer and chamberlains amounting fo] 

M 1 CCCCxl.li. xix.s. xj.d. 

Recepta forinseca : 

Idem r. computat de .iiij.s. receptis de ramis venditis provenientibus de x. quercubus superius emptis. Et de 
.x.li. xviij. d. receptis de ramis et cortice. M 1 quercuum de exitibus bosci de Cagham. Et de c.s. receptis de ramis et 
cortice. DC quercuum provenientibus de exitibus bosci predicti. Et de vj.li. iij.s. iiij.d. receptis de vij m,n . cccc. 
fagettis provenientibus de ramis ejusdem bosci. Et de .xxx.s. receptis de DC. tailshid venditis de exitibus ejusdem 
bosci. Et de .iiij.li. viij.s. ij.d. de ramis et cortice Dxxix quercuum de exitibus dicti bosci de Cagham. Et de 
.lxxj.li. j.d. ob. qa receptis de .xx Millibus . 1 . talshid venditis apud London, provenientibus de exitibus ejusdem bosci. 
Et de .xlv.s. receptis de M1M1D. talshid provenientibus de exitibus ejusdem bosci. Et de xxxiij. li. v.s. vij.d. 
ob. receptis de xvij Mill. DCC. 1 . fagottis venditis apud London, provenientibus de exitibus ejusdem bosci. Et de 
.xvij.s. receptis de coperonis bosci predicti. Et de .xx.s. receptis de xl. quarterns carbonis provenientibus de exitibus 
dicti bosci. 

Summa — Cxxxv.li. xiiij.s. ix.d. 

Summa totalis Recepte istius anni M'Dlxx vj.li. xiiij.s. viij.d. 

De quibus. 

Idem computat in cccclxj. carectis petre de Reygate x. peciis petrarum de Whetenhale .CC. asshelers et aliis 
petris de Egremont et Flynt’ emptis et provisis pro operibus Regis faciendis infra tempus predictum .1 j .li. x.s. xj.d. 
sicut continetur in Rotulis de particulis quos liberavit in thesauria. Quas computat integre expendisse in operibus 
Regij ibidem per tempus compoti. Et in cariagio batillagio et frectagio dictarum petrarum de locis ubi emebantur 
t im per terram quam per aquam usque Wyndesore xxxiiij.li. x.s. iiij.d. Et in xxxij. Millibus de Spikynges 
"Hij • vj - Millibus de traversis et ^ millibus de Spriges. D. millibus de lednail .D. millibus de bordnail .xxx. millibus 
de Rofnail .x. millibus de lathnail. DC clavibui albis pro dikes et anulis xix.li. xix.s. iiij.d. emptis et provisis pro 
operibus Regis ibidem infra tempus predictum. Quas computat expendisse in operibus Regis ibidem per tempus 
prediccum. In cariagio batillagio et frectagio shutarum cum plastra paris. cum cariagio vitri et portagio de London, 
usque Wyndesore infra tempus predictum pro operibus Regis ibidem faciendis xxiij .s. viij.d. Et in .j. lathe emptis 
pro bordis injungendis pro operibus Regis ibidem viij.s. Et in xiij. carectatis straminis emptis et provisis pro 
operibus Regis ibidem faciendis per tempus predictum xiij.s. vj.d. Quas carectatas computat integre expendisse 
in operibus Regis ibidem per tempus predictum. Et in .iij. tinis cum emendacione veterum tinarum et circulis 
emptis pro emendacione vasorum ligneorum pro operibus Regis ibidem faciendis per tempus predictum v.s. iiij.d. 
Et in xxxv. serruris . 1 . Clikettis cum clavibus et clikettis emptis et provisis pro diversis ostiis tam Camerarum 
Cmonicorum ibidem quam aliorum [sic] domorum ibidem infra tempus predictum .vj.li. vj.s. ij.d. Et in .xxix. 


IJ2 


IV indsor Castle 


Mill. DCC. lathis emptis et provisis pro operibus Regis ibidem faciendis infra tempus predictum vj.li. ij.s. Et in 
lxxiiij. mill, de Tylpynnes emptis et provisis pro operibus Regis ibidem faciendis infra dictum tempus.— xvij.s. 
xj.d. ob. Et in portagio clavorum batillagio cariagio tegularum ferri anulorum Clikett. pro laches et aliorum 
emptorum pro operibus Regis ibidem infra tempus predictum — iiij.li. v.s. vij.d. Et in .lxx. carratis plumbi emptis 
et provisis pro operibus etc. tarn pro coopertura Camerarum quam batill[amentis] Camerarum infra tempus predictum 
— CCCl.li. Et in lodinanngio pontis London, trahendo portagio ponderis levacione conduccione shutarum dicti 

plumbi tam per terram quam per aquam de London usque Wyndesore. .lxxix.s. vj.d. Et in ,xx. tribulis emptis 
pro operibus etc. ij.s. vj.d. Et in uno stipite empta pro fabrica fabri pro operibus etc. — xxiij.s. vj.d. Et in una 
tabula empta et provisa pro operibus etc. ponderis .CC. lb. xxij.s. vj.d. Et in .ij. loderopes et .j. corda pro campana 
emptis et provisis etc. vj.s. Et expenditis per tempus etc. Et in .ij. polyns de eneo pro quadam vern empta et 
provisa etc. iiij.s. ix.d. Et in .j. quarterio .iiij. bus. salis emptis et provisis pro caminis Canonicorum fricandis ibidem 
infra tempus predictum x.s. Et expend, ibid, in dictis caminis sicut etc. Et in xij. garbis ascere et in Mill. lb. 
ferri emptis et provisis tam pro Instrumentis Cementariorum quam pro aliis necessariis inde faciendis pro operibus 
etc. lxviij.s. Et in ,iiij or strakis ferri cum clavis emptis pro rotis carectarum emendis et ferrandis pro operibus etc. 
vj.s. Et in .xxiiij. anulis stannatis et C. laches emptis et provisis pro ostiis canonicorum ibidem infra tempus 
predictum — xliiij.s. vj.d. Et computat in ostiis predictis positis et attach. Et in ij. cribris emptis pro operibus 

Regis ibidem .vj.d. Et in una campana empta et provisa pro labore operum Regis ibidem ponderis .1. lb. — xiiij.s. 
Et in ij. Wegges pro quarrera emptis et provisis , emptis — xij.d. Et in .iiij. doliis vacuis emptis et provisis 
pro plastra paris. impondenda pro operibus Regis ibidem — viij.s. Et in ij. molariis emptis pro molendino 
Canonicorum Collegij ibidem infra tempus predictum C.s. Et in .CCiij. peciis meremij emptis et provisis pro 
diversis operibus etc. lxv.s. viij.d. Quod quidem meremium computat integre expendisse in domibus ostiis et aliis 
ibidem faciendis sicut etc. Et in CV quercubus emptis et provisis etc. ix.li. xiij.s. vj.d. Quas computat etc. De 
quibus etc. Et in iij™' 11 - de Estrebordis .CC de Righoltis et M 1 de Waynscotis emptis et provisis etc. xl.li. xiij.s. iiij.d. 
Quas computat integre expendisse in ostiis fenestris zeluris et batill[amentis] Camerarum Canonicorum Collegij predicti 
etc. Et in cariagio portagio batillagio frectagio dictorum bordorum ferri tam per terram quam per aquam usque 
Wyndesore asceracione bateracione Instrumentorum Cementariorum emendacione de picoys factura ,xv. crampouns 
.ij. hokes .xlviij. barrarum ponderis .CC. lb. de ferro Regis pro operibus Regis ibidem — iiij.li. ix.s. iij.d. De quibus 
barris r. infra. Et in cariagio meremii tam de Kyngeston quam de Cagham et alibi usque Wyndesore tam per 
terram quam per aquam pro operibus etc. xxxviij.li. xvij.d. Et in .ij. rotis pro carra .xij. civeris rotalibus. osiers et 
.iiij 01, clutis pro carra emptis etc. xv.s. iiij.d. Et in .ij. lb. de vemis .xxx. lb. de Rosyn ,xx. lb. cere .x. ulnis canevac’ 
emptis et provisis pro officio Cementariorum videlicet. Cyment inde faciend. pro operibus etc. xx.s. v.d. Et in 
MiMlMH Wythes et lx. cratibus emptis et provisis pro scaff’ inde faciendis pro operibus etc. xxvj.s. vj.d. Et in 
iiij-X- mill. Del. tegulis emptis et provisis tam pro coopertura domorum quam pavimentis inde faciendis et aliis 
operibus Regis etc. xvij.li. x.s. .iiij.d. etc. Et in CCC. talschid emptis et provisis pro calceto cremando per diversas 
vices pro operibus Regis etc. xv.s. Et in diversis operibus Regis ibidem factis ad tascam per ordinacionem Thesaurarii 
videlicet fundacione jactacione et posicione ■jjlj.x. carrat. plumbi pro tectura camerarum canonicorum ibidem .iij.Mi.C. 
lath, de meremio Regis factura .xxiij. parium vertivellorum cum gumphis de ferro Regis per empeionem lathacione 
parietum Camerarum Canonicorum cum lathes Regis depictacione meremii Camerarum Canonicorum depictacione 
.xv .Imaginum depictand. daubacione parietum Camerarum Canonicorum mundacione lavacione .v. carrat. v. Wag. et 
.j. clavi plumbi provenientibus de cineribus plumbi et pro factura .xxiiij, barrearum curtarum et xij. longarum pro 
fenestris Camerarum Canonicorum et le Treserie de ferro Regis, et factura ,*-■• xiij pikes de ferro Regis pro caminis 
camerarum Canonicorum ibidem .lxxv.li. xxj.d. ob. De quibus barreis et pikis respondet infra. Et in vadiis 
diversorum Carpentariorum. Cementariorum. sarratorum carectarum cariancium petras boscum pro clibano et aliis 
pro operibus Regis ibidem factis et aliorum operariorum operancium ibidem a festo sancti Michaelis anno xxvijo 
finiente usque idem festum anno .xxviij 0 finiente .DCxliiij.li. x.s. ob. Et Johanni de Sponle capitali Cementario 
Regis existenti ibidem super ordinacione operum Regis Cementariorum pro vadiis suis a festo Michaelis anno xxvijo 
finiente usque idem festum anno .xxviijo. finiente per .CCClxv dies — xviij.li. v.s. capienti per diem .xij.d. Et Ricardo 
de Snorynge ffabro Regis existenti ibidem pro diversis ferramentis ibidem factis pro vadiis suis per predictum tempus 
videlicet .CCClxv dies — -xviij.li. v.s. capienti per diem .xij.d. per breve Regis de privato sigillo. datum iiij° die 
Februarij anno xxvjo. sicut plenius continetur in fine compoti anno .xxvij°. Eidem Ricardo pro roba sua per annum 
per breve predictum — xiij.s. iiij.d. Johanni Alkeshull Provisori operum Regis existenti super diversis providenciis 
factis pro operibus Regis ibidem factis et exped. [sic] per dictum tempus — ix.li. ij.s. vj.d. capienti per diem vj.d. Et 
Roberto de Bernham clerico et supervisori operum Regis ibidem pro vadiis suis per dictum tempus — xviij.li. v.s. 
capienti per diem .xij.d. Et eidem Roberto existenti tam apud London, ad querendam solucionem operariorum quam 
super diversis empeionibus ibidem factis pro predictis operibus ac apud Cagham ad solvenda vadia operariorum 
ibidem pro vadiis suis per vj ■ dies infra tempus predictum — iiij.li. vj.s. ultra vadia sua predicta. Et pro vadiis unius 
clerici sui existentis continue apud Wyndesore et alibi ad supervidendos operarios et ad scribendum Jornale de dictis 
operariis per predictum tempus videlicet .CCClxv. dies .vij.li. xvj.s. capientis per septimanam iii.s. 

Summa totalis Expense istius anni MCCCC vij.li. x.s. v.d. ob. 

Et debet clxix.li. ix.s. ij.d. ob. 

Et respondet infra post finem compoti de quarterio anno xxixo. 

[He also accounts for receipt from the treasurer and chamberlains of various sums between nth October and 2.0th November 
amounting to ] 

Summa CCCxliij.li. xv.s. v.d. Et respondet in dorso rotuli. 

In dorso : 

Recepta forinseca. 

Idem computat de lxxv.s. receptis de MMMi talshid provenientibus de C. quercubus emptis de Johanne de 
Bokhurst. Et de xlvj.s. vj.d. receptis de MlMUVDC ffagotis provenientibus de exitibus predictorum C. quercuum 
venditis. Et de .xx.li. v.s. vij.d. ob. receptis de .xvj.Mbcc.xxv talshid venditis provenientibus de exitibus bosci 
de Cagham. Et de Cvij.s. vij.d. ob. receptis de vijMlCiij. quart, fagott. venditis provenientibus de exitibus ejusdem 
bosci de Cagham. 

Summa .xxxj.li. xiiij.s. ix.d. 

Summa totalis Recepte — CCClxxv.li. x.s. ij.d. 

De quibus 

Idem computat in .x.m 1 . de Rofnail ,xx ml . traversnail .xx.Ml. spryges .cc. de lednail. et cc. grossis clavis emptis et 
provisis pro operibus Regis apud Wyndesore tam pro collegio Regis ibidem quam pro aliis operibus Castri a festo sancti 
Michaelis anno xxixo. incipiente usque xxix diem Decembris proximum sequens — lxiiij.s. Et in CCC cariatis 
petrarum de Rag pro pavimento faciendo et aliis operibus Regis et lxij. carectatis petrarum de Reygate emptis et 
provisis pro operibus etc. xxj.li. xij.d. Et in stramine empto pro parietibus Capelle ibidem plastrandis viij.s. Et 
in .xiij. millibus de lathis emptis et provisis pro operibus Regis ibidem per tempus predictum una cum cariagio et 
batillagio de diversis locis ad diversa loca — lxxi.s. v.d. Et in .DC. Wythes et MJCC osiers pro scaff. et hottes inde 
faciendis pro operibus etc. iij.s. ix.d. Et in asceracione bateracione Instrumentorum Cementariorum per tempus 
predictum — ix.s. ix.d. Et in xiiij. millibus DC. tegulis .C. uptil et .iiij. quarteriis et MIMf de tilpynnis emptis et 
provisis etc. lix.s. Et in .iij. ulnis panni radiati emptis pro compotorio cooperiendo — v.s. Et in .C. quercubus et 


Appendix of Accounts. 17 3 


una pecia meremii emptis pro aula ct cameris in. furri ibidem et pro cog wheles ad molendinum — vij.li. ij.s. viij.d. 
Et in una cabula empta pro orlogio in Magna furri — xxv.s. iij.d. Et in cariagio. CClx. carectat. meremij de Cagham 
usque Wyndesore pro operibus etc.— xiij.li. iij.s. xj.d. Et in xx. mouncellis plastr paris emptis pro operibus ibidem 
per tempus predictum una cum batillagio ejusdem de London usque Wyndesore — ix.li. x.s. Et in .iiij. clutris et 
axstre emptis pro le Wayn pro cariagio grossi meremii .xxj.d. ob. Et in vadiis diversorum carpentariorum 
cementariorum sarratorum carectarum cariancium petras boscum pro clibano et aliorum opcrariorum operancium 
ibidem etc.— -Cxlij.li. x.s. q». Et in factura ij. fumorum factorum in pistrina et in collegio de petra et calceti Regis 
et in fundacione jactacionc et posicionc .vj. carectat. plumbi super tccturam domus Thes per ccrtam convencionem 
ad tascam — viij.li. ix.s. iiij .d . Et Johanni de Sponlc capituli ccmentario Regis cxistcnti super ordinacione ope rum 
Regis ibidem cementariorum pro vadiis suis a festo sancti Michaelis anno .xxixo incipicnte. usque .xix. diem Decembris 
proximum sequentem anno eodem per jjjj.xj. dies utroque die computato. capienti per diem .xijd. iiij.li. xj.s. Et 
Magistro Rogero de Snoryng ffabro Regis pro vadiis suis per idem tempus capienti ut supra— iiij.li. xj.s. lit Johanni 
Ankeshall provisori Regis existenti ibidem super diversis providenciis ibidem factis per predictum tempus. ipso 
Johanni capienti per diem .vj.d. — xlv.s. vj.d. Et Johanni Lyndes Carpentario operanti ibidem super factura unius 
lettron pro capella per dictum tempus. capienti per septimanam .iij.s. iiij.d. videlicet, per .xiij. septimanas — 
xliij.s. iiij.d. Et Petro Gaunt Carpentario operanti ibidem super ordinacione cujusdam Molendini equini pro collegio 
in Castro ibidem a x». die Novembris usque .xxij. diem Decembris proximum sequentum per sex septimanas capienti 
per septimanam .iiij .s . — xxiiij.s. Et Johanni de Dunstaple. carpentario existenti ibidem per xxxij. dies inter x. diem 
Novembris et xxv diem Decembris capienti per diem .vj.d. — xvj.s. Et Johanni de Cerde Cementario operanti ibidem